UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
AT  LOS  ANGELES 


ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 
President  United  States  of  America. 


THE  I'NION  (  AISK 


IN 


ST    LOl  IS    IN    1861 


AN    HISTORICAL    SKETCH 


BY 

ROBERT  J.  ROMBAUER 


ST.  Louis  MUNICIPAL  CENTENNIAL  YEAR 
1909 


COPYRIGHT,  1909, 


MY 


ROBERT  J.  ROMBAUER 


Press  of 

Nixon-Jones  Prtg.  Co. 
St.  Louis 


ff 


if 

* 

* 


57 


PREFACE. 

The  object  of  these  lines  is  to  give  a  comprehensive  History  of  the 
St.  Louis  Union  movement  of  1861,  and  of  the  general  conditions  in 
the  State  of  Missouri  and  the  Union,  which  reacted  upon  local  events. 
While  the  statements  of  details  will  be  restricted  to  the  spring  and 
summer  months  of  1861,  even  their  remote  causes  will  be  sought. 
This  seems  to  be  all  the  more  necessary,  because  in  a  community  of 
freemen,  where  every  one  does  his  own  thinking,  and  acts  upon  his 
own  feelings,  the  disposition  of  the  masses  makes  History,  whose  way 
stations  only  are  signalized  by  the  names  of  the  leaders. 

When  two  antagonistic  momentous  issues  arise  in  a  nation,  only 
the  one  which  is  conducive  to  the  welfare  of  the  entire  country 
deserves  success,  notwithstanding  that  persons  who  stake  their  lives 
upon  these  issues,  are  honestly  convinced  of  the  righteousness  of 
their  cause.  Besides  this,  it  may  be  considered  as  an  uncontroverti- 
ble  axiom,  that  no  party  should  ever  rush  into  a  hostile  conflict,  in 
which  inherent  conditions  of  power  entail  its  inevitable  defeat.  Thus 
it  is  that  through  the  study  of  History,  we  may  be  enabled  judi- 
ciously to  shape  our  actions,  in  order  to  meet  present  exigencies  and 
forestall  individual  and  national  disasters.  Our  era  may  properly 
be  designated  as  the  epoch  of  the  assertion  of  human  rights,  as  divi- 
sions in  History  have  generally  been  made  by  the  leading  and  origi- 
nating cause<  and  resulting  events.  Thus  the  patriarchal  sway  of 
Abraham  established  the  rule  of  experienced  age;  the  monotheism 
and  theocracy  of  Moses,  the  priest  rule  in  Palestine;  on  the  Dualism 
and  utilitarian  tendency  of  Zoroaster  rose  the  Persian  realm:  the 
beautiful  naturalism  of  Greece  culminated  in  a  Periclean  age;  the 
stern'  realism  of  Rome  paved  the  way  to  a  world's  empire;  the  divine 
doctrine  of  love  laid  the  foundation  to  modern  civilization ;  Moham- 
ed's  consequential  fatalism  broke  rotten  empires;  a  second  edition 
of  priest  rule  under  Gregor  VII.  bent  the  knee  of  the  feudal  knight 
and  curbed  the  passions  of  Kings;  the  reformation  of  Luther  and 
his  coevals  freed  the  conscience  of  men  and  the  radical  philosophy 
of  the  Eighteenth  Century  established  rationalism  while  the  war  of 
Independence,  the  French  revolution,  the  popular  upheaval  of  1848, 
vindicated  national  independence  and  natural  rights  and  by  the  aid 

iii 

192502 


iv  J're  face. 

Hi  the  t're.-  pros  of  the  nineteenth  century,  liberated  downtrodden 
humanity  from  privileged  oppression,  which  the  cohesive  power  of 
plunder,  had  legally  saddled  upon  it.  All  these  past  epochs  only 
confirm  the  lesson,  that  then-  is  no  lasting  greatness  without  truth 
and  no  lasting  happiness  without  morality.  It  is  the  'object  of  this 
>krteh.  to  inculcate  a  thorough  appreciation  of  the  heavenly  twins 
of  truth  and  morality,  and  great  stress  has  been  laid  upon  their 
value,  pointing  them  out  by  calling  attention  to  biographical  rela- 
tions upon  important  actions.  Nevertheless  great  liberality  is 
claimed  from  the  reader,  for  even  with  the  most  sincere  intentions. 
no  one  can  free  himself  from  the  bias  of  his  own  individuality  and 
no  one  can  claim  to  stand  on  the  balance  beam  of  the  historic  scale. 

Oldening  the  sequel  of  dates,  as  far  as  possible,  portions  of  the 
work  pre.-mt  special  phases  collectively.  Thus,  Chapter  I  gives  the 
Introduction  to  th.-  leading  ideas  and  political  measures  in  the  Union 
bearing  upon  the  great  questions  at  issue,  to  the  year  1861.  Chapter 
II  treats  upon  the  people  of  St.  Louis  and  those  features  of  their  past 
History,  which  shaped  their  convictions  and  character  and  shows 
that  the  ancestors  exhibited  qualities  of  virtue,  worthy  the  imitation 
of  the  most  amhitious  genius.  Chapter  III  gives  the  events  in  the 
Union  immediately  preceding  Lincoln's  taking  office;  and  Chapter 
IV  those  specially  relating  to  St.  Louis  and  Missouri,  during  the 
same  period;  Chapter  V  and  VI  deal  with  the  first  steps  of  "War: 
Chapter  VII  with  the  organization  of  the  Union  and  Secession  host 
in  St.  Louis;  Chapter  VIII,  IX  and  X  wifh  Lyon's  Command  and 
Camp  Jackson:  Chapter  XI  with  Fremont's  accession.  Chapter  XII 
the  battle  of  Wilson's  Creek.  An  outline  of  complete  Emancipation 
in  Missouri  precedes  the  Conclusion. 

In  the  course  of  the  narration,  it  will  be  found,  that  the  State 
troops  organized  by  Governor  Jackson  are  almost  invariably  called 
Sece.-sioniMs,  because  all  their  higher  and  most  of  their  lower  officers 
and  men  eventually  became  Confederate  troops  and  were  either  con- 
ditional or  unconditional  Secessionists  from  the  start.  After  the 
.Mi~>ouri  State  Convention  had  been  elected  by  a  very  large  majority, 
(80,000)  the  supreme  authority  of  the  State  vested  in  it,  and  even 
from  an  extreme  State  Rights'  standpoint,  the  Secessionists  in  State 
<!uard  garb  were  logically  bound  to  submit  to  the  authority  of  the 
United  States,  which,  however,  they  failed  to  do.  The  word  "Rebel" 
is  not  used  in  these  lines,  except  in  quotations  from  other  writers. 
The  Confederates  held  that  they  had  a  right  to  secede  under  their 


Preface.  v 

State  Constitution-.  saying  that  as  they  had  formed  the  pact  of  the 
I'nion.  they  had  also  the  right  to  dissolve  it.  The  name  of  Seces- 
sionist and  Rebel  had  been  used  interchangeably  during  the  war, 
often  abbreviated  to  "Secesh"  or  "Rebs,"  for  which  the  latter  retali- 
ated by  the  terms  of  ''Feds"  and  '"Yanks."  The  terms  of  "Volun- 
teer/' "Reserve  Corps"  and  "Home  Guard,"  were  also  used  indiscrim- 
inately in  the  hostile  camps  of  Missouri,  which  will  be  chiefly  noted 
in  reading  quotations  from  them. 

There  is  no  disposition  in  this  work  to  glorify  military  achieve- 
ments, well  a  ware  of  the  fact  that  "Peace  has  her  victories  no  less 
renowned  than  War."  However,  culture  of  thought  and  sentiment 
have  only  a  value  when  they  lead  to  correct  action,  and  it  would  be 
a  false  policy  to  obliterate  the  memory  of  the  Civil  War.  for  it  was 
the  most  serious,  most  important,  and  most  far-reaching  lesson  which 
this  nation  ever  received,  and  to  hide  its  causes,  disregard  its  conse- 
quences and  shun  its  warnings,  could  have  only  disastrous  results  in 
the  future.  Just  because  war  i-  a  terrible  calamity,  should  its  lessons 
he  heeded.  If  the  arbitrament  of  arms  is  invoked,  its  consequences 
cannot  be  avoided.  Fatigue,  sickness,  poverty,  death  and  destruction 
follow  in  the  wake  of  the  furies  of  war;  even  though  the  object  be  the 
victory  of  a  just  cause  and  not  revenge  or  cruelty.  Incidentally  it 
may  be  said,  that  today  lie  is.  considered  the  greatest  general  who 
will  attain  victory  with  the  least  amount  of  suffering. 

In  compiling  this  work,  many  contemporaneous  writers  have  been 
read.  ISilloiis'  excellent  chronicle  of  Missouri  in  its  Territorial  days; 
Henry  Boenisiehf-  autobiography  of  7">  years;  Wherry's  Wilson's 
Creek:  F.  SchnakeV-  (ie-ehichte:  Schlosser's  Welt  Geschichte:  John 
Minor  Botts,  The  Groat  Rebellion ;  J.  C.  Abbot's  History ;  the  United 
•States  Records  of  the  War  of  the  Rebellion;  J.  C.  Moore's,  Galusha 
Anderson's.  .'I.  Thomas  ScharlV's  History  of  St.  Louis,  and  Books, 
Chart-.  Maps  and  Lists  have  been  consulted  by  the  aid  of  Libraries 
and  the  very  valuable  collection  of  the  St.  Louis  Historical  Society. 
Particular  mention  deserves  in  this  connection  John  M.  Schofield's 
"49  Years  in  the  Army;'''  Colonel  -  Peckham's  "Life  of  Lyon;" 
Thomas  L.  Snead's  "A  Fight  for  Missouri,"  and  the  last  three  are 
specially  recommended  to  every  student  of  History,  because  their 
writers  took  an  active  and  prominent  part  in  the  events  of  1861,  and 
as  Schofield  and  Peckham  were  Union  men  and  Snead  a  Secessionist, 
a  better  and  more  reliable  representation  can  be  secured  by  com- 
paring views  of  opposing  parties. 


vi  Preface. 

Credit  was  given  in  tliis  sketch,  wherever  the  opinion  of  others 
aa-  quoted  or  their  words  used.  In  gathering  the  details  of  Com- 
pany oi-  Regimental  organizations  and  actions,  a  great  many  com- 
rade- cheerfully  aided  with  advice  and  information  of  details,  and 
thi<  valuable  as-istanee  and  that  of  the  sons  of  the  writer,  made  this 
publication  possible.  Fpon  the  organization  of  Fnion  troops  in  St. 
Louis,  more  details  are  and  could  be  given  from  the  First  Volunteer 
and  First  Reserve  Regiment,  for  their  story  came  more  within  per- 
sonal experience,  and  is  also  characteristic  for  the  development  of  the 
others,  while  a  repetition  of  a  similar  detail,  would  have  only  a  very 
limited  interest  to  the  general  reader. 

Important  documents,  orders,  reports,  speeches,  resolutions,  proc- 
lamations, letters,  have  been  given  in  the  original,  as  the  best  evi- 
dence of  their  faithful  interpretation,  and  the  sketch  was  verified  by 
the  recollection  of  yet  living  men  of  that  period. 

Discrepancies  in  dates,  names,1  and  numbers  are  almost  unavoida- 
ble: they  are  caused  by  the  failing  memory  upon  events  that  passed 
forty-eight  years  ago;  but  it  is  hoped  that  the  main  object  was 
attained,  and  that  was  to  do  justice  and  give  a  true  picture  and 
reliable  characterization  upon  one  of  the  most  memorable  popular 
upheavals  in  modern  History. 


Page  104,  second  line,  read  "Preetorius"  instead  of    "Pretorius". 
Page  101,  third  line,  read  "Enno  Sander"  instead  of  "Eno  Sanders." 


CONTENTS. 
PART  I. 

CHAPTER  I— INTRODUCTION. 

.  Page 

Considerations 1 

Slavery t  2 

Local  Differences 6 

Territorial  and  Economic  Relations 9 

Louisiana  Purchase 13 

Segregation  of  Parties 15 

State  Rights 16 

Missouri  Compromise 19 

Tariff  and  Nullification :  21 

Abolition  Movement 26 

Elijah  P.  Lovejoy 30 

Incentives  to  Mobs 33 

Florida  and  Texas 36 

Effects  of  a  Liberal  Movement 40 

Compromise  of  1850 41 

Fugitive  Slave  Law 44 

The  Kansas  Contest 46 

Presidential  Election  of  1856 54 

Dred  Scott  Decision 56 

Monroe  Doctrine  and  Slavery 58 

Spirit  of  North  and  South 61 

Lincoln-Douglas  Debate 62 

CHAPTER  II— THE  PEOPLE  OF  ST.  LOUIS. 

Origin ;  First  Settlement 65 

Indians  and  Fortifications 69 

Louisiana  Territory  in  the  Union 71 

Territorial  Days  of  Missouri 78 

Settlers  of  American  Era 80 

Admission  of  Missouri 84 

German  Immigration  of  1830 87 

Immigration  of  1848 92 

CHAPTER  III— UNION  POLITICS. 

Presidential  Election  of  1860 105 

Causes  of  the  Civil  War -  HO 

vii 


viii  Contents. 

Page 

Secession 113 

Vain  Compromise  Plans.  117 

A  Square  Issue 

Treason  in  the  Cabinet  123 

CHAPTE'R  IV— MISSOURI  EVENTS. 

The  Southwest  Campaign 

The  St.  Louis  Turnverein 127 

The  St.  Louis  Press 129 

Last  Days  of  1860 ...  132 

Missouri  Legislature  in  1861 135 

Fears  and  Doubts  in  St.  Louis 139 

A  Tell-Tale  Letter .142 

The  Missouri  State  Convention 145 

Nathaniel  Lyon 150 

CHAPTER  V— THE  APPROACHING  STORM. 

Drifting  Towards  War 156 

Alexander  Stephens'  Great  Effort 158 

Peace  Conference  and  Schemes 162 

Lincoln's  Journey  to  Washington 164 

Lincoln's  Inauguration 166 

Secession  Constitution .'....  167 

Loyalty  of  the  Missouri  State  Convention 168 

Legislature  Tries  to  Curb  St.  Louis 174 

The  Dawn  of  Relief 176 

CHAPTER  VI— THE  WAR  COMMENCES. 

Fort  Sumter ITS 

Lincoln's  Call  for  75,000  men 179 

Governor  Jackson's  Treason r 180 

General  Frost's  Advice 182 

Harney  Sees  Danger 184 

CH  UTF.K  VII— ORGAXIZATK  'V 

On  to  Washington 186 

Union  Military  Organization  in  St.  Louis 188 

The  Safety  Committee 190 

St.  Louis  Minute  Men 193 

The  Three  Months  Volunteers 195 

The  St.  Louis  Home  Guard   or  United    States   Reserve   Corps,   Missouri 

Volunteers 200 

The  Muster  for  Anns.   205 

Secession  Schemes 212 

Camp  Jackson  Established 216 


Contents.  ix 

Page 
Arming    the    Home    Guard,    or    United    States    Reserve    Corps,    Missouri 

Volunteers 219 

War  Democrats 223 

CHAPTER  VIII— THE  WAR  IN  MISSOURI. 

Union  Schemes 224 

Capture  of  Camp  Jackson 226 

Days  of  Excitement 238 

Secessionist  War  Measures 242 

General  Harney's  Failure 245 

(  HM-TER  IX— LYON  IN  COMMAND. 

Limited  Means 254 

Moves  for  Time  and  Position 260 

Hostilities  Commence 263 

Lyon's  Advance  Into  the  State 266 

Battle  of  Boonville 270 

CIIAI-TKU  X— THE  SOUTHWEST. 

The  Disposition  of  Secession  Forces 278 

The  Southwest  Union  Column 280 

The  Battle  of  Carthage 281 

Lyon's  March  South 286 

Southeast  Missouri 288 

Missouri  State  Convention  Ousts  Governor 290 

The  Battle  of  Fulton 292 

The  Situation  at  St.  Louis 294 

CHAPTER  XI— JOHN  C.   FREMONT. 

John  C.  Fremont 297 

Cairo  and  Bird's  Point 300 

Lyon  at  Springfield 304 

CHAI-TKK  XII -THE  BATTLE  OF  WILSON'S  CREEK. 

The  Battle  of  Wilson's  Creek 314 

Resolute  Measures. . .  .  334 


THE  FIRST  EMANCIPATION  PROCLAMATION 337 

CONCLUSION  OF  FIRST  PART  . .  .  342 


\  Content*. 

PART  II. 

THE  FIRST  UNION  REGIMENTS. 

Page 

General  Remarks 349 

First  Regiment  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers,  Partly  Three  Months'  and 

Three  Years'  Service 351 

First  Regiment  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers,  Completed  List  of  Three 

Months'  Service 364 

Second  Regiment  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers 367 

Third  Regiment  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers 380 

Fourth  Regiment  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers 394 

Fifth  Regiment  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers 407 

First  Regiment  United  States  Reserve  Corps,  Missouri  Volunteers 417 

Second  Regiment  United  States  Reserve  Corps,  Missouri  Volunteers 431 

Third  Regiment  United  States  Reserve  Corps,  Missouri  Volunteers 441 

Fourth  Regiment  United  States  Reserve  Corps,  Missouri  Volunteers 452 

Fifth  Regiment  United  States  Reserve  Corps,  Missouri  Volunteers 464 

Pacific  Battalion,  Company  B,  United  States  Reserve  Corps 475 

Note  Relative  to  Artillery  and  Pioneer  Company 475 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 

The  illustrations  in  this  book  are  characteristic  representations  of  its  con- 
tents. They  comprise  leaders,  officers  and  privates  of  the  several  Regiments 
of  different  ranks,  ages  and  callings.  Hundreds  of  others  could  have  been 
added  who  were  prominent  men  at  the  time,  or  who  rendered  excellent  service 
during  the  war,  and  attained  a  high  usefulness  after  their  return.  A  like 
praise  could  be  given  to  many  champions  of  the  other  camp  in  their  later  life, 
but  that  would  lead  beyond  the  aim  and  limits  of  the  present  sketch. 

The  ranks  stated  under  the  photos  are  those  of  1861. 


Facin 

ABRAHAM     LINCOLN-  —  President     United    States    of    America;     born    in 

Kentucky  ,  fifty-two  years  old  in  1861  ;  died  in  1865  ..................  Title 

FIIANCI-  PRKSTOX  BLAIR,  JH.  —  Colonel  First  Infantry  Missouri  Volun- 
teers ;  lawyer  ;  born  in  Kentucky  ;  forty  years  old  in  1861  ; 
Private  in  Mexican  War  ;  Free  Soiler  in  the  Missouri  Legislature  ; 
Member  of  Congress  from  1856  to  1862  ;  Major  General  ;  United  States 
Senator;  in  1868  candidate  of  the  Democratic  party  for  Vice-President 
of  the  United  States  ;  (see  p.  104)  ;  died  in  1875  ......................  176 

CONSTANTIN  BLANDOVSKI  —  Captain  Third  Infantry  Missouri  Volun- 
teers; instructor  St.  Louis  Turnverein  ;  born  in  Poland;  thirty-four 
years  old  in  1861  ;  took  part  in  the  Hungarian  war  of  1848  ;  mortally 
wounded  at  the  capture  of  Camp  Jackson,  May  10th  ;  died  May  25,  1861.  232 

HENRY  BOERNSTEIN  —  Colonel  Second  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers; 
author;  born  in  Austria;  fifty-six  years  old  in  1861;  had  a  military 
education;  active  in  the  revolution  of  1848;  editor  Anzeiger  des 
Westens;  rationalist  and  agitator;  for  a  brief  period  Military  Governor 
of  Missouri  ..........................................................  272 

B.  GRAT/  BROWN—  Colonel  Fourth  Regiment  United  States  Reserve  Corps, 
Missouri  Volunteers;  lawyer  and  editor;  born  in  Kentucky;  thirty-five 
years  old  in  1861;  started  Free  Soil  movement  in  the  Missouri  Legis- 
lature,   whose    member   he    was    from    1852    to  1859;    United    States 
Senator  from  1863  to  1866;  Governor  of  Missouri  in  1871;  candidate  for 
United  States  Vice-President  in  1872;  died  in  1885  ....................       64 

BrscH  —  Corporal  Third  Regiment  United  States  Reserve 
Corps,  Missouri  Volunteers,  merchant  and  brewer;  born  in  Germany; 
nineteen  years  old  in  1861;  graduate  of  Belgian  College;  organized  the 
Anheuser-Busch  Brewery,  the  second  largest  in  the  world;  likewise 
the  South  Side  Bank,  the  Manufacturers'  Railroad,  glass  factories, 
many  other  companies  and  hundreds  of  ice  plants,  employing  many 
thousand  people,  and  is  a  most  generous  supporter  of  all  charities  and 
public  enterprises  ....................................................  240 

xi 


xii  Illustrations. 

Page 


Hi  sn—  Private  Second  Regiment  United  States    Reserve  Corps. 
-<>uri  Volunteers;   merchant;   born  in  Bohemia;    thirty-nine  years 
old  in  1861;   appointed  Captain  and  Commissary  on  Fremont's  staff; 
member  of  the  City  Council,  School  Board  and  of  the  Missouri  Con- 
vention of  1861,  farmer  and  philanthropist;  died  1898  .................     168 

JVMKS   B.  EADS  —  Captain  of  steamboats;  civil  engineer  and  ship  builder; 
born  in  Indiana;  forty-one  years  old  in  1861;  planned  and  constructed 
armored    fleet    and   gunboats,    originated    Mississippi    delta   jetties; 
financier  and  chief  engineer  of   Ead's  Bridge  across  the  Mississippi, 
which  was  started  in  1867;   member  Mississippi   River  Commission; 
died  in  1887  ................................  ........................     224 

JOHN    T.    Fi  ALA—  Lieutenant-Colonel     Second     Regiment    United    States 
Reserve  Corps,  Missouri  Volunteers;  topographical  engineer;  born  in 
Hungary;  thirty-nine  years  old  in  1861;  Major  in  Hungarian  army  of 
1848;  made  and  published  the  first  large  sectional  and  topographical 
map  of  Missouri,    Colonel  on  Fremont's  staff;   suggested  to  General 
Lyon  the  St.  Louis  forts  built  by  Fremont  ...........................     216 

\\  A.  1  iNKKi.Mu-HG  —  Lieutenant  First  Infantry  Missouri  Volunteers; 
Captain  Company  A  before  muster;  Speaker  of  St.  Louis  Turnverein; 
lawyer:  born  in  Germany;  twenty-four  years  old  in  1861;  in  Missouri 
Legislature  from  1864  to  1866;  in  Congress  from  1868  to  1872;  candi- 
date for  Governor;  United  States  Judge  in  1907  and  1908;  died  1908.  .  192 

HKNHV  T.  I'LAD  —  Private  Third  Regiment  United  States  Reserve  Corps, 
Missouri  Volunteers;  civil  engineer;  born  in  Germany;  thirty-seven 
years  old  in  3861;  commanded  engineer  company  of  German  revolu- 
tionists in  1848;  Colonel  of  Engineers  in  the  Civil  War;  afterwards 
Water  Commissioner  of  St.  Louis,  President  Board  of  Public  Improve- 
ments for  three  terms;  President  Mississippi  River  Commission,  also 
of  American  Society  of  Engineers;  leading  assistant  engineer  of  Eads 
Bridge;  died  1898  ....................................................  104 

JOHN  C.  FKKMUXT—  Major-General  and  Commander  of  Department;  West- 
pointer;  born  in  Georgia;  fifty-two  years  old  in  1861;  pathfinder  over 
the  Rocky  Mountains;  Free-Soil  candidate  for  President  in  1856;  (see 
page  385)  ;  died  1890.  .  ................  ........  .......................  336 

1  lUKDKiti'  ii  Hij  KKR  —  Born  in  Germany;  fifty  years  old  in  1861;  lawyer 
and  farmer;  Member  of  Parliament  and  leader  in  the  Republican  up- 
rising of  1848  in  Germany;  entered  United  States  military  service  in 
1861  as  private;  elected  Colonel;  after  the  war  an  effective  lecturer, 
vindicating  the  gospel  of  rationalism  through  his  speeches  and  writ- 
ings; died  March  24,  1881  ............................................  96 

NATIIAMKI.  1^  ON—  Captain  United  States  Army;  Brigadier-General  of 
Volunteers;  Westpointer;  born  in  Connecticut;  forty-two  years  old  in 
1861;  fell  at  Wilson's  Creek,  August  10,  1861;  had  bequeathed  $30,000 
by  will  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Union;  (see  page  208)  ............  152 

PKTKH  .  I.  <>->TKHHAI>.—  C'aptain  Second  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers;  army 
officer  in  Europe;  born  in  Germany;  thirty-eight  years  old  in  1861; 
commander  of  Manheim  during  revolutionary  war  of  1848;  Brigadier- 
General  and  Major-General  in  the  Union  army  and  successful  leader  in 
many  campaigns  and  battles;  later  Consul  in  Europe  ................  320 


Illustrations.  xiii 

Page 

RODERICK  K.  ltmn<  UK  it— Private  First  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers; 
afterwards  Captain  First  Regiment  United  States  Reserve  Corps, 
Missouri  Volunteers;  lawyer;  horn  in  Hungary;  twenty-eight  years 
old  in  1861;  active  in  the  revolution  of  1848;  after  the  Civil  War  Judge 
of  Law  Commissioners,  Circuit  Court  and  Court  of  Appeals;  legal  ad- 
visor of  School  Board  for  years;  one  of  the  ablest  jurists  of  Missouri.  200 

.IMMN  M.  S<  HonKi.D  —  Lieutenant  United  States  Army;  later  Major  First 
Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers;  Westpointer:  professor  at  Washington 
University;  mustering  officer;  born  in  New  York;  thirty  years  old  in 
1861;  Lyon's  Adjutant;  became  successful  commander  and  Lieutenant- 
General  of  all  armies  of  the  United  States;  died  in  1906 208 

NicoLAr.s  S  nrKTTNKK — Colonel  Fourth  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers;  car- 
penter and  builder;  manufacturer  of  brick  molds;  born  in  Germany; 
forty  years  old  in  1861;  leader  of  the  Schwarze  Jager  Schuetzenver- 
ein,  a  hunter's  society;  held  Bird's  Point  in  Southeast  Missouri;  died 
in  1868 288 

FRANCIS  SIC:EI, — Colonel  Third  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers;  teacher;  born 
in  (lei-many;  thirty-seven  years  old  in  1861;  artillerist  and  command- 
ing officer  in  Baden  during  the  revolutionary  war  of  1848  9;  principal 
German  institute  of  education  in  St.  Louis;  organized  Third  Regiment 
and  Battery,  Brigadier-General  and  Major-General  in  the  Union  Army, 
holding  important  commands;  after  the  war  editor  in  Baltimore  and 
civil  officer  in  New  York;  (see  page  262) ;  died  in  1902 280 

JIISKI-U  SriKciKi. HALTER — Lieutenant  Fifth  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers; 
medical  student  of  Humboldt  Institute  and  teacher;  graduated  as 
doctor  in  1862;  twenty-six  years  old  in  1861;  surgeon  of  the  Twelfth 
Missouri  Regiment  during  the  war;  later  health  officer,  coroner;  mem- 
ber of  the  Board  of  Health -and  of  medical  societies;  President  of  St. 
Louis  Turnverein  and  other  associations;  died  in  1909 304 

ST.  Louis  TURNVEREIN  BUILDING — Tenth  and  Walnut  Streets;  most  popular 
meeting  place  of  Union  men  in  and  before  1861,  and  cradle  of  first 
military  Union  organizations 128 

CHARLES.  G.  STIFEL — Colonel  Fifth  Regiment  United  States  Reserve  Corps, 
Missouri  Volunteers;  brewer;  Jborn  in  Germany;  forty-two  years  of 
age  in  1861;  member  of  City  Council  in  1855;  organized  the  Fifth 
Reserve  and  was  its  efficient  and  popular  leader;  presented  the  Schiller 
statue  to  St.  Louis;  public-spirited  member  of  benevolent  and  other 
societies;  died  in  1900 296 


MAPS  AND  CHARTS. 

Page 

Territory  Ceded  by  States  to  United  States 10 

St.  Louis  County  in  1861 66 

Territory  Acquired  by  United  States 72 

Camp  Jackson  in  1861 228 

Camp  Jackson's  Present  Subdivision 229 

Map  of  Missouri 267 

Battlefield  of  Wilson's  Creek1.  . ,  .315 


1  Compiled  from  notes  of  United  States  Topographical  Survey  and  various  reports. 

xiv 


PART   I. 


CHAPTER  I. 
INTRODUCTION. 


CONSIDERATIONS. 

History  i>  «-i  unit  by  reason  of  the  logic  of  events,  which  act  all 
over  the  world  in  accordance  with  the  eternal  law  of  cause  and  effect. 
This  applies  to  moral  as  well  as  physical  conditions;  all  laws  should 
he  in  keeping  with  the  laws  of  nature,  which  are  immutable.  They 
leave  us  the  only  alternative — either  to  live  in  accordance  with  them 
or  to  suffer.  The  obedience  to  these  laws  is  dictated  by  common 
sense,  and  the  Egotist  will  submit  to  them  as  well  as  the  Altruist. 
It  is  our  action  within  them,  which  establishes  true  value,  and  correct 
conventional  law  i-.  or  should  be,  only  natural  law,  with  proper 
safeguards  against  the  abuses  facilitated  by  social  relations.  When 
our  affections  take  in  the  members  of  our  family  exclusively,  we 
prove  our  human  worth  to  that  extent,  and  in  filling  that  first  duty 
it  is  so  decreed  hy  the  eternal  wisdom  which  rules  the  Universe  that 
we  also  become  useful  to  mankind.  Enlarged  views  and  nobler  senti- 
ments will  also  consider  the  community  in  which  we  live,  and  in 
proportion  a-  our  consideration  embraces  larger  divisions  of  our 
kind,  our  value  and  worth  as  human  beings  also  increases.  Thus  the 
Kgotist  rises  to  a  good  member  of  the  family,  a  good  citizen  of  the 
community,  the  state,  the  nation  and  the  world.  That  is  the  prog- 
ress  of  the  development  of  man — in  eccentric  circles  from  the  nar- 
row limits  of  self  to  the  all-comprehensive  considerations  of  philan- 
thropy. But  this  process  will  be  beneficent  only  as  long  as  we  are 
correct  in  our  reasoning. 

We  admire  the  attachment  to  family  and  kindred,  the  undaunted 
bravery  of  resolution,  the  perseverance  of  devotion,  the  fidelity  to 
honest  convictions,  which  guide  the  actions  of  man,  but  all  these  fine 
qualities  can  not  make  convictions  right  when  they  are  cardinally 
wrong:  all  these  high  qualities  which  everybody  admires,  can  not 
sanctify  an  aim  which  is  destructive  of  the  happiness  of  humanity 

(1) 


2  The.  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

at  la r-c.  Wlu-ii  wr  look  back  on  the  great  tragedy  of  1861  we  find 
that  a  very  large  number  of  those  who  gravely  erred  in  their  judg- 
ment acted  from  pure  motives  and  in  keeping  with  their  honest 
convictions;  for  the  preceding  events  of  a  century  had  shaped  opin- 
ions, and  even  sentiments,  dividing  the  nation  into  two  great  camps, 
and  leading  with  the  certainty  of  fate  to  the  irrepressible  conflict. 
The  eminent  German  historian  Schlosser  writes  in  his  works:  "No 
national,  religious  or  class  distinctions  threatened  the  peace  of  the 
Union.  Still  the  antagonistic  relation  of  free  and  slave  labor  led 
to  ominous  contrasts  which  caused  the  greatest  civil  war  known  to 
History."  There  isjio  doubt  now  in  the  world,  that  Slavery  was 
the  cause  of  the  civil  war.  This  is  generally  conceded.  The  develop- 
in,  nt.  however,  of  Slavery  from  small  beginnings  until  it  became  an 
aggressive  power  which  shook  a  continent  is  full  of  the  gravest 
lessons  that  may  be  most  beneficently  utilized  by  their  timely  appli- 
cation in  future.  In  order  to  understand  and  to  appreciate  the 
actions  and  events  of  1861,  a  brief  review  of  the  past  is  necessary. 

SLAVERY. 

Slavery  existed  before  History  knew  civilized  people.  Probably 
it  was  restricted  at  first  to  captives  of  war  and  their  families,  and,  as 
soon  this  proved  profitable  or  convenient,  it  was  made  hereditary. 
Prowess  on  one  side  and  weakness  on  the  other  have  often  produced 
a  condition  of  dependence  akin  to  Slavery.  A  relation  which  became 
common  and  general  had  to  be  regulated  by  law,  and  the  person 
who  already  inherited  slaves  grew  up  accustomed  to  relations  whose 
justice  he  had  no  incentive  to  question.  The  desire  for  happiness 
is,  however,  born  with  every  human  being,  and  this  leads  direct  to 
a  wish  for  liberty.  As  soon  as  this  desire  is  noticed,  repressive  mea- 
sures are  applied.  These  have  a  very  bad  effect  on  the  master,  mak- 
ing him  more  domineering,  stern,  often  of  necessity  cruel,  and  they 
make  the  slave  more  miserable  and  discontented,  and  estrange  him 
from  his  master.  The  ancient  despotisms  and  more  or  less  aristo- 
cratic republics  nearly  all  kept  Slaves,  and,  as  war  and  conquest  was 
the  natural  and  usual  condition  of  those  States,  their  citizens  were 
always  ready  to  suppress  every  uprising.  The  baneful  reaction  of 
Slavery  on  the  master  and  the  nonslaveholding  citizen  was  little 
considered  or  understood  by  the  ancients.  That  the  immense  wealth 
of  one  class  engendered  the  relative  great  poverty  of  the  other  was 


Introduction.  3 

not  thought  of;  that  luxury  and  passions,  unrestrained  by  any  con- 
siderations or  laws  of  equal  human  rights,  destroyed  morality  and 
justice,  was  not  taken  into  account  by  ambitious  and  greedy  states- 
men; that  Slavery,  in  overloading  the  bondsmen,  took  from  the 
citizen  the  chance  of  a  healthy  activity,  qualifying  him  for  idleness 
and  military  ambition,  facilitating  conquests  and  spoliation  of  other 
nations,  was  rather  coveted  than  shunned;  and  yet  militarism  de- 
stroyed in  the  end  the  liberty  loving  spirit  of  the  citizen,  and  cor- 
rupted his  body  and  soul  with  the  customs,  vices  and  luxuries  of 
inferior  nations.  The  cruelty  toward  the  slave  dulled  the  sensibili- 
ties and  kind  feelings  of  the  masters  toward  their  other  fellowmen, 
and  led  to  fearful  butcheries,  proscriptions  and  wholesale  spoliation, 
which  caused  the  power  of  Rome,  the  best  organized  State  of  an- 
tiquity, to  rot  toward  destruction.  This  lesson  is  the  "Handwriting 
upon  the  wall"  for  other  nations;  it  reads:  Beware  of  Slavery,  the 
inequalities  of  citizens,  foreign  conquests  and  militarism.  •  The  im- 
mortal doctrine  of  universal  love,  proclaimed  by  the  great  teacher 
of  Nazareth,  placed  all  human  beings,  a  Roman  Emperor  as  well 
as  an  African  Slave,  upon  an  equality  before  their  Maker.  A  tran- 
sition from  a  corrupt  empire  to  a  radical  republic,  however,  was  an 
impossibility;  but  the  spiritual  equality  established  by  the  Church 
mitigated  the  conditions  of  slave  •  dependence  to  milder  forms,  in 
establishing  the  organization  of  the  feudal  system,  and  of  a  serfdom 
conditioned  as  well  as  based  on  low  ignorance  on  one  side,  and  well 
nerved  but  often  greedy  capacity  on  the  other.  In  the  Orient 
Slavery  continued  unbroken ;  the  warlike,  conquering  disposition  of 
the  Mohamedan  spread  it  across  Northern  Africa  to  Spain,  and  in 
the  year  990  merchants  from  the  Barbary  Coast  brought  slaves  from 
Central  Africa  to  Europe.  The  Turks  enslaved  their  captives  in  war, 
without  discrimination  of  color  or  nationality,  carried  women  and 
children  away,  and  raised  the  latter  for  the  military  service  of  that 
formidable  body  of  soldiers,  the  Janissaries.  Even  this  very  astute 
slave  policy  proved  a  fearful  curse  in  the  end.  The  Janissaries  grew 
as  dangerous  to  the  Sultan  as  the  Pretorian  Guards  to  the  Roman 
Emperors,  until  in  June,  1826,  Sultan  Mahomed  defeated  their 
insurrection  after  a  most  sanguinary  battle  and  had  them  extermi- 
nated. 

In  their  attempts  for  the  circumnavigation  of  Africa,  the  Portu- 
guese came  in  touch  with  the  tribes  of  that  continent,  and  brought 
from  there  the  first  colored  slaves  to  be  used  for  labor.  Spain  was 


4  The,  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  18(11 . 

not  slow  to  follow  suit,  and  when  Columbus  discovered  America,  he 
ensla\ed  Indian  prisoners  and  with  the  blessings  of  his  discovery 
laid  tin-  Inundation  of  an  evil  which  365  years  later  should  have  to 
be  redeemed  by  the  untold  sufferings  of  a  great  nation.  In  speaking 
«.f  i hi.-  arrangement  of  Spanish  settlers  in  San  Domingo,  Washing- 
-  ton  Irviiiu  in  his  "Life  of  Columbus,"  states: 

"He  assigned  to  them  (the  settlers)  liberal  portions  of  land,  and  numerous 
Indian  Slaves  taken  in  the  wars.  He  made  an  arrangement  also  by  which 
the  Caciques  in  their  vicinity,  instead  of  paying  tribute,  should  furnish  par- 
ties of  their  subjects,  free  Indians,  to  assist  the  Colonists  in  the  cultiva- 
tion of  their  lands;  a  kind  of  feudal  service  which  was  the  origin  of  the 
'Repartimientos'  or  distributions  of  free  Indians  among  the  Colonists,  after- 
wards generally  adopted  and  shamefully  abused  throughout  the  Spanish 
Colonies;  a  source  of  intolerable  hardship  and  oppressions  to  the  unhappy  na- 
tives, and  which  greatly  contributed  to  exterminate  them  from  the  island  of 
Hispaniola"  (San  Domingo). 

This  was  a  source  of  evil,  which  three  hundred  years  later,  most 
cruelly  exterminated  the  White  race  from  that  "West  Indian  Para- 
di-e."  While  (^ueeri  Isabella  discountenanced  the  enslavement  of 
Indian-  by  Columbus  and  even  returned  large  numbers  from  Spain 
to  their  native  island,  they  were  still  compelled  to  work  in  the  mines 
and  in  other  employments,  which  owing  to  the  cruel  greed  of  the 
Spaniard-,  finally  ground  them  out  of  existence.  It  was  at  this  time 
that  Negro  slaves  born  in  Spain,  were  first  imported  into  the  West 
Indies.  Of  this  event  Washington  Irving  says:  "It  is  a  fact  worthy 
of  observation  that  Hispaniola.  the  place  where  this  flagrant  sin 
auam-i  nature  and  humanity  was  first  introduced  into  the  New 
World,  has  been  the  first  to  exhibit  an  awful  retribution."  This 

<" •  in  San  Domingo  in  the  year  1791;  a  few  refugees  from  .this 

awful  catastrophe  found  afterwards  a  sheltering  home  in  St.  Louis. 

I  pon  the  -hare  which  Columbus  had  in  introducing  Slavery  in 
San  Domingo,  Washington  Irving  says: 

"It  is  not  the  intention  of  the  author,  however,  to  justify  Columbus  on- 
a  point  where  it  is  inexcusable  to  err.  Let  it  remain  a  blot  on  his  illus- 
trious name,  and  let  others  derive  a  lesson  from  it." 

Columbus  enslaved  a  large  number  of  Indians  and  sent  them  to 
Knropran  markets.  Isabella  «,f  Spain  ordered  the  liberation  of  the 
Indian-  in  Kurope,  but  left  captive  Moors  and  Negroes  in  bondage. 
Now  Slavery  ceased  l-»  l>e  a  war  measure  and  became  a  factor  in  agri- 
cultural and  mercantile  economy.  While  the  introduction  of  the 


Introduction.  5 

stronger,  more  docile  and  tractable  Negro,  relieved  the  Indian  on 
the  Continent  from  this  immediate  danger  to  his  liberty,  it  laid 
the  foundation  of  an  evil  which  almost  became  fatal  to  the  life  of  the 
North  American  Union.  The  Popes,  at  the  time  the  highest  repre- 
sentatives of  the  ethical  principle  in  the  world,  condemned  Slavery 
at  its  very  cradle.  Pope  Leo  X.  declared  early  in  the  sixteenth 
century:  "Not  the  Christian  religion  only,  but  nature  itself  cries 
out  against  the  state  of  Slavery;"  and  not  much  later  Pope  Paul  III. 
imprecated  a  curse  on  Europeans  who  would  enslave  Indians,  or  any 
other  class  of  men.  It  is  hardly  correct  to  lay  the  responsibility  for 
the  introduction  of  African  Slavery  in  America,  at  the  door  of  the 
Dominican  monk  De  las  Casas,  who  is  said  to  have  advised  the 
practice  of  Negro  Slavery  already  introduced  before  him,  in  order 
to  protect  the  native  Indian.  That  human  rights  did  not  then  enter 
into  the  consideration  of  the  Slavery  question,  is  shown  by  the  exam- 
ple of  Charles  V..  who  sailed  witli  a  great  fleet,  to  liberate  Christian 
slaves  at  Tunis,  and  at  the  same  time  sanctioned  the  African  slave 
trade,  by  giving  one  of  his  subjects  the  exclusive  privilege  of  import- 
ing Negro  slaves  to  the  West  Indies.  No  insincere  motives  can  be 
attributed  to  Charles  V.,  who  abdicated  the  greatest  power  in  order 
to  become  a  monk.  When  in  1607  the  first  permanent  English  col- 
ony was  established  at  Jamestown,  Va.,  Negro  Slavery  was  over  a 
century  old  in  Spanish  and  Portuguese  America  and  had  existed  over 
fifty  years  in  other  British  American  possessions.  The  adventurous 
disposition  of  the  first  settlers,  wrho  were  little  inclined  to  work,  and 
the  rich  crops  upon  the  virgin  soil  of  the  new  Continent,  created  the 
strongest  tendency,  to  propagate  and  to  perpetuate  Negro  Slavery. 
The  first  slaves  were  sold  at  Jamestown,  Va.,  December  22,  1620, 
and  Slavery  was  introduced  in  all  the  colonies  by  1650,  while  the 
legality  of  Slavery  was  still  a  mooted  question.  About  that  time 
Lord  Holt  expressed  an  opinion  that  Slavery  was  a  condition  un- 
known to  English  law,  and  that  every  person  setting  foot  in  England, 
thereby  became  free ;  soon  after  this  Yorke  and  Talbot,  attorneys 
and  solicitors  general,  gave  an  opinion  in  1729,  that  Negro  slaves 
might  be  held  in  England  just  as  well  as  in  the  Colonies,  and  later 
on,  in  1749,  Yorke  as  Lord  Hardwick  and  Chancellor,  gave  the 
opinion  that  the  Colonies  are  subject  to  the  laws  of  England,  and 
that  if  Slavery  be  contrary  to  English  law,  no  local  enactments  of 
the  Colonies  could  give  it  any  validity.  Mighty  rulers,  as  well  as 
men  of  letters,  supported  Slavery.  In  1713,  according  to  Bancroft,  a 


6  Tin  I'n ion  Cause  in  St.  Louis  hi  1861. 

company  was  created  to  engage  in  the  African  Slave  trade;  King 
Philip  of  Spain  reserved  to  himself  one-quarter  of  the  stock,  Queen 
Ann  another  quarter,  and  the  last  two  quarters  were  to  be  divided 
among  her  subjects.  For  a  long  period  there  appeared  no  serious 
opposition  to  Slavery  on  any  ground,  and  although  liberty  and  self- 
government  were  vindicated  by  some  nations  more  than  two  thou- 
sand years  earlier,  this  seems  to  have  been  more  an  inborn  human 
propen.-ity  than  the  acknowledgment  of  a  principle  applicable  to 
all.  men.  The  chance  warnings  of  Popes  and  some  human  philoso- 
phers were  obliterated  by  the  false,  but  general  prejudice,  that 
Pagans  were  not  entitled  to  any  considerations  from  Christians. 
In  an  age  of  "Autodafees"  and  of  the  most  cruel  butcheries  of  Chris- 
tians of  one  sect  by  Christians  of  another  sect,  this  need  not  surprise 
anyone.  English  courts  held  up  Skvery  by  various  decisions  until 
177_'.  when  Lord  Mansfield,  Chief  Justice  of  England,  pronounced 
in  the  famous  Sommerset  case,  that  by  the  laws  of  England  no  man 
could  be  held  in  Slavery.  What  a  pity  that  this  doctrine  was  not 
immediately  applied  to  the  Colonies;  it  would  have  saved  America 
the  civil  war  of  1861. 

LOCAL  DIFFERENCES. 

Notwithstanding  this  high-sounding  doctrine,  Great  Britain 
offered  armed  assistance  to  the  Creole  Slaveholders  of  San  Domingo, 
when  the  latter  were  brought  between  two  fires:  the  French  radical- 
ism and  the  Negro  insurrection. 

The  relations  of  Slavery  in  San  Domingo  differed  materially 
from  those  in  the  United  States.  There  were  three  times  as  many 
nmluttoes  and  twenty  times  as  many  Negro  slaves  as  the  20,000 
Creole  white  descendants  of  the  original  European  conquerors,  free- 
booters and  adventurers.  Many  mulattoes  also  owned  real  estate  and 
slaves.  There  was  no  love  lost  between  these  three  races,  and  the 
hatred  and  prejudice  of  caste  precluded  a  mutual  understanding, 
even  when  that  became  the  only  rational  remedy  to  prevent  disaster. 
The  Creole  whites,  brave  and  reckless  to  a  fault,  often  treated  their 
slaves  with  brutal  cruelty.  Slave  babies  were  marked  with  three  cuts 
in  the  cheek,  notwithstanding  that  the  midwives  for  white  and  black 
were  Negro  women.  Such  conditions  and  the  ideas  of  liberty 
equality  and  fraternity,  spread  by  the  French  Revolution,  led  to  the 
uprising  of  the  Negro  slaves,  who,  degraded  to  the  level  of  brutes,  ex- 


Introduction.  7 

terminated  their  former  tormentors  in  the  most  brutal  manner.  The 
cruelty  of  the  masters  was  intensified  by  the  tropical  climate  fostering 
violent  passions;  it  was  made  unbearable  by  arrogant  aristocratic 
notions,  sprouting  in  the  hotbed  of  voluptuous  luxury,  and  became 
relentless  by  the  fear  of  slave  insurrections,  threatened  by  the  great 
disproportion  between  Whites  and  Blacks.  In  the  United  States  the 
separating  line  was  drawn  between  the  pure  White  race  and  persons 
of  all  shades  of  color,  and  thus  a  more  intelligent  element,  with 
better  chances  of  enlightenment,  was  identified  with  the  cause  of  the 
plantation  slave,  in  addition  to  the  ethical  influence  of  the  nouslaver 
holding  White  population.  In  a  contest  between  human  rights  based 
on  natural  law,  and  special  privileges  based  on  conventional  law,  the 
former  will  prevail  during  the  healthy  development  of  a  people,  and 
where  privileges  prevail,  there  the  State  is  sinking  through  ignorance 
to  dependence. 

The  narrow  exclusive  religious  convictions  of  the  New  England 
settlers  had  little  consideration  for  people  of  other  or  of  no  religious 
creed.  The  enslaved  Indian  was  held  by  them  more  as  a  conquered 
foe  than  a  merchantable  article,  while  holding  Negro  slaves  was 
more  the  aristocratic  distinction  of  wealth.  The '  agricultural  and 
industrial  conditions  did  not  favor  slaveholding  at  the  North  and  the 
spirit  of  the  community  did  not  connive  at  slavebreeding.  Entirely 
different  relations  existed  in  the  South,  \vhere  slave  labor  was  highly 
remunerative  and  where  the  climate,  the  health,  the  descent  or 
previous  residence,  to  some  extent  at  least  disqualified  the  White 
inhabitant  from  great  exertions.  Georgia  wras  the  only  Southern 
State  which  prohibited  Slavery,  owing  to  the  farsighted  wisdom  of 
its  chivalrous  founder  and  first  Governor,  James  Oglethorpe,  who 
aided  by  John  Wesley,  the  founder  of  Methodism,  kept  Slavery  out 
of  Georgia  from  1733  to  1752,  or  as  long  as  their  personal  influence 
lasted.  As  soon  as  Georgia  became  a  royal  province,  the  desire  of 
it*  inhabitants  for  pecuniary  profit  upset  all  the  humanitarian  aims 
of  its  great  founder.  The  opposition  to  Slavery  or  the  appreciation 
of  its  true  nature,  did  not  fade  out  in  the  South,  with  the  departure 
of  men  like  Oglethorpe.  A  Darien,  Georgia,  committee,  in  denounc- 
ing the  arbitrary  measures  of  the  British  Government,  also  con- 
demned the  institution  of  Slavery,  as  follows : 

"To  show  the  world  that  we  are  not  influenced  by  any  contracted  or  in- 
terested motive,  but  a  general  philanthropy  for  all  mankind,  of  whatever 
climate,  language  or  complexion,  we  hereby  declare  our  disapprobation  and 


S  Tin-    I'll  inn    Ciliixt    in   St.   I.nilix  in    IHttl. 

abhorrence  of  the  unnatural  practice  of  Slavery  in  America,  a  practice 
founded  in  injustice  and  cruelty,  and  highly  dangerous  to  our  liberties,  de- 
basing part  of  our  fellow  creatures  below  men  and  corrupting  the  virtue 
and  morals  of  the  rest.  .  .  We  therefore  resolve  at  all  times  to  use  our 
utmost  efforts  for  the  manumission  of  our  Slaves  in  this  colony,  upon  the 
most  safe  and  equitable  footing  for  the  masters  and  themselves." 

Far  more  important  than  the  above  is  the  language  of  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence,  which  was  solemnly  adopted  and  ratified  by 
all  the  States  of  the  Union.  In  this  document  the  immortal  Thomas 
Jefferson,  who  is  deservedly  but  not  most  logically  considered  the 
Apostle  of  one  of  our  great  political  parties,  vindicates  absolute  and 
universal  human  right,  in  the  most  unqualified  terms.  If  there 
could  be  any  doubt  about  the  general  application  of  these  terms  to 
all  men,  African  or  any  other,  slaves  included,  it  must  be  removed 
by  the  statement  of  Thomas  Jefferson's  autobiography,  in  which  he 
refers  to  a  sentence  contained  in  the  original  draft  of  his  Declara- 
tion of  Independence,  thus  charging  George  III. : 

"Determined  to  keep  open  a  market  where  Men  should  be  bought  and  sold, 
he  has  prostituted  his  negative  for  suppressing  every  legislative  attempt  to 
prohibit  or  to  restrain  this  execrable  commerce.  And  that  this  assemblage 
of  horrors  might  want  no  fact  of  distinguished  dye,  he  is  now  exciting 
those  very  peop'e  to  rise  in  arms  among  us,  and  purchase  that  liberty  of 
which  he  has  deprived  them,  by  murdering  the  people  on  whom  he  also 
obtruded  them;  thus  paying  off  former  crimes  committed  against  the  Liberties 
of  one  people  with  crimes  which  he  urges  them  to  commit  against  the  Lives 
of  another." 

Jefferson  states  that  this  clause  was  struck  out  in  complaisance  to 
South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  who  wished  to  continue  the  importation 
of  slaves,  and  further  on  he  states  verbally :  "Our  Northern  brethren 
also,  I  believe,  felt  a  little  tender  under  those  censures;  for,  though 
their  people  had  very  few  slaves  themselves,  yet  they  had  been  pretty 
considerable  carriers  of  them  to  others."  This  goes  to  show,  that  at 
the  time  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  both  North  and  South 
were  responsible  for  the  existence  of  Slavery.  The  evil  effects  pointed 
out  by  Jefferson  in  his  original  draft,  were  terribly  felt  during  the 
war  of  Independence ;  thousands  of  Negroes  escaped  to  British  camps, 
and  those  that  did  not  flee  but  heard  of  the  exciting  proclamations 
of  the  British,  kept  the  people  of  the  Southern  States  in  a  continuous 
dread  of  insurrection  and  hindered  them  from  giving  the  American 
cause  their  full  energetic  support. 


Introduction. 


9 


For  it  is  only  fair  to  believe,  that  in  1776  the  men  of  the  South 
were  as  patriotic  as  those  of  the  North,  as  in  the  number  and 
ability  of  eminent,  genial  statesmen  who  espoused  the  cause  of  Inde- 
pendence, the  South  even  excelled  the  North.  Yet  the  following 
taMr  shows  an  astonishing  disparity  in  the  proportion  of  men  from 
these  sections,  who  had  rendered  military  service  during  the  war  of 
Independence: 


STATES. 

Population 
End  of 
War.1 

Continent- 
al Sol- 
diers. - 

Militia 
Soldiers. 

Slaves    ap- 
proximated 
by    Census 
of  1790. 

New  Hampshire  

102,000 
51,869 
208,870 
330,000 
215,283 
138,934 
330,000 

12,496 
5,878 
32,039 
68,007 
18,331 
10,726 
25,608 

2,093 
4,284 
7,792 
15,155 
3,304 
6,055 
7,357 

158 
952 
2,759 

21,324 
11,423 
3,737 

Rhode  Island  

Connecticut                 

Massachusetts  

New  York  

New  Jersey  

Pennsylvania  

Total  of  Northern  States.  .  . 
Delaware  

1,376,956 

173,085 

46,040 

40,353 

37,000 
250,000 
532,000 
224,000 
188,000 
80,000 

2,317 
13,912 
26,668 
7,263 
6,417 
2,679 

376 
4,127 
5,620 

8,887 
103,036 
293,427 
100,572 
107,094 
29,264 

Maryland  

Virginia  

North  Carolina  

South  Carolina  

Georgia  

Total  of  Southern  States.  .  . 

1,311,000 

59,256 

10,123 

642,280 

Thus,  to  the  Continental  Army  the  Northern  States  sent  nearly 
three  men  to  one  sent  by  the  Southern  States,  and  in  the  Militia 
the  ratio  was  nine  from  the  North  to  two  from  the  South. 

The  above  numbers  by  themselves  alone  would  fully  -justify  the 
opinion  of  the  greatest  statesmen  of  the  South,  who  were  in  favor 
of  discontinuing  Slavery  as  soon  as  possible.  The  fact  that  one- 
third  of  the  Southern  population  were  slaves,  had  a  very  bad  effect 
upon  their  defensive  capacity,  which  was  still  more  reduced  by  their 
having  few  large  cities  and  a  very  extended  coast,  offering  an  excel- 
lent base  of  operations  for  the  British  army. 

TERRITORIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  RELATIONS. 

At  the  time  when  the  Territories,  previously  claimed  by  States, 
were  partly  ceded  to  the  general  Government,  Jefferson  gave  another 


1  From  Andrews  History. 


2  Collection  New  Hampshire  Historical  Society. 


10 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


NORTH      CAROLINA 
C  I 
JOUTH    CAROLINA 

'  .CLDED     '787 


G JE  OJR  ftJ  A 


TERRITORY  CEDED  BY  STATES  TO  UNITED  STATES. 


Introduction.  11 

strong  proof  of  his  desire  to  restrict  Slavery  to  the  narrowest  limits. 
On  March  1,  1784,  he  presented  the  deed  of  cession  of  the  Territory, 
heretofore  claimed  by  Virginia,  and  being  appointed  on  the  Com- 
mittee, he  reported  an  Ordinance  for  the  government  of  the  Terri- 
tory ceded  already,  or  to  be  ceded  by  individual  "States  to  the  United 
States/'  for  all  land  included  between  the  31°  and  the  47°  of  Lati- 
tude, which  actually  also  included  the  Territory  of  the  present  State 
of  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Tennessee  and  all  land  North  of  these 
States.  This  Ordinance  also  contained  a  subdivision  of  the  ceded 
Territory,  with  the  names  for  the  new  States  to  be  subsequently 
admitted  by  a  two-third  vote  of  the  old  States.  The  fifth  Section 
of  that  Ordinance  read:  "That  after  the  year  1800  of  the  Christian 
era,  there  shall  be  neither  Slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude,  in  any 
of  the  said  States,  otherwise  than  in  punishment  of  crimes,  whereof 
the  party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted  to  have  been  personally 
guilty."  At  the  end  of  this  Ordinance  was  a  provision  that  its  "Arti- 
cles shall  be  formed  into  a  charter  of  compact,"  which  shall  stand 
as  fundamental  condition,  between  the  Thirteen  States  and  those 
newly  described,  unalterable,  except  by  the  joint  consent  of  the 
United  States  in  Congress  assembled  and  of  the  particular  State, 
within  which  such  alteration  is  proposed  to  be  made.  This  proves 
that  Jefferson  wanted  to  add  only  Free  States  to  the  Union,  and  to 
make  a  change  of  that  condition  as  difficult  as  possible. 

When  this  Ordinance  was  taken  up  by  Congress,  members  from 
North  and  South  Carolina  objected  to  Section  Five.  The  vote 
had  to  be  taken  by  States.  Six  States  voted  for  the  Section  and  three 
States  sustained  the  objection.  A  majority  of  all  the  Thirteen  States 
being  required,  Section  Five,  containing  the  restriction  on  Slavery 
was  lost.  This  was  caused  by  the  absence  of  one  member  from  New 
Jersey.  A  very  unfortunate  event,  fraught  wyith  the  most  disastrous 
consequences,  for  if  the  restriction  had  been  adopted,  Slavery  would 
have  existed  only  in  the  States  of  Maryland,  Virginia,  Delaware, 
North  and  South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  it  could  have  been  bought 
off  gradually,  without  loss  to  the  slaveholder  and  at  a  very  moderate 
cost  to  the  nation.  It  is  awrful  to  contemplate  what  sacrifices  were 
entailed  by  the  absence  of  one  man  from  his  post  of  duty.  Restricted 
forever  to  six  States,  the  Slavery  question  could  never  have  become 
the  Keystone  of  a  great  political  party,  it  never  could  have  consumed 
the  energies  of  a  great  nation  by  endless  and  hopeless  altercations,  it 
never  could  have  alienated  the  South  from  the  North,  'could  not  have 


12  Tin  I'ninii  ('mix,-  in  St.  Louis  in  18<>1. 

led  to  an  almost  successful  Secession  of  half  the  Union,  and  never 
could  have  provoked  the  greatest  and  most  expensive  civil  war. 

On  July  13,  1784,  the  Continental  Congress  adopted  by  an  unani- 
mous vote  of  the  States  then  represented,  an  Ordinance  regarding 
the  Territories  of  the  United  States  Northwest  of  the  Ohio  River, 
which  among  other  things,  enacted:  "There  shall  be  neither  Slavery, 
nor  involuntary  Servitude  in  the  said  Territory,  otherwise  than  in 
punishment  of  crimes,  whereof  the  parties  shall  be  duly  convicted." 
This  last  Ordinance  also  contained  a  provision  for  the  rendition  of 
fugitive  slaves,  which  appears  to  have  been  the  prize  for  the  exclusion 
of  Slavery  from  that  Territory  Northwest  of  the  Ohio.  Congress 
was  authorized  by  the  Constitution,  to  forbid  the  foreign  slave  trade 
from  the  year  1808,  which  was  fortunately  done  by  an  act  passed 
March  2,  1807. 

The  power  and  obligation  to  return  fugitive  slaves,  embodied  in 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  Art.  IV.,  Sec.  II.,  Paragraph  3, 
designates  slaves  as  "persons  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State," 
and  neither  in  this  Section,  nor  in  the  one  providing  for  the  prohibi- 
tion of  the  foreign  slave  trade,  nor  in  the  Section  which  establishes 
that  three-fifths  of  the  slaves  shall  be  added  to  the  White  population 
in  apportioning  the  quota  of  representation  in  Congress,  nor  any- 
where in  the  Constitution,  is  the  word  "Slave"  used.  This  proves 
that  the  framers  of  the  Constitution,  far  from  endorsing  Slavery, 
even  avoided  to  name  it,  and  only  suffered  its  existence  in  the  hope 
that  it  will  fade  out  soon.  Coming  events  did  not  verify  this  expecta- 
tion. A  peaceful  and  final  solution  of  the  Slavery  question  was 
]><>— ible,  by  framing  the  privileges  and  obligations  of  the  Constitu- 
tion accordingly,  but  as  this  was  not  done,  the  two  sections  of  the 
country  started  on  diverging  roads;  two  contrary  systems  of  labor 
bred  opposing  interests,  various  customs,  tastes,  convictions,  a  hostile 
spirit,  and  the  only  other  final  solution  left,  was  that  awful  arbitra- 
ment of  arms,  which  ended  at  Appomattox. 

Ever  since  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  the  influence  and 
power  of  both  free  labor  and  slave  labor  grew  steadily,  and  they 
grew  sometimes  by  giant  strides.  Opinions  crystalized  North  and 
South  on 'a  different  basis  and  in  different  issues,  and  an  earlier 
calamity  of  an  open  breach  was  only  staved  off  by  periodical  com- 
promise. The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  was  adopted  and 
signed,  September  17,  1787,  and  already,  in  1790,  a  stringent  Fugi- 
tive Slave  act  was  passed  by  Congress,  the  execution  of  which  became 


Introduction.  13 

a  source  of  continuous  trouble  and  agitation.  Shortly  before,  in 
l;ecember,  1789,  North  Carolina  ceded  the  Territory  of  Tennessee  to 
tin-  Union,  with  the  following  condition:  "Provided  always  that  no 
regulation  made  or  to  be  made  by  Congress  shall  tend  to  emancipate 
slaves."  On  the  2d  of  April,  1802,  Georgia  ceded  her  Territory, 
which  now  forms  most  of  the  States  of  Alabama  and'  Mississippi, 
under  the  same  conditions  which  governed  the  North-West  Terri- 
tory, "the  article  only  excepted  which  forbids  Slavery."  These  very 
large  Territories  were  situated  far  inland ;  nowhere  bordering  on  the 
sea:  adjoining  Slave  States;  well  adapted  for  the  staple  products  of 
t lie  South — and  they  were  many  hundred  miles  away  from  the  Free 
States,  it  was  therefore,  only  natural,  that  the  new  States  to  be  formed 
from  them  would  become  Slave  States.  Thus  retribution  followed 
upon  die  heel-  of  an  evil  compromise,  and  the  chance  frustration  of 
Thoma-  Jefferson's  far-i.uhted  policy.  The  aggression  of  the  slave- 
holders did  not  stop  here.  A  convention  of  that  part  of  the  North- 
\Vc  >i  Territory  which  was  to  become  the  State'of  Ohio,  petitioned 
Congress  in  1802  for 'a  temporary  suspension  of  that  part  of  the 
Ordinance  which  prohibited  Slavery.  Had  this  been  granted,  it 
would  have  carried  Slavery  North  of  the  Ohio  River,  and  once  estab- 
ii-hed  there,  it  would  have  been  very  difficult  to  eradicate  it.  John 
Randolph  of  Roanoke.  Va..  himself  a  slaveholder,  as  Chairman  of 
a  Committee,  reported  adversely  to  the  petition,  stating  that  they 
"deem  it  highly  dangerous  and  inexpedient  to  impair  a  provision 
wisely  calculated  to  promote  the  happiness  and  prosperity  of  the 
North  Western  Country."  No  action  was  taken  by  Congress  upon 
this  petition,  not  even  after  the  same  was  endorsed  later  by  both 
Houses  of  the  Territorial  Legislature  and  repeatedly  presented  by 
William  Henry  Harrison,  then  Governor  of  the  Territory  and  later 
1'rt -ident  of  the  United  States.  Thus  the  wisdom  of  Congress  saved 
the  North-West  Territory  from  a  blight,  which  a  great  many  of  its 
inhabitants  were  ready  to  fasten  upon  it. 

LOUISIANA  PURCHASE. 

It  now  happened  that  an  event,  otherwise  of  incalculable  benefit 
to  the  people  of  the  Union,  should  incidentally  also  strengthen  the 
cause  of  Slavery.  On  April  30,  1803,  Napoleon  sold  the  Louisiana 
Territory  comprising  the  land  west  of  the  Mississippi,  to  the  United 
•States.  The  motive  for  this  was  evident.  France  could  not  defend 
this  Territory,  neither  by  sea  nor  by  land,  and  in  order  to  prevent 


14  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

its  conquest  by  England,  Napoleon  transferred  it  to  the  United 
States,  which  already  then  bid  fair  to  become  a  most  formidable 
rival  to  the  English  power  on  the  American  Continent.  Slavery 
was  an  existing  institution  in  the  Louisiana  Territory,  already  before 
the  transfer,  and  as  all  property  rights  were  guaranteed  by  the  pur- 
chase, Slavery  became  an  established  fact  in  this  part  of  the  Union. 
Before  portions  of  this  new  Territory  could  possibly  become  States, 
the  number  of  slaveholders  would  increase,  making  it  quite  certain 
that  the  Southern  part  of  the  Louisiana  Purchase  would  eventually 
be  divided  into  several  Slave  States.  The  products  of  slave  labor 
exhausted  the  soil  and  migration  from  old  plantations,  particularly 
from  the  hill  lands,  to  the  rich  bottoms  of  the  West,  was  the  easiest 
remedy  against  the  curse  of  impoverished  lands.  Besides  the  robber 
agriculture,  the  continual  abrasion  of  large  cleared  tracks,  the 
habitual  exportation  of  bulky  raw  material,  of  necessity  reduced  the 
fertility  of  the  old  plantations.  For  this  reason,  the  Eastern  Slave 
States  with  impoverished  soil,  became  slave  breeders,  and  the  South 
Western  States  slave  consumers. 

In  1793  an  invention  made  by  Eli  Whitney,  of  Massachusetts, 
added  infinitely  to  the  growing  power  of  Slavery.  The  greatest 
drawback  in  the  production  of  cotton  was  the  difficulty  of  its  separa- 
tion from  the  seeds.  Even  the  first  crude  machines  of  Eli  Whitney's 
cotton  gin,  increased  the  producing  capacity  of  one  man  thirty  fold, 
and  improvements  to  the  machine  added  much  to  its  capacity.  This 
made  cotton  raising  exceedingly  profitable  and  increased  the  produc- 
tion from  10,000  bales  in  1793  to  1,000,000  bales  in  1830,  and  to 
5,000,000  bales  in  1860.  Eli  Whitney  reaped  little  benefit  from  his 
invention.  The  same  greed  which  made  chattels  out  of  human 
beings,  trespassed  upon  his  patent,  and  robbed  him  of  the  just  fruits 
of  his  labor. 

The  long  cherished  expectation  that  Slavery  would  decrease,  after 
the  importation  of  foreign  slaves  ceased,  was  not  realized,  chiefly 
on  account  of  the  great  wrealth  of  the  unoccupied  land.  Never  since 
mankind  has  a  History  did  any  nation  fall  heir  to  such  an  immense 
land  possession,  of  a  fertile  virgin  soil,  located  in  a  genial  climate. 
There  was  elbow  room  here  for  many,  many  millions  of  people; 
slave  raising  was  inexpensive  in  the  South  and  the  price  of  slaves 
high,  labor  was  degraded,  the  workman  called  the  mudsill  of  society 
and  the  White  man  considered  it  below  his  dignity  to  work  in 
competition  with  the  Negro  slave. 


Introduction.  15 

In  1817  an  attempt  was  made  to  colonize  the  Western  Coast  of 
Africa,  and  to  1847  about  15,000  colored  people  made  the  new 
State,  Liberia,  their  home.  But  the  result  was  out  of  all  proportion 
to  the  object  sought,  and  this  notion  of  solving  the  color  problem 
has  been  pretty  nearly  abandoned  since.  The  very  great  pecuniary 
investments  in  slaves  and  their  products  obliterated  by  degrees  in 
the  population  of  the  Slave  States  the  virtuous  principles  of  the 
heroes  of  the  revolutionary  war  and  of  the  framers  of  the  Constitu- 
tion. Practicing  Slavery  in  all  its  horrible  details,  men  became 
callous  to  all  finer  sentiments  and  boldly  advanced  the  doctrine 
that  Slavery  was  right;  that  it  was  a  blessing  for  the  slave;  that 
it  was  in  keeping  with  the  laws  of  God,  as  stated  by  many  ministers 
of  the  Gospel  in  the  South.  Habit,  local  pride  and  a  false  idea  of 
self  interest  prompted  the  large  majority  in  the  Southern  States 
to  follow  the  political  lead  of  John  C.  Calhoun  and  other  talented 
men,  who  placed  Slavery  and  its  extension  above  Liberty  and  the 
Union,  and  the  spirit  of  1776  was  shared  in  the  South  by  a  great 
many  only  so  far  as  it  maintained  the  "peculiar  institution."  Con- 
trary opinions  were  at  first  frowned  upon,  afterward  proscribed  and 
very  soon  persecuted. 

SEGREGATION  OF  PARTIES. 

Not  only  interests  built  up  parties,  but  also  political  convictions 
and  sympathies.  The  Federalists,  under  the  lead  of  Alexander 
Hamilton,  being  in  power,  during  the  first  two  administrations, 
favored  a  liberal  construction  of  the  Constitution ;  sought  the  friend- 
ship of  England,  advocated  a  national  bank,  urged  the  assumption 
l.y  the  Federal  Government  of  the  State  debts  which  made  a  Tariff 
necosiry  :  while  their  opponents  condemned  most  of  these  measures, 
and  as  a  minority,  demanded  a  strict  construction  of  the  United 
States  Constitution,  favored  democratic  France  and  styled  themselves 
"Republicans."  strengthening  thereby  the  inference,  "that  the  Fed- 
eralists were  leaning  towards  the  centralization  of  power  common 
to  monarchies.  The  Federalists  were  strongest  in  the  North,  the 
Republican  Democrats  in  the  South.  The  first  issues  between  these 
parties,  already  lead  to  the  first  compromise,  in  consequence  of 
which  the  national  capital  was  located  on  Southern  soil,  while  the 
Federalist  policy,  for  the  assumption  of  the  State  debts  prevailed. 
The  natural  sequel  to  this  was  a  Tariff  policy,  because  the  raising  of 


16  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

the  needed  funds  by  direct  taxation  was  out  of  question,  on  account 
of  the  provisions  of  Art.  1,  Sect,  II.,  Par.  3,  of  the  United  States  Con- 
stitution, which  ordains:  "Representatives  and  direct  taxes  shall  be 
apportioned  among  the  several  States  which  may  be  included  within 
thi>  Union,  according  to  their  respective  numbers,  which  shall  be 
determined  by  adding  to  the  whole  number  of  free  persons,  including 
those  bound  to  sendee  for  a  term  of  years,  and  excluding  Indians 
not  taxed,  three-fifths  of  all  other  persons."  Thus  a  direct  tax  would 
have  been  most  oppressive  on  the  poorer  States  and  on  the  Slave 
States.  The  party  division,  already  strongly  sectional,  was  made 
critical  by  influences  from  beyond  the  sea.  The  French  revolution 
of  1789  breathed  the  spirit  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  of 
177i>  and  of  its  author,  Thomas  Jefferson,  the  acknowledged  leader 
of  the  Republican-Democrats.  The  political  waves  in  France  ran 
lii.uh  enough  to  be  felt  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic,  all  the  more,  as 
the  people  here  had  just  emerged  from  a  long  and  victorious  con- 
test against  England.  Xo  wonder  that  with  the  just  criticism  of 
the  Federalist  policy  of  the  Government,  needless  abuse  and  vitupera- 
tion was  also  heaped  upon  leaders,  who  favored  England  in  the 
giant  contest  in  Europe.  Thus  it  happened,  during  the  administra- 
tion of  John  Adams  (1797-1801),  that  the  Federalists  retaliated 
upon  their  adversaries  and  adopted  the  "Alien  and  Sedition"  laws, 
which  gave  the  President  power  to  send  any  foreigner  at  his  discre- 
tion out  of  the  country,  also  to  punish  libels  on  the  President  or  other 
liiiih  officials,  without  judicial  proceedings.  This  violation  of  the 
liberty  of  the  press  and  free  speech  was  resented  all  over  the  country 
and  caused  the  final  and  lasting  defeat  of  the  Federalist  party. 

STATE  RIGHTS. 

The  policy  of  the  Federalists  was  met  by  the  Republican-Demo- 
i-  \\-ith  a  declaration  of  State  Rights  in  the  Kentucky  resolutions, 
restricting  the  Federal  authority  to  the  rights  granted  by  the  United 
St;ite>  Constitution;  claiming  those  rights  not  prohibited  as  reserved 
to  the  States,  and  declaring  that  all  laws  and  measures  of  the  Gen- 
eral Government,  not  in  keeping  with  such  delegated  powers,  were 
void  and  of  no  force,  and  that  according  to  the  "compact  (the  Con- 
>t  it  ut  ion)  each  State  acceded  as  a  State  and  as  an  integral  party,  its 
co-States  forming  as  to  itself  the  other  party;  that  the  Government 
created  by  this  compact  was  not  made  the  exclusive  or  final  judge 


I  nf,-i>iliirf!(in.  17 

of  the  extent  of  the  powers  delegated  to  itself,  since  that  would  have 
made  its  discretion  and  not  the  Constitution,  the  measure  of  its 
1  lowers;  but  that  as  in  all  other  cases  of  compact  among  powers  hav- 
ing no  common  judge,  each  party  has  an  equal  right  to  judge  for 
itself,  as  well  of  infractions,  as  of  the  mode  and  measure  of  redress." 
The  resolution,  credited  to  Thomas  Jefferson,  also  attacked  the  Alien 
and  Sedition  acts  in  strong  terms,  calling  upon  other  States  to 
condemn  and  oppose  all  such  usurpations  of  power  by  the  Gen- 
eral Government,  and  they  assume  also  for  the  other  States,  that 
each  will  take  measures  of  its  own,  in  providing  that  neither  "these 
acts  nor  any  others  of  the  General  Government,  not  plainly  and 
intentionally  authorized  by  the  Constitution,  shall  be  exercised  with- 
in their  respective  Territories."  Virginia  passed  similar  resolutions, 
which  had  James  Madison  for  their  author. 

The~e  resolutions  already  contained  the  seeds  of  Secession,  for  a 
difference  of  opinion  upon  a  question  of  competency  might  arise  at 
any  time,  and  in  such  an  event  Nullification  was  not  the  proper 
remedy,  but  reference  to  a  final  tribunal;  such  was  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States,  which  by  the  terms  of  the  Constitution 
had  authority  "in  all  controversies  to  which  the  United  States  shall 
be  a  party,"  also  "in  controversies  between  two  or  more  States."  It 
must  be  borne  in  mind  that  Jefferson's  championship  of  State  Rights 
was  caused  by  the  tendency  of  centralization  in  the  Federalists' 
camp  and  by  their  evident  alm-e  of  power  in  passing  the  "Alien  and 
Sedition"  laws;  for  no  statesman  ever  opposed  Slavery  extension 
more  successfully  than  Thomas  Jefferson. 

The  fear  of  centralization  aided  the  State  Rights  doctrine,  still 
the  Constitution  gave  Congress  the  final  sovereign  power,  and  the 
method  of  election  of  United  States  Senators  and  Members  of  the 
House  neutralized  all  dangers  of  centralization.  The  Supreme  Court 
consisting  of  members  from  different  sections  of  the  Union  and  sub- 
ject to  confirmation  by  the  Senate  could  hardly  be  considered  a  parti- 
san body,  representing  only  the  specific  interests  of  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment. This  seems  to  have -been  the  only  chance  for  adjustment 
of  a  radical  difference  between  the  Federal  and  State  authorities, 
and  its  only  alternative  was  Secession  and  civil  war.  Upon  this 
subject  James  Madison  writes  in  a  letter  of  December  23,  1832,  to 
H.  P.  Trist,  that  Jefferson  believed  in  the  power  of  the  old  Congress 
to  coerce  a  delinquent  State  and  also  states  that  neither  the  Virginia 
resolutions,  which  he  wrote  himself,  nor  the  Kentucky  resolutions, 


18  Th  fi  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

attributed  to  Jefferson,  bear  out  a  different  construction.  Tn  another 
letter  to  the  same  party,  dated  January  20,  1833,  Madison  states 
"The  doctrine  of  Secession  is  losing  ground,  but  it  has  as  yet  more 
adherents  than  its  twin  heresy  Nullification,  though  it  ought  to  be 
buried  in  the  same  grave  with  it,"  and  farther  on  the  father  of  the 
.Constitution  foreshadows  the  great  tragedy  in  store  for  this  nation: 
"In  the  event  of  an  irreconcilable  conflict,  not  of  rights,  but  of  opin- 
ions and  claims  of  right,  force  becomes  the  arbiter." 

During  the  debate  of  January  26,  1830,  upon  the  Nullification  of 
an  act  of  Congress  by  a  State,  Daniel  Webster  clearly  and  forcibly 
stated  the  issue  in  these  words : 

"I  cannot  conceive  that  there  can  be  a  middle  course  between  submission 
to  the  laws,  when  regularly  pronounced  constitutional,  on  the  one  hand,  and 
open  resistance,  which  is  revolution  or  rebellion,  on  the  other.  I  say  the 
right  of  a  State  to  annul  a  law  of  Congress  cannot  be  maintained  but  on  the 
ground  of  the  inalienable  right  of  man  to  resist  oppression — that  is  to  say, 
upon  the  ground  of  revolution.  I  admit  that  there  is  an  ultimate  violent 
remedy  above  the  Constitution  and  in  defiance  of  the  Constitution,  which 
may  be  resorted  to,  when  revolution  is  to  be  justified.  But  I  do  not  admit 
that,  under  the  Constitution  and  in  conformity  with  it,  there  is  any  mode 
in  which  a  State  Government,  as  a  member  of  the  Union,  can  interfere  and 
stop  the  progress  of  the  general  movement,  by  force  of  her  own  laws  under 
any  circumstance  whatever." 

This  opinion,  from  one  of  the  greatest  legal  minds  and  statesmen 
of  the  Union,  although  given  thirty  years  later,  is  quite  as  applica- 
ble at  the  time,  when  the  Kentucky  resolutions  appeared  in  the  polit- 
ical arena,  and  it  would  be  highly  surprising  should  the  same  argu- 
ment not  have  been  also  obvious  to  the  sage  of  Monticello,  whose 
sincerity  and  patriotism  was  never  doubted.  When  the  Louisiana, 
Purchase  was  made,  Jefferson  stated:  "It  was  an  act  beyond  the 
Constitution,"  which  had  made  no  provision  for  holding  foreign 
territory,  and  he  stated :  "The  Legislature  must  ratify  and  pay  for  it 
and  throw  themselves  on  their  country  for  doing  for  them  unauthor- 
ized what  wre  know  they  would  have  done  themselves  had  they  been 
in  a  situation  to  do  it."  The  readiness  to  act  for  the  benefit  of  the 
country,  even  without  authority,  the  adherence  to  strict  construction 
of  the  Constitution,  the  conscientiousness  of  seeking  subsequently 
the  authority  for  the  action,  are  equally  commendable,  though  these 
virtues  do  not  seem  to  harmonize  with  the  Nullification  doctrine  of 
the  Kentucky  resolutions,  which  sho\ved  the  road  to  a  most  danger- 
ous application,  no  doubt  foreign  to  Jefferson's  mind,  who  vindicated 


Introduction.  19 

State  Rights  to  counteract  centralization.  As  Jefferson  prevented 
Slavery  from  going  into  the  North-West  Territory  and  exerted  him- 
self to  restrict  it,  to  the  original  States,  it  could  not  possibly  have 
been  his  intention  to  advance  a  State  Rights  doctrine  which  could  be 
used  to  spread  Slavery  over  this  Continent. 

It  is  astonishing  how  in  the  course  of  years  party  names  and  party 
programmes  changed.  Thomas  Jefferson,  the  Apostle  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party  for  nearly  a  century  was  the  leader  of  the  Republicans 
or  opponents  of  the  Federalists.  In  his  message  of  December  14, 
1806,  President  Jefferson  recommends  not  only  protection,  but  also 
the  application  of  a  probable  surplus  in  the  Treasury,  to  public 
education  and  internal  improvements.  As  a  strict  constructionist 
he  recommends  at  the  same  time  that  the  enumeration  of  these 
powers  should  be  added  through  amendments  to  the  Constitution. 
His  devotion  to  the  Union  is  expressed  in  these  words:  "By  these 
operations,  ne\v  channels  of  communication  will  be  opened  between 
the  States,  the  lines  of  separation  will  disappear;  their  interests  will 
be  identified,  and  their  Union  cemented  by  new  and  indissoluble 
ties."  The  Presidents  elected  by  the  followers  of  Jefferson,  inclusive 
Jackson,  advocated  a  protective  Tariff.  John  C.  Calhoun  favored 
this  policy,  and  a  national  policy  generally,  up  to  the  year  1820, 
about  which  time  his  convictions  changed  and  he  became  the  leader 
of  all  violent  State  Rights  men,  and  an  uncompromising  Free  Trade 
advocate. 

THE    MISSOURI    COMPROMISE. 

At  the  session  of  Congress  of  1818,  a  petition  was  presented  for 
admission  of  Missouri  as  a  State  in  the  Union,  which  led  to  a  very 
spirited  contest  between  the  Free  and  Slave  State  parties.  After 
many  debates,  amendments  and  votes,  no  definite  result  was  attained, 
nor  did  the  Congress  of  1819  settle  the  question.  Arkansas,  however, 
was  admitted  as  a  Slave  State  by  a  very  close  vote.  The  Missouri 
Statehood  question,  relative  to  Slavery,  came  up  again  in  the  fall 
of  1819.  The  Ordinance  of  1787  had  fixed  the  Ohio  River  as  the 
Northern  boundary  for  Slavery,  and  a  majority  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  desired  to  extend  that  boundary  due  Westward  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Ohio,  and  to  restrict  Slavery  North  of  that  line  to 
those  born  at  the  time  of  admission  and  until  they  were  twenty-five 
years  old.  This  proposition  was  rejected  by  the  Senate.  Memorials 
from  State  Legislatures  and  citizens,  written  by  the  ablest  men  of 


20  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

the  country,  supported  the  restriction  of  Slavery  in  .Missouri,  while 
fully  as  able  men  espoused  the  Southern  side.  It  is  noteworthy  that 
nl  this  time,  the  Grand  Juries  of  St.  Louis,  St.  Charles  and  Jefferson 
Counties,  volunteered  to  instruct  Congress,  that  it  was  infringing 
upon  the  rights  of  the  States,  by  forestalling  the  existence  of  Slavery 
in  Missouri,  nor  is  it  less  memorable  that  Edward  Bates,  "the  favored 
son  of  Missouri,"  for  the  Republican  nomination  of  1860,  was 
March,  1819,  Deputy  Circuit  Attorney  for  Jefferson  County,  of  above 
Grand  Jury  celebrity.  The  remonstrance  from  Massachusetts,  writ- 
ton  by  Daniel  Webster,  contained  these  memorable  words : 

"We  have  a  strong  feeling  of  the  injustice  of  any  toleration  of  Slavery. 
Circumstances  have  entailed  it  on  a  portion  of  our  community,  which  cannot 
be  immediately  relieved  of  it  without  consequences  more  injurious  than  the 
suffering  of  the  evil.  But  to  permit  it  in  a  new  country,  where  as  yet  no 
habits  are  formed  which  render  it  indispensable,  what  is  it  but  to  encourage 
that  rapacity,  and  fraud,  and  violence,  against  which  we  have  so  long 
pointed  the  denunciations  of  our  penal  code?  What  is  it,  but  to  tarnish  the 
proud  fame  of  the  country?  What  is  it,  but  to  throw  suspicion  on  the  good 
faith,  and  to  render  questionable  all  its  professions  of  regard  for  the  rights 
of  Humanity  and  the  Liberties  of  Mankind?" 

On  the  19th  of  February,  1820,  the  United  States  Senate  sent  to 
the  House  an  act  to  admit  Maine  as  a  Free  State,  with  the  condition 
attached,  to  authorize  the  people  of  Missouri  to  form  a  State  Con- 
stitution. The  bill  now  introduced  for  the  admission  of  Missouri 
contained  a  provision  to  exclude  free  colored  persons  from  residence 
in  the  State.  This  was  deemed  unconstitutional,  and  the  House  of 
Representatives  opposed  it.  Upon  the  initiative  of  Henry  Clay,  a 
Conference  Committee  was  selected,  which  recommended  practically 
the  admission  of  Maine  as  a  Free  State  and  of  Missouri  as  a  Slave 
State,  provided  no  more  Slave  States  shall  be  created  from  the  Louisi- 
ana Purchase  Territory,  North  of  36°  30'  North  Latitude.  Upon 
motion  of  Mr.  Thomas  from  Illinois,  who  had  opposed  restriction 
all  the  time,  the  so-called  Missouri  Compromise  measure  was  adopted, 
which  reads  as  follows: 

"And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  in  all  that  Territory,  ceded  by  France 
to  the  United  States,  under  the  name  of  Louisiana,  which  lies  north  of 
36  degrees  30  minutes  north  latitude,  excepting  only  such  part  thereof  as  is 
included  within  the  limits  of  the  State  contemplated  by  this  act,  Slavery  and 
involuntary  servitude,  otherwise  than  in  punishment  of  crime,  whereof  the 
party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted,  shall  be  and  is  hereby  forever  prohib- 
ited: Provided  always,  That  any  person  escaping  into  the  same,  from  whom 


Introduction.  21 

labor  or  service  is  lawfully  claimed  in  any  State  or  Territory  of  the  Unitec 
States,  such  fugitive  may  be  lawfully  reclaimed  and  conveyed  to  the  person 
claiming  his  or  her  labor  or  service  as  aforesaid." 

The  Mis.-ouri  Compromise  measure  passed  the  House  by  a  majority 
of  three,  all  Representatives  from  the  Slave  States  and  fourteen  from 
the  Free  States  voting  for  it,  and  eighty-seven  Representatives  of  the 
Free  States  voting  against  it.  Animosity  run  high  during  this  debate 
and  threats  of  separation  were  freely  made;  but  it  is  more  than  doubt- 
ful that  the  exclusion  of  Slavery  from  Missouri  would  have  led  to 
a  Secession  attempt. 

The  passage  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  quieted  for  a  period  the 
existing  antagonism  which  had  deeply  agitated  all  minds.  Ex-Presi- 
(1*  nt  Jefferson  wrote  about  it:  "The  Missouri  question  is  the  most 
portentous  which  has  ever  threatened  the  Union.  In  the  gloomiest 
hour  of  the  Revolutionary  war,  I  never  had  apprehensions  equal  to 
tho.-c  which  I  feel  from  this  source."  Considering  that  these  words 
fell  from  the  lips  of  the  sage  of  Monticello,  who  trembled  for  the 
fate  of  his  country  as  he  reflected  upon  the  wrong  of  Slavery,  and 
the  Justice  of  God,  the  Missouri  Compromise  as  a  mere  procrastina- 
tion of  the  Slavery  issue,  had  an  ominous  significance.  However, 
other  (jiiestions  of  moment,  soon  occupied  the  public  mind.  Spain 
ceded  Florida  in  1820,  and  the  Union  recognized  the  South  Ameri- 
can States,  which  recently  set  up  independent  governments. 

TARIFF  AND  NULLIFICATION. 

A  very  high  Tariff  was  passed  in  1828,  and  although  shortly  after- 
wards modified,  it  exasperated  the  State  Rights  partisans  for  political 
as  well  as  for  economic  reasons.  To  remedy  this  grievance,  a  con- 
vention was  called  in  South  Carolina,  which  met  at  her  capital, 
November  19,  1832,  and  which  passed  an  Ordinance,  declaring  the 
existing  Tariff  "Null  and  Void  and  no  law,  nor  binding  on  this  State, 
its  Officers  or  Citizens,"  and  at  the  same  time  it  was  forbidden  within 
the  State  of  South  Carolina  to  pay  duties  on  imports,  after  February 
1,  1833.  No  appeal  to  the  Supreme  Court  against  the  validity  of 
said  act  should  be  permitted,  and  any  appeal  to  the  judiciary  of  the 
United  States,  relative  that  Ordinance,  should  be  dealt  \vith  as  for 
a  contempt  of  the  Court.  Officeholders  and  Jurors  were  obliged  to 
swear  to  obey  this  Ordinance.  In  case  the  Federal  Government 
should  try  to  enforce  the  law  nullified  by  the  Ordinance,  South 


22  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

Carolina  would  no  longer  consider  herself  a  member  of  the  Federal 
Union,  but  forthwith  proceed  to  organize  a  separate  Government, 
and  do  "all  other  acts  and  things  which  sovereign  and  independent 
States  may  of  right  do."  The  Governor  of  South  Carolina  endorsed 
this  Nullification  Ordinance  in  the  strongest  terms;  the  Legislature 
passed  acts  to  give  it  effect  and  authorized  the  Governor  to  accept  the 
services  of  Volunteers ;  John  C.  Calhoun  resigned  the  Vice  Presidency 
of  the  United  States  and  was  elected  Senator ;  proceeding  in  Decem- 
ber to  Washington,  took  his  seat  and  the  oath  to  maintain  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States,  thereby  proving  his  firm  belief  in  the 
legality  of  the  Nullification  Ordinance  and  practice.  But  other 
Southern  statesmen  thought  differently  at  that  time  (1832).  The 
Richmond  Enquirer,  headed  by  Thomas  Jefferson  and  the  ablest 
Democrats,  stated  upon  Secession :  "The  majority  of  the  States  which 
formed  the  Union  must  consent  to  the  withdrawal  of  any  one  branch 
of  it.  Until  that  consent  has  been  obtained,  any  attempt  to  dissolve 
the  Union  or  obstruct  the  efficiency  of  its  constitutional  laws,  is 
Treason — Treason  to  all  intents  and  purposes."  About  this  time, 
President  Jackson  summoned  Francis  P.  Blair  (the  father  of  Mont- 
gomery and  Frank  P.  Blair),  an  able  political  writer  and  planter 
from  Kentucky,  to  edit  the  Globe  at  Washington,  in  order  to  combat 
the  then  revealed  powerful  combination  of  Nullifiers.  President 
Jackson  did  not  wait  for  the  prompting  of  Congress,  but  anticipating 
the  passage  of  the  Nullification  Ordinance,  assembled  Regiments 
within  convenient  distance  of  South  Carolina,  stating  to  its  people 
what  they  had  to  expect.  He  is  even  reported  to  have  sent  word  to 
Calhoun  that  if  he  did  any  treasonable  act  he  would  hang  him. 
General  Scott  received  instruction  for  "superintending  the  safety  of 
the  ports  of  the  United  States,"  and  also  that  he  would  be  aided  with 
the  available  military  force.  Instructions  were  likewise  sent  to  the 
Collector  of  the  Port  at  Charleston,  guiding  his  actions,  in  case  the 
Nullifiers  should  attempt  to  prevent  the  collection  of  duties  under 
the  United  States  law  and  Tariff.  In  December,  1832,  President 
Jackson  issued  his  famous  proclamation,  that  he  will  suppress  Nulli- 
fication as  treason.  In  this  document  he  declares: 

"To  say  that  any  State  may  at  pleasure  secede  from  the  Union,  is  to  say 
that  the  United  States  are  not  a  nation,  because  it  would  be  a  solecism  to 
contend  that  any  part  of  a  nation  might  dissolve  its  connection  with  the 
other  parts,  to  their  injury  or  ruin,  without  committing  an  offense.  Secession 
like  any  other  revolutionary  act,  may  be  morally  justified  by  the  extremity 


Introduction.  23 

of  oppression;  but  to  call  it  a  constitutional  right,  is  confounding  the  mean- 
ing of  terms,  and  can  only  be  done  through  gross  error,  or  to  deceive  those 
who  are  willing  to  assert  a  right,  but  would  pause  before  they  make  a 
revolution,  or  incur  the  penalties  consequent  on  a  failure." 

On  his  duties  as  President  he  says: 

"The  laws  of  the  United  State  must  be  executed.  I  have  no  discretionary 
power  on  the  subject.  Those  who  told  you  that  you  might  peaceably  prevent 
their  execution  deceived  you.  They  could  not  have  been  deceived  them- 
selves; they  know  that  a  forcible  opposition  could  alone  prevent  the  execu- 
tion of  the  laws  and  they  know  that  such  opposition  must  be  repelled. 
Their  object  is  disunion.  But  be  not  deceived  by  names.  Disunion  by 
armed  force  is  Treason." 

Jackson  died  the  idol  of  the  Democratic  party  which  only  in  later 
years,  by  a  peculiar  combination  of  circumstances,  became  the  cham- 
pion of  Slavery  extension. 

The  President  in  this  document  also  appeals  to  the  patriotism  of 
the  people  of  South  Carolina,  to  their  conscience  as  men  imperilling 
the  happiness  of  their  fellow  citizens,  and  closes  his  proclamation 
with  these  patriotic  words: 

"May  the  great  Ruler  of  nations  grant  that  the  signal  blessings  with  which 
he  has  favored  ours,  may  not,  by  the  madness  of  party,  or  personal  ambition, 
be  disregarded  and  lost;  and  may  his  wise  providence  bring  those  who  have 
produced  this  crisis,  to  see  the  folly,  before  they  see  the  misery,  of  civil 
strife;  and  inspire  a  returning  veneration  for  that  Union,  which,  if  we  may 
dare  to  penetrate  His  designs,  He  has  chosen  as  the  only  means  of  attain- 
ing the  high  destinies  to  which  we  may  reasonably  aspire." 

January  16,  1833,  President  Jackson  issued  a  special  message 
against  Nullification,  in  which  among  other  statesmanlike  arguments 
he  says : 

"It  is  the  attribute  of  free  institutions,  that  under  them  the  empire  of 
reason  and  law  is  substituted  for  the  power  of  the  sword,"  and  he  declares, 
"It  is  the  right  of  mankind  generally  to  secure,  by  all  means  in  their  power, 
the  blessings  of  liberty  and  happiness;  but  when  for  these  purposes  any  body 
of  men  have  voluntarily  associated  themselves,  under  any  particular  form 
of  government,  no  portion  of  them  can  dissolve  the  association  without 
acknowledging  the  correlative  right  in  the  remainder,  to  decide,  whether 
that  dissolution  can  be  permitted  consistently  with  the  general  happiness." 

If  these  uncontrovertible  truths  would  have  been  heeded  later  on 
by  his  fellow  citizens,  fellow  partymen,  fellow  inhabitants  of  the 


24  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  18<i  I . 

South,  and  fellow  slaveholders,  what  immense  sacrifices  would  have 
been  saved  to  this  nation ! 

President  Jackson's  policy  and  proclamation  was  greeted  enthusi- 
astically by  all  States  except  South  Carolina.  Nevertheless,  a  bill 
waa  introduced  in  Congress  proposing  sweeping  reductions  and  equal- 
ization of  duties.  This  gave  the  South  Carolina  Legislature  an 
opportunity  to  put  off  with  good  grace  the  date  set  for  the  actual 
infringement  of  the  revenue  laws,  from  the  first  day  of  February, 
1834,  until  the  close  of  the  session  of  Congress  and  its  final  decision 
upon  the  new  Tariff.  Congress  yielded  towards  the  end  of  the  ses- 
sion and  adopted  the  compromise  Tariff  proposed  by  Henry  Clay, 
which  reduced  the  rates  one-tenth  every  year  until  the  31st  day  of 
June,  1842,  when  all  duties  should  be  reduced  to  a  maximum  of 
twenty  per  cent.  This  left  Calhoun  and  his  followers  the  satisfaction 
that  their  grievance  was  acknowledged  as  just,  even  if  their  means 
for  securing  redress  were  considered  wrong.  Webster  and  Benton 
placed  themselves  in  this  controversy  on  national  ground,  claiming 
that  the  minority  must  submit;  though  Benton  at  this  time  com- 
menced to  revise  his  views  upon  a  protective  Tariff,  saying  in  one 
of  his  speeches:  "The  fine  effects  upon  the  prosperity  of  the  West 
have  been  celebrated  on  this  floor  (Senate),  with  how  much  reason, 
let  facts  respond,  and  the  people  judge!  I  do  not  think  we  are 
indebted  to  the  high  Tariff  for  our  fertile  lands  and  our  navigable 
rivers,  and  I  am  certain  we  are  indebted  to  these  blessings  for  the 
prosperity  we  enjoy." 

President  Jackson  signed  the  new  Tariff  act,  though  he  con- 
demned the  policy  of  yielding,  stating  in  a  letter  to  a  friend:  "The 
next  will  be  the  Slavery  or  Negro  question."  Daniel  Webster  pro- 
tested that  no  concession  should  be  made  to  South  Carolina  until 
they  should  have  abandoned  their  treasonable  attitude,  and  Senator 
Benton  said:  "A  compromise  made  with  a  State  in  arms  is  a 
capitulation  to  that  State." 

This  success  of  South  Carolina  would  naturally  encourage  the 
State  Rights  element  in  the  South  to  try  the  threat  of  Secession 
again  in  the  future.  A  litigation  between  the  Cherokee  Indians  and 
the  State  of  Georgia  also  proved  that  the  sphere  of  Federal  and 
State  Rights  was  not  clearly  established.  The  United  States  had 
by  treaties,  granted  to  the  Cherokees  the  possession  of  their  lands, 
from  which  they  were  ousted  through  legislative  proceedings  of 
the  State  of  Georgia.  When  the  case  of  Tassells,  a  Cherokee,  was 


Introduction.  25 

tried,  the  ("nited  States  Court  issued  a  "Writ  of  Error,"  asking 
Georgia  to  .-how  cause,  "why  Tassells  should  not  be  discharged  and 
his  ca.-e  he  transferred  to  the  Cherokee  authorities,  in  keeping  with 
existing  treaties,  the  Writ  was  defied  by  Georgia,  and  the  Indian 
AY  us  hung.  Iii  another  instance,  two  missionaries  were  imprisoned  by 
Georgia.  Chief  Justice  Marshall  held,  that  the  treaties  between 
the  United  States  and  the  Cherokees  were  valid  and  binding  on  all 
the  States  and  paramount  to  all  State  law,  according  to  Article  VI., 
Section  2,  of  the  United  States  Constitution. 

When  the  attorney  of  the  missionaries  applied  to  President  Jack- 
son to  have  the  judgment  enforced,  he  declined  to  do  it,  saying: 
"Well,  John  Marshall  made  his  decision,  let  him  enforce  it."  This 
AVUS  not  at  all  in  keeping  with  President  Jackson's  former  energetic 
proclamation  against  the  South  Carolina  Nullifiers,  and  he  laid  him- 
self open  to  the  supposition  that  in  the  South  Carolina  Nullifiers' 
case,  lie  either  yielded  to  his  gifted  Secretary  of  State,  Edward  Liv- 
ingston, or  possibly  acted  from  personal  jealousy  of  J.  C.  Calhoun, 
the  leader  of  the  Nullifier  movement,  while  in  the  Georgia  case  he 
followed  a  policy  of  expediency,  which  suggested  itself  very  oppor- 
tunely, to  reward  political  services.  Possibly  also  Jackson  may  have 
thought,  if  Congress  yielded  to  the  South  Carolina  Nullifiers'  threat, 
hy  adopting  the  Henry  Clay  compromise  Tariff  Bill,  why  should  he, 
Jackson,  not  yield  to  the  widespread  prejudice  against  the  Indian 
and  his  vested  rights.  Be  this  as  it  may,  both  cases  were  most  un- 
fortunate, as  they  strengthened  the  State  Rights  doctrine  and  helped 
to  build  up  that  arrogant,  haughty  spirit  of  the  South,  which  in 
1861  precipitated  the  civil  war. 

The  lack  of  presidential  power  in  similar  difficulties,  as  the  South 
Carolina  Nullification  scheme,  caused  the  introduction  of  an  act  in 
Congress,  named  the  Force  Bill,  which  was  to  strengthen  the  Presi- 
dent's hands;  it  passed  the  House  by  a  vote  of  149  to  48,  and  the 
Senate  by  a  vote  of  32  to  1. 

When  this  bill  AA'as  before  the  Senate,  Benton  emphatically  reiter- 
ated the  sentiment  voiced  by  President  Jackson,  that  the  Union  must 
and  shall  be  preserved,  and  that  it  must  be  perpetual.  On  another 
occasion  Benton  used  these  words:  "It  was  to  get  rid  of  the  evils  of 
the  old  Confederacy  that  the  present  Union  was  formed ;  and  having 
formed  it,  they  who  formed  it,  undoubtedly  undertook  to  make  it 
perpetual  and  for  that  purpose  had  recourse  to  all  sanctions  held 
sacred  among  men:  Commands,  prohibition,  oaths." 


26  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

Comparing  these  sentiments  with  Benton's  early  inactivity  during 
the  admission  of  Missouri  as  a  Slave  State,  it  is  safe  to  assume  that 
he  did  not  appreciate  at  first  the  Union  destructive  tendency  of 
Slavery,  and  that  later  on  he  was  influenced  by  other  statesmen, 
most  of  all  by  that  sterling  Union  man,  President  Andrew  Jackson. 

The  protection  of  Slavery  was  no  doubt  the  strongest  incentive 
for  the  advocacy  of  State  Rights,  yet  the  Tariff  question  was  closely 
linked  with  it.  The  Southern  States  were  agricultural  States,  so 
made  by  the  fertility  of  the  soil,  by  climate  and  by  their  system  of 
labor  and  lesser  chances  of  navigation.  The  South,  of  necessity, 
had  less  cities,  which  are  naturally  the  centers  of  manufactures. 
Producing  only  staple  articles  and  buying  all  their  other  goods,  even 
provisions,  the  Tariff  appeared  an  injustice  to  them,  as  it  raised  the 
price  of  every  commodity  they  had  to  buy.  The  ships  that  left  the 
Southern  States  laden  with  tobacco  and  cotton  had  to  return  with 
empty  hulls.  All  this  deserves  consideration,  as  it  belongs  to  the 
springs  of  action,  for  even  in  a  State  like  South  Carolina,  whose 
population  has  a  decidedly  emotional  character,  it  would  be  difficult 
to  start  any  great  political  movement  without  the  substratum  of  an 
apparently  rational  cause.  It  must  be  also  conceded  that  in  an 
immense  country,  with  a  great  variety  of  climate,  soil  and  produc- 
tions, it  is  an  exceedingly  difficult  task  to  construct  a  Tariff  which 
will  be  just  to  all  sections. 

The  home  market  which  a  Tariff  policy  created  did  not  benefit 
the  Cotton  States  and  benefited  the  Border  States  only  to  a  limited 
extent.  The  manufacture  of  articles  for  defense  in  case  of  war, 
called  for  their  nursing  as  a  home  production,  but  the  Southern 
States  had  no  share  in  this  manufacture,  which  built  up  during  wrars 
\vith  foreign  countries,  still  needed  protection  after  peace  was  made. 

These  differences  of  interests  would  probably  have  been  adjusted 
by  the  accession  of  many  Western  States,  which  had  similar  Tariff 
interests  as  the  South;  the  latter,  however,  showed  no  disposition 
to  regulate  the  slave  question  in  a  manner  to  secure  its  extinction 
at  a  future,  even  at  a  remote  future  date,  and  it  is  this  chiefly  which 
led  at  the  North  to  the 

ABOLITION  MOVEMENT. 

The  wave  of  popular  enthusiasm  which  spread  by  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  carried  sentiments  for  freedom,  equity  and  human 
rights  all  over  the  Union ;  still  the  ablest  and  most  outspoken  oppo- 


Introduction.  27 

nents  to  Slavery  came  from  Southern  States;  among  these  were: 
Oglethorpe  of  Georgia,  Henry  Laurens  of  South  Carolina,  John 
Randolph,  Thomas  Jefferson,  George  Washington  of  Virginia.  The 
brightest  minds  during  the  war  for  Independence,  held,  that  the 
right  to  self  government  and  to  a  representation  of  interests  could 
only  be  safely  based  upon  the  broad  principle  that  every  man  is 
born  free  and  equal  and  entitled  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  his  labor. 
These  sentiments  grew  strong  in  the  character  of  the  American 
people,  by  the  exertions  with  which  they  conquered  the  difficulties 
of  settlement;  they  flashed  into  consciousness  through  the  doctrines 
of  contemporaneous  philosophers,  who  even  before  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  spread  the  political  gospel  of  ideal  democracy  and 
human  rights,  shaking  the  structures  of  legalized  usurpation  and 
blind  prejudices,  to  their  very  foundation.  From  the  works  of  the 
Reformation,  from  the  examples  of  Sidney  and  Hampden,  from  the 
writings  of  the  Encyclopedists,  sprung  the  seeds  of  independence, 
of  convictions  and  measures,  which  had  to  destroy  Slavery. 

Among  the  Articles  of  Association,  which  the  General  Congress  of 
Philadelphia  adopted  in  1774,  was  the  agreement,  "that  we  will 
neither  import  nor  purchase  any  slave  imported  .after  the  first  day 
of  December  next,"  and  in  keeping  with  this  agreement  the  slave 
trade  was  discontinued  in  nearly  all  States,  while  Slavery  itself  was 
gradually  abolished  in  all  Northern  States.  Societies  were  formed 
in  most  States,  including  Maryland  land  Virginia,  .which  favored 
the  emancipation  of  all  slaves.  Benjamin  Franklin  at  the  age  of 
M  years,  was  President  of  a  similar  Society  and  petitioned  Congress 
for  the  "restoration  to  liberty  of 'those  unhappy  men  who  alone  in 
this  land  of  freedom  are  degraded  into  perpetual  bondage." 

Congress  politely  declined  many  similar  petitions,  stating  it  had 
no  power  to  abolish  Slavery  in  the  States.  These  petitions  created 
no  excitement  at  first,  but  the  spirit  of  the  population  and  of  the 
representatives  changed,  when  new  machinery  and  new  territory 
made  Slavery  more  remunerative.  Many  people  at  the  North  shared 
in  these  advantages,  by  furnishing  provisions  and  other  goods  to 
the  South  and  favored  conditions  resulting  to  their  benefit;  thus 
Edward  Everett  from  Massachusetts  stated  in  the  Congress  of  1826, 
that  Slavery  was  sanctioned  by  religion ;  which  John  Randolph 
rebuked  with  the  words,  "I  envy  neither  the  head  nor  the  heart  of 
that  man  from  the  North  who  rises  here  to  defend  Slavery  upon 
principle." 


28  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

The  majority  in  Congress,  however,  resented  the  numerous  peti- 
tions for  the  abolishment  of  Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia, 
and  by  Rule  21,  forbade  their  reading,  which  reduced  their  number 
from  6000  a  year  to  2 ;  of  this  policy  J.  M.  Botts,  the  distinguished 
Virginia  statesman  and  slaveholder,  stated  that  the  denial  of  the 
right  of  petition  in  connection  with  Slavery  "gave  the  first  impetus 
to\vard  a  regular  organization  of  a  formidable  Abolition  party  in  all 
the  Northern  States." 

Botts  further  shows  how  the  position  of  extreme  Southern  states- 
men in  the  Texas  question  reacted  upon  the  North,  by  stating  of 
Calhoun : 

"He  openly  proclaimed  that  the  great  object  of  the  annexation  was  for  the 
expansion  of  Slave  territory,  and  consequent  increase  and  continuance  of 
power  of  the  Democracy  of  the  South,  and  this  it  was,  as  I  had  it  from  his 
own  lips,  that  first  drove  John  Quincy  Adams  into  the  ranks  of  the  Abolition 
party." 

In  his  work,  "The  Great  Rebellion"  (page  95),  Botts  relates  upon 
this  subject  the  following  colloquy  with  Adams: 

"Upon  the  adjournment  of  the  House,  we  walked  down  together,  and  I 
took  occasion  to  refer  to  his  remarks  and  said,  I  thought  he  did  not  mean  to 
say  all  that  his  language  could  imply?  Yes,  he  replied,  I  said  it  delib- 
erately and  purposely.  But,  said  I,  Mr.  Adams,  you  are  not  an  Abolitionist? 
Yes,  I  am,  said  he.  I  never  have  been  one  until  now ;  but-  when  I  see  the 
Constitution  of  my  country  struck  down  by  the  South  for  such  purposes  as 
are  openly  avowed,  no  alternative  is  left  me;  I  must  oppose  them  with  all 
the  means  within  my  reach;  I  must  fight  the  devil  with  his  own  fire;  and  to 
do  this  effectually,  I  am  obliged  to  co-operate  with  the  Abolition  party,  who 
have  been  hateful  to  me  heretofore." 

Mr.  Botts  adds  that  John  Quincy  Adams  exercised  more  influence 
upon  a  large  portion  of  the  North  than  any  other  man. 

The  action  of  the  Constitutional  Convention  of  Virginia  in  the 
year  1820,  proved  the  aggressive  disposition  of  the  slaveowners.  The 
majority  sought  a  representation  in  the  State  Legislature,  based 
upon  the  number  of  white  inhabitants;  the  minority  claimed  that 
three-fifths  of  the  slaves  held  chiefly  in  the  Eastern  counties,  should 
be  added  to  their  white  population  and  form  the  basis  of  representa- 
tion in  the  State  Legislature.  The  minority  carried  the  day,  and 
the  slaveholding  or  Eastern  counties  got  the  preponderance  in  polit- 
ical affairs.  After  this,  the  question  of  gradual  emancipation  was 
brought  up  only  once  more  in  the  Virginia  Legislature,  but  without 


Introduction.  29 

practical  result.  However,  as  the  question  of  emancipation  of  slaves 
faded  out  in  the  South,  it  received  new  life  and  vigor  in  the  North. 
Abolition  Societies,  Newspapers  and  Public  meetings  increased  the 
agitation.  Fearle.-s  nit-n  of  strong  convictions,  great  energy  and  per- 
severance devoted  their  capacity  and  life  to  the  cause  of  emancipa- 
tion. Benjamin  Lundy,  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  Gerrit  Smith, 
Elijah  P.  Lovejoy  and  others,  exerted  a  most  powerful  influence 
upon  the  conscience  of  the  nation.  Though  their  number  was 
si 1 1 .ill,  their  means  insignificant,  their  education  mostly  common- 
plaee.  they  reached  the  heart  of  the  nation,  both  North  and  South; 
jit  the  North  rekindling  the  fires  for  universal  freedom,  reaching  at 
first  the  leaders  of  intellect,  from  whom  political  insight  permeated 
to  the  masses;  while  in  the  South,  they  excited  the  ire  and  hatred 
of  the  slaveowning  aristocracy,  who  dreaded  the  danger  to  their 
possession  in  slaves  and  who  were  also  deeply  offended  by  the  detesta- 
tion of  the  peculiar  institution,  which  they  cherished,  and  enraged 
that  petty  scribblers  and  itinerant  preachers  dared  to  question  the 
ethics  of  men  before  whose  frown  perhaps  a  thousand  slaves  trem- 
bled. 

At  the  same  time,  poetry,  novels  and  the  stage  graphically  sketched 
the  horrors  of  Slavery.  "Uncle  Tom's  Cabin"  by  Harriet  Beecher 
Stowe;  poems  of  Longfellow  and  other  able  writers,  roused  the  finer 
sensibilities  of  the  nation. 

Kxtreme  views,  jihvays  strongly  in  evidence,  were  voiced  North 
and  South,  and  in  both  sections  inconsiderate  zealots  were  ever  ready 
to  plunge  the  nation  into  the  misery  of  civil  war.  It  can  not  be 
denied,  however,  that  even  among  moderate  people,  the  sentiment 
opposing  the  further  spread  of  Slavery  was  steadily  growing  at  the 
North,  while  the  disposition  to  spread  Slavery  at  all  hazards  was 
.-teudily  growing  at  the  South,  where  liberty  of  speech,  of  the  press 
and  even  of  conscience,  soon  became  a  myth.  The  Abolitionists 
were  mobbed  not  only  in  the  South,  but  even  by  Proslavery  people 
in  the  North;  and  this  did  not  only  happen  to  persons  of  extreme 
views,  but  also  to  those  who  remained  loyal  to  political  obligations. 
A  striking  example  of  this  was  the  tragic  fate  of  Elijah  P.  Lovejoy, 
which  is  all  the  more  germain  to  this  sketch  as  the  scene  of  his 
activity  was  St.  Louis  and  its  neighborhood. 


30  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


ELIJAH  P.  LOVEJOY 

came  to  St.  Louis  in  the  year  1827,  and  earned  his  living 
as  a  teacher.  He  became  editor  of  a  political  paper  in  1828; 
four  years  later  he  became  greatly  interested  in  religious  matters 
and  entered  a  theological  seminary  in  the  East.  Receiving  a 
license,  he  preached  in  Rhode  Island  and  New  York  in  1838.  Re- 
turning to  St.  Louis,  he  established  a  religious  newspaper  under  the 
name  of  "The  St.  Louis  Observer,"  an  orthodox  Protestant  paper 
although  the  people  of  St.  Louis  were  mostly  Catholics  at  the  time. 
He  took  a  firm  stand  against  Slavery  in  1835,  but  was  opposed  to 
immediate  or  unconditional  emancipation.  This  does  not  seem  to 
have  been  an  exceptional  position,  for  shortly  before,  the  "St.  Louis 
Republic,"  in  discussing  a  proposed  Constitutional  Convention, 
stated : 

"We  look  to  the  convention  as  a  happy  means  of  relieving  the  State  at 
some  future  day,  of  an  evil,  which  is  destroying  all  our  wholesome  energies, 
and  leaving  us,  in  morals,  in  enterprise  and  in  wealth,  behind  the  neighbor- 
ing States.  We  mean  of  course  the  curse  of  Slavery.  We  are  not  about  to 
make  any  attack  upon  the  rights  of  those  who  at  present  hold  this  descrip- 
tion of  property.  They  ought  to  be  respected  to  the  letter.  We  only  pro- 
pose, that  measures  shall  now  be  taken,  "for  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  at  such 
distant  period  of  time,  as  may  be  thought  expedient,  and  eventually  for  rid- 
ding the  country  altogether  of  a  colored  population." 

Love  joy,  in  writing  upon  this  article,  expressed  the  wish  that 
some  Southern  man,  well  acquainted  with  all  the  relations  of  Slavery, 
should  take  the  lead  in  this  matter.  Nevertheless,  a  hostile  move- 
ment was  started  against  the  "Observer,"  whose  patrons  knowing 
the  dangers  of  the  situation,  addressed,  on  October  5,  1835,  a  letter 
to  Reverend  E.  P.  Lovejoy,  its  editor,  of  which  the  following  are 
extracts:  "The  undersigned  friends  and  supporters  of  the  'Ob- 
server' beg  leave  to  suggest  that  the  present  temper  of  the  times  re- 
quires a  change  in  the  manner  of  conducting  that  print  in  relation 
to  the  subject  of  domestic  Slavery.  The  public  mind  is  greatly 
excited,  and  owing  to  the  unjustifiable  interference  of  our  Northern 
brethren  with  our  social  relations,  the  community  are,  perhaps,  not 
in  a  situation  to  endure  sound  doctrine  in  relation  to  this  subject. 
Indeed,  we  have  reason  to  believe  that  violence  is  even  now  medi- 
tated against  the  'Observer'  office" ;  advising  him  farther  on  'to  pass 


Introduction.  31 

over  in  silence  everything  connected  with  the  subject  of  Slavery.' r 
This  letter  was  signed  by  Archibald  Gamble,  Nathan  Ranney,  Wm. 
S.  Potts,  G.  W.  Call,  H.  R.  Gamble,  Hezekiah  King,  John  Kerr, 
Beverly  Allen,  J.  B.  Bryant,  some  of  the  foremost  men  of  all  Mis- 
souri. The  letter  not  only  characterizes  the  situation,  but  also 
shows  in  what  esteem  E.  P.  Lovejoy  was  held.  Not  less  character- 
istic is  the  endorsement  of  Lovejoy  thereon:  'I  did  not  yield  to 
tin  \\ishes  herein  expressed  and  in  consequence  have  been  perse- 
cuted ever  since.  But  I  have  kept  a  good  conscience  in  the  matter, 
and  that  more  than  repays  me  for  all  I  have  suffered  or  can  suffer. 
I  have  sworn  eternal  opposition  to  Slavery,  and  by  the  blessing  of 
God,  I  will  never  go  back.'  Amen.  E.  P.  L.,  October  24,  1837." 

The  disposition  on  both  sides,  foreshadowed  the  issue,  which  was 
advanced  by  events,  conditioned  in  the  nature  of  things.  Two  men 
were  illegally  seized  in  Illinois,  On  a  suspicion  that  they  had  decoyed 
slaves.  They  were  brought  to  St.  Louis,  taken  outside  the  city  limits 
and  whipped  with  100  to  200  lashes,  the  citizens  taking  turns  in 
the  castigation.  A  meeting  was  held  after  the  execution  and  reso- 
lutions passed,  denying  the  right  for  the  free  discussion  of  Slavery 
and  as  leading  to  the  disseverment  of  our  prosperous  Union. 

The  resolutions  also  invoked  the  example  of  the  Patriarchs  and 
Prophets,  who  possessed  slaves  and  ended  by  stating :  "We  consider 
Slavery  as  it  now  exists  in  the  United  States,  as  sanctioned  by  the 
sacred  Scriptures."  Lovejoy  criticised  these  resolutions,  and  quoted 
Article  13,  Section  16,  of  the  Constitution  of  Missouri,  in  force  at 
that  time,  which  orders :  "That  the  free  communication  of  thoughts 
and  opinions  is  one  of  the  invaluable  rights  of  man,  and  that  every 
person  may  freely  speak,  write  and  print  on  any  subject,  being 
responsible  for  the  abuse  of  that  liberty."  After  logically  and  elo- 
quently defending  his  position,  Lovejoy  concluded  his  appeal  to 
"My  Fellow  Citizens,"  with  the  following  manful  words: 

"I  do  therefore,  as  an  American  citizen  and  Christian  patriot,  and  in  the 
name  of  Liberty  and  Law  and  Religion,  solemnly  protest  against  all  these 
attempts,  howsoever  or  by  whomsoever  made,  to  frown  down  the  liberty 
of  the  press,  and  forbid  the  free  expression  of  opinion.  Under  a  deep  sense 
of  my  obligations  to  my  Country,  the  Church  and  my  God,  I  declare  it  to  be 
my  fixed  purpose,  to  submit  to  no  such  dictation.  And  I  am  prepared  to 
abide  the  consequences.  I  have  appealed  to  the  Constitution  and  Laws  of  my 
country;  if  they  fail  to  protect  me,  I  appeal  to  God,  and  with  him  I  cheerfully 
rest  my  cause." 


32  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

Soon  afterwards  another  incident  aggravated  the  situation.  In 
April,  1836,  one  Mclntosh,  a  mulatto,  while  under  arrest  at  St. 
Louis,  killed  an  officer  of  the  law.  He  was  dragged  by  a  mob  to  a 
stake  near  Sixth  and  Chestnut  and  burned  alive;  the  charred  corpse 
was  afterwards  made  a  target  by  degenerate  boys.  The  case  came 
before  a  Jury,  which-  in  accordance  with  instructions,  found  no  one 
guilty  for  the  lawless  and  inhuman  outrage.  Love  joy  wrote  about 
this  in  keeping  with  his  conscience  and  convictions,  whereupon  the 
mob  tore  down  his  office.  His  press  had  been  removed  to  Alton, 
Illinois,  but  was  destroyed  there  by  some  antagonists.  Citizens  of 
Alton  made  good  his  loss  and  Love  joy  bought  another  press  and 
again  published  the  "Observer"  until  August,  1837,  discussing  Slav- 
ery in  the  same  spirit  as  before.  On  the  17th  of  August  the  St. 
Louis  Republic  published  an  article,  counselling  the  Alton  people  to 
eject  from  amongst  them  that  minister  of  mischief,  the  ''Observer," 
to  put  a  stop  to  the  efforts  of  fanatics  or  expel  them  from  their 
community.  If  this  is  not  done,  the  travel  of  emigrants  through 
their  State,  and  the  trade  of  the  Slaveholding  States  and  particularly 
Missouri,  must  stop.  Four  days  later,  the  press,  type  and  furniture 
of  the  "Observer"  were  totally  destroyed  by  a  mob.  .  An  appeal  to 
friends  furnished  Love  joy  again  with  means  to  purchase  a  new 
press  and  type.  When  this  press  arrived  it  was  broken  to  pieces  by 
a  mob  and  thrown  into  the  river,  the  city  authorities  of  Alton  ap- 
parently conniving  at  these  outrages.  Meetings  held  and  resolutions 
passed  repeatedly,  to  influence  his  course,  met  the  same  moderation, 
but  also  the  same  resolution,  that  he  will  remain  true  to  his  con- 
victions and  practice  the  rights  of  an  American  citizen.  In  one  of 
his  last  speeches  he  said : 

"I  know,  sir,  that  you  can  tar  and  feather  me,  hang  me  up,  or  put  me  intD 
the  Mississippi  without  the  least  difficulty.  But  what  then?  Where  shall 
I  go?  I  have  been  made  to  feel,  that  I  am  not  safe  at  Alton;  I  shall  not  be 
safe  anywhere."  ...  "I  have  no  more  claim  upon  the  protection  of 
another  community  than  I  have  upon  this;  and  I  have  concluded,  after  con- 
sultation with  my  friends,  and  earnestly  seeking  counsel  of  God,  to  remain  at 
Alton,  and  here  to  insist  on  protection  in  the  exercise  of  my  rights.  If  the 
Civil  authorities  refuse  to  protect  me,  I  must  look  to  God;  and  if  I  die,  I 
have  determined  to  make  my  grave  in  Alton." 

Was  it  a  premonition  of  his  sad  fate,  or  was  it  an  intuitive  divina- 
tion, such  as  active  exalted  minds  readily  may  gain  from  the  logic 


Introduction.  33 

of  past  and  coming  events,  which  prompted  these  words?     Sure  it 
is:  that  what  they  implied,  was  soon  to  be  fulfilled. 

The  last  printing  press  was  landed  November  7,  1837,  and  under 
the  protection  of  the  city  authorities,  was  safely  placed  in  a  ware- 
house, under  the  guard  of  a  constable  and  a  squad  of  a  few  men. 
These  were  attacked  at  night  by  a  mob  with  brickbats  and  shots ; 
the  guard  returned  the  fire,  killing  one  man  and  wounding  several 
others.  Upon  this  the  mob  recoiled,  but  approached  again  more 
cautiously,  scaled  the  roof  with  ladders  and  set  the  building  on 
fire.  A  sortie  of  the  guards  succeeded  in  driving  the  mob  back 
;iu;iin.  Lovejoy  had  stepped  in  front  of  the  door,  when  a  shot  from 
ambush  pierced  his  breast ;  he  run  back  into  the  warehouse  and  fell 
dead  with  the  words,  "0  God,  I  am  shot."  Here  is  an  example  of 
true  greatness,  such  as  Horace  may  have  thought  of  when  he  wrote 
his  immortal  lines : 

"Justum  ac  tenacem  propositi  vlrum, 
Non  civium  ardor  prava  jubentium 
Mente  quatit  solida     .     .     .  ' 
Si  fractus  illabetur  orbis, 
Impavidum   ferient  ruinae."i 

Mobs  do  not  reflect:  they  act  upon  the  spur  of  the  moment's  pas- 
sion. Had  they  reflected  they  would  have  paused,  heeding  the  adage: 
'The  blood  of  the  martyrs  is  the  seed  of  the  church." 

INCENTIVES  TO  MOBS. 

The  lawless  violence,  which  as  a  means  of  intimidation,  destroyed 
the  property  and  life  of  Lovejoy,  was  not  restricted  to  the  "Wild 
West";  nor  was  it  a  rare  occurrence.  Other  presses  were  thrown 
into  the  river ;  other  offices  gutted ;  other  editors  and  speakers  threat- 
ened and  mobbed.  Prices  were  offered  for  the  heads  of  prominent 
Anti-slavery  men,  while  newspapers  bribed  by  the  profits  of  slave 
labor,  preached  a  crusade  against  Anti-slavery  agitators,  and 
provoked  mob  violence  against  the  modest  cottage  of  the  ignor- 

iThe  just  man,  in  his  purpose  strong, 
No  madding  crowd  can  bend  to  wrong — 
On  him  all  fearless  would  be  hurled 
The  ruins  of  a  crumbling  world." 

(Gladstone's  translation.) 


34  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

ant  and  heedless  Negro.  President  Jackson,  in  his  annual  mes- 
sage of  December  2,  1835,  called  upon  Congress  to  pass  laws  pre- 
venting the  circulation  of  incendiary  publications,  prone  to  insti- 
gate slaves  to  insurrection.  In  this  he  had  the  support  of  J.  C.  Cal- 
houn,  saving  the  condition,  that  the  latter  desired  the  States  to  exer- 
cise the  censorship.  Governor  Marcy,  of  New  York,  followed  the 
lead,  but  Congress  and  Legislatures  of  Northern  States  were  slow  to 
infringe  upon  the  liberty  of  the  press,  because  the  genius  of  the 
American  people  will  stand  considerable  abuse  before  it  will  agree 
to  curtail  the  free  expression  of  thought.  This,  of  course,  did  not 
quiet  the  sensibilities  of  slave  owners  or  the  inhabitants  of  South- 
ern States,  who  actuated  by  economic  and  political  motives,  had 
also  some  apprehension  of  slave  insurrections.  True,  there  were 
fearful  slave  insurrections  in  ancient  times,  attempted  with  some 
show  of  success,  even  against  powerful  and  warlike  States.  The 
uprising  of  the  Helots  against  Sparta,  about  470  B.  C.,  tested 
the  power  of  that  State;  but  the  Helots  and  their  ancestors  had, 
been  mostly  warlike  Greeks,  and  as  knowledge  in  those  days  was 
chiefly  spread  by  tradition  and  was  not  greatly  cultivated  by  the 
Spartans,  the  intellectual  superiority  of  the  latter  could  have  hardly 
outweighed  the  great  numerical  preponderance  of  the  Helots,  but 
for  the  rigid  and  perfect  organization  of  the  Spartans.  Even  a  more 
formidable  insurrection  of  slaves  teok  place  in  the  Roman  State 
about  73  B.  C.,  which  not  only  left  the  local  slave  owners  at  the 
mercy  of  their  former  slaves,  but  also  actually  endangered  the  State. 
But  the  circumstances  and  conditions  there  were  also  widely  "differ- 
ent from  those  of  the  Slavery  in  the  United  States.  The  Roman's 
slave  was  often  a  captive  of  war,  not  seldom  from  a  people  of  an 
old  civilization ;  a  considerable  number  of  those  slaves  were  trained 
for  gladiators;  their  bodily  strength,  fighting  skill  and  disdain  of 
danger  and  death,  \vere  systematically  cultivated,  and  in  their  great 
Slave  insurrection  they  had  the  sympathy  of  the  old  but  subdued 
owners  of  the  soil.  The  military  organization  and  maneuvers  of 
Roman  troops  were  convenient  for  observation  and  imitation;  the 
weapons  in  use  were  within  reach  of  the  next  blacksmith  shop,  no 
ammunition  was  needed,  no  large  distances  or  rivers  had  to  be  over- 
come, and  a  few  able  men  could  organize  an  army  in  a  compara- 
tively short  time.  Notwithstanding  these  favorable  circumstances,1 
the  revolt  was  ended  in  three  years.  The  6,000  slaves  which  were 


Introduction.  35 

crucified  or  hung,  and  the  60,000  slaves  which  were  slain  during 
this  war,  bear  testimony  to  its  dimensions.  The  cruelties  perpe- 
trated were  those  of  ignorant  masses  in  revolt,  no  matter  what  color 
they  have.  Another  slave  insurrection,  the  rising  of  the  Negroes  in 
Hayti,  in  1791,  was  much  more  akin  to  the  relations  in  the  United 
States,  with  regard  to  time,  place  and  other  circumstances,  being  in 
the  immediate  neighborhood  and  effected  by  Negroes  shortly  before 
the  time  when  the  Slavery  difficulties  commenced  in  the  Union. 
The  Hayti  slave  insurrection  deserves  special  notice  and  considera- 
tion, because  it  was  originated  by  political  strife  and  ended  in  the 
self-liberation  of  black  slaves.  In  consequence  of  the  proclamation 
of  universal  human  rights  by  the  National  Assembly  in  France,  a 
conflict  took  place  in  Hayti,  between  the  French  White  slave 
owners  and  the  free  Negroes  and  Mulattoes,  in  which  the  numerous 
slaves  soon  took  part,  siding  naturally  with  their  own  race.  The 
French  Legislative  Assembly  tried  to  end  this  difficulty,  by  granting 
equal  rights  to  all.  The  Whites,  being  heretofore  the  privileged  and 
possessive  class,  refused  to  obey  the  Assembly.  This  renewed  the 
strife  with  horrible  cruelties,  which  ended  in  the  almost  total  extinc- 
tion of  the  former  slave  owners.  Compared  with  these  mighty  up- 
risings of  slaves,  what  was  Nat  Turner's  attempt  with  a  band  of  200 
or  John  Brown's  raid  on  Harper's  Ferry  with  22  men.  And  what 
could  any  slave  insurrection  at  the  South  accomplish,  as  long  as  a 
fraternal  fellow  feeling  at  the  North  and  the- powerful  arm  of  the 
Government  was  ready  to  suppress  it?  Still,  with  such  examples 
before  them,  the  slaveholders  of  the  United  States  fought  with  the 
greatest  susceptibility  and  irritation  against  every  publication  which 
touched  upon  Slavery. 

This  disposition  made  itself  felt  in  Congress,  mainly  relative  the 
District  of  Columbia,  in  which  the  laws  of  Virginia  and  Maryland 
had  remained  in  force.  Washington  City  soon  became  a  lively 
domestic  slave  market,  and  even  the  United  States  Marshal  entered 
into  competition  with  the  other  slavedealers,  by  selling  colored  per- 
sons who  stayed  at  the  Capital  contrary  to  law.  This  anomalous 
condition,  considering  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  was  the 
cause  of  taunts  from  foreign  nations,  and  was  greatly  resented  at 
the  North.  Petitions  for  the  discontinuance  of  the  slave  market 
and  Slavery  in  the  District  were  frequently  presented,  but  differently 
received  from  the  one  sent  in  by  Benjamin  Franklin  shortly  before 
his  death.  Year  after  year  the  restrictive  rules,  bearing  upon  this 


36  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

subject  were  made  tighter;  at  first  the  petitions  were  to  be  read  and 
then  laid  on  the  table ;  next,  they  were  to  be  referred  with  instruction 
to  report  adversely;  then  they  were  to  lay  on  the  table  without 
printing  or  reference;  next  there  was  added  to  the  last  condition, 
that  no  further  action  should  be  had  upon  them ;  next  they  should 
be  received  without  being  debated,  printed,  read  or  referred;  and 
last  the  reception  of  such  petitions  should  be  considered  objected  to 
and  laid  on  the  table.  It  was  proposed  at  one  time,  to  the  whole 
Southern  delegation  in  Congress,  to  retire  from  the  halls  of  Con- 
gress, on  account  of  the  bare  presentation  of  Abolition  petitions 
by  members.  Some  of  these  rules  are  in  violation  of  Article  I  of 
the  amendments  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  which 
enjoins  "Congress  shall  make  no  law  abridging  the  right  of  the 
people  to  petition  the  Government  for  a  redress  of  grievances." 

All  these  subtle  schemes  were  vain;  the  spirit  of  the  age  effaced 
a  cause  which  was  lost  from  the  very  cradle. 

FLORIDA  AND  TEXAS. 

In  1820,  or  seventeen  years  after  the  Louisiana  Purchase,  Florida 
was  ceded  to  the  United  States  for  Five  (5)  Million  Dollars,  and 
schemes  were  already  then  maturing  "which  should  bring  Texas  into 
the  Union.  The  Western  men  sought  new  territory.  American 
settlers  moved  into  the  province  of  Texas,  before  the  Treaty  of  1819 
was  ratified.  They  attempted  an  insurrection  before  Slavery  was 
abolished  in  Mexico,  but  failed.  Americans  had  taken  their  slaves 
with  them  into  Texas,  and  when  the  Mexican  Government  decreed 
the  liberation  of  all  slaves,  they  refused  to  be  bound  by  the  decree, 
and  thus  Slavery  became  one  of  the  causes  of  the  rebellion  of  Texas 
against  Mexico.  Senator  Benton  was  in  favor  of  acknowledging 
Texas  as  an  independent  State ;  the  North-East  of  the  Union  opposed 
it,  for  the  intention  was  patent  to  secure  more  land  for  Slavery  exten- 
sion and  to  increase  the  representation  of  the  Slave  States  in  the 
Senate  and  House  of  Representatives. 

In  1806,  three  years  after  the  cession  of  Louisiana  Territory,  the 
Sabine  River  was  agreed  upon  as  the  boundary  of  Texas.  This  was 
also  acknowledged  by  the  treaty  ceding  Florida  in  1820  and  was 
also  admitted  by  two  Secretaries  of  State,  in  offering  a  price  for 
Texas  wrhich  Mexico,  however,  declined  to  accept.  For  years  com- 
binations were  planned  and  partly  carried  out,  to  wrest  Texas  from 


Introduction.  37 

the  Spaniards,  and  after  Mexico's  Declaration  of  Independence,  in 
1822,  also  from  the  latter  State. 

Many  adventurers  and  pioneers,  mostly  from  the  Southern  States 
of  the  Union,  settled  in  Texas,  among  whom  M.  Austin  from  St. 
Louis,  and  Sam  Houston  from  Tennessee  and  Arkansas,  were  lead- 
ing and  representative  men.  These  settlers  called  a  constitutional 
convention  in  1833,  and  passed  a  Declaration  of  Independence  in 
1836,  which  they  actually  made  good,  by  the  result  of  a  successful 
war  against  Mexico.  The  origin  of  the  settlers,  the  location  and 
climate  of  Texas  and  Florida  and  their  staple  article  cotton,  had 
the  tendency  to  make  Slave  States  out  of  them,  and  for  this  reason 
their  acquisition  was  firmly  opposed  at  the  North. 

In  a  speech  at  Niblo's  Garden,  March  15,  1837,  Daniel  Webster 
said:  "Texas  is  likely  to  be  a  slave  holding  country,  and  I  frankly 
avow  my  unwillingness  to  do  anything  that  shall  extend  the  Slavery 
of  the  African  ran.'  on  this  Continent  or  add  other  Slaveholding 
States  to  the  Union.  When  I  say  that  I  regard  Slavery  in  itself  as 
a  great  moral,  social  and  political  evil,  I  only  use  language  which 
has  been  adopted  by  distinguished  men,  themselves  citizens  of  Slave- 
holding  States." 

In  1844  J.  C.  Calhoun  as  Secretary  of  State,  presented  a  treaty 
for  the  annexation  of  Texas,  which  was  rejected  by  Congress.  The 
vote  cast  was  in  line  with  the  Anti-  and  Proslavery  element,  and  the 
latter  openly  avowed  that  they  desired  to  establish  an  equipoise  of 
influence  in  the  Halls  of  Congress,  which  shall  furnish  them  a  guar- 
anty of  protection. 

When  Texas  applied  for  Statehood  and  admission  to  the  Union 
in  1838,  the  administration  was  not  ready  for  war.  The  evident 
intention  in  the  South  was  to  perpetuate  Slavery,  by  having  at  least 
as  many  Slave  States  as  Free  States.  The  argument  was  also  used 
that  as  the  United  States  laws  protected  the  interests  of  the  manu- 
facturer at  the  North,  they  ought  to  extend  their  protection  to 
Slavery  at  the  South.  Predictions  were  freely  ventured  that  unless 
the  above  mentioned  equality  was  maintained,  the  Union  would 
vanish  in  the  air.  On  the  other  hand  the  anti  Slavery  men  stub- 
bornly held  that  if  Texas  was  annexed  and  Slavery  perpetuated, 
the  Union  could  not  hold  together.  Ex-President  Jackson  advocated 
the  annexation  of  Texas  on  military  grounds,  which  argument  was 
rather  questionable,  considering  that  England  had  not  only  the 
whole  Atlantic  Coast,  but  also  the  St.  Lawrrence  River  and  the  Lakes 


198508 


38  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

as  a  basis  for  military  operations  and  that  very  long  and  difficult 
marches  would  have  to  be  made,  in  order  to  reach  from  Texas  any 
point  of  strategical  importance.  John  C.  Calhoun,  as  President 
Tyler's  Secretary  of  State,  sounded  France  on  the  annexation  of 
Texas  and  advanced  the  argument  that  this  measure  would  uphold 
Slavery  through  the  whole  Continent,  which  in  his  opinion  was 
very  desirable,  as  it  would  assist  in  the  production  of  tropical  and 
semi-tropical  staples.  Calhoun's  political  friends  publicly  declared, 
"Texas  without  the  Union,  rather  than  the  Union  without  Texas." 
Men  who  afterwards  had  a  great  influence  in  shaping  the  destinies 
of  our  nation  were  of  a  different  opinion.  In  his  Personal  Memoirs, 
U.  S.  Grant  says  upon  this  question : 

"United  States  Colonists  to  Texas  introduced  Slavery  into  the  State  almost 
from  the  start,  though  the  Constitution  of  Mexico  did  not,  nor  does  it  now, 
sanction  that  institution." 

"I  was  bitterly  opposed  to  the  measure  (annexation  of  Texas),  and  to  this 
day  regard  the  war  which  resulted,  as  one  of  the  most  unjust  ever  waged 
by  a  stronger  against  a  weaker  nation." 

"The  occupation,  separation  and  annexation  were  from  the  inception  of 
the  movement  to  its  final  consummation,  a  conspiracy  to  acquire  territory,  out 
of  which  Slave  States  might  be  formed  for  the  American  Union.  .  .  . 
Nations,  like  individuals,  are  punished  for  their  transgressions." 

All  controversy  on  Texas  was  brought  to  an  end  when  J.  K. 
Polk,  an  outspoken  annexationist,  was  elected  President,  with  a 
majority  in  Congress  of  a  similar  disposition.  The  act  of  annexa- 
tion was  approved  March  2,  1845,  even  before  the  inauguration  of 
President  Polk. 

In  expectation  of  hostilities  from  Mexico,  General  Zach  Taylor 
landed  in  August,  1845,  with  1,500  men  at  Corpus  Christ!,  and  by 
the  end  of  the  year  had  his  little  army  increased  to  4,000  men, 
stationed  near  the  Nueces  River,  which  was  claimed  as  the  boundary 
by  Mexico.  In  the  Spring  of  1846  he  was  ordered  by  the  President 
to  advance.  He  reached  the  Rio  Grande  at  the  end  of  March,  and 
being  asked  by  the  Commander  of  the  Mexican  troops  to  return  to 
the  Nueces  River,  while  the  pending  question  relative  to  Texas  is 
regulated  by  the  Governments,  he  declined  to  accede  to  this  request. 
The  Mexicans,  6,000  strong,  attacked  his  2,300  men  at  Palo  Alto 
and  were  defeated;  suffering  another  reverse  next  day  at  Resaca, 
they  recrossed  the  Rio  Grande.  Congress,  informed  of  these  facts, 
discussed  an  act  for  the  prosecution  of  the  war  by  calling  out  50,000 
Volunteers  and  appropriating  ten  million  dollars.  It  was  quite 


Introduction.  39 

evident  now  that  more  territory  would  be  added  to  the  United  States, 
and  as  John  C.  Calhoun,  the  leading  representative  of  the  slave 
power,  had  already  proclaimed  what  the  Dred  Scott  decision  soon 
afterward  corroborated,  that  the  Federal  Constitution  carries  Slavery 
into  every  Territory  as  soon  as  it  is  acquired,  even  the  most  moderate 
Antislavery  men  at  the  North  became  justly  alarmed,  and  after  con- 
sultation agreed  to  add  to  the  first  Section  of  the  war  bill  the  follow- 
ing, which  ever  since  has  been  known  as  the  Wilmot  Proviso : 

"Provided,  that  as  an  express  and  fundamental  condition  to  the  acquisition 
of  any  territory  from  the  Republic  of  Mexico  by  the  United  States,  by  virtue 
of  any  treaty  that  may  be  negotiated  between  them,  and  to  the  use  by  the 
Executive  of  the  moneys  herein  appropriated,  neither  Slavery  nor  involuntary 
servitude  shall  ever  exist  in  any  part  of  said  territory,  except  for  crime 
whereof  the  party  shall  first  be  duly  convicted." 

This  was  offered  by  David  Wilmot  of  Pennsylvania  and  adopted 
in  Committee  of  the  Whole.  The  House  passed  the  Bill  with  the 
Wilmot  Proviso,  but  as  it  came  up  on  the  last  day  of  the  session,  the 
Senate  failed  to  act  upon  it.  Tyler,  hoping  for  re-election,  by  favor- 
ing the  annexation  of  Texas,  did  not  wait  for  the  Congressional 
measure  to  reach  him,  but  sent  commissioners  to  negotiate  for  the 
annexation  of  Texas. 

The  decided  vote  of  the  House  of  Representatives  in  favor  of 
the  Bill  with  the  Wilmot  Proviso,  caused  a  change  in  the  policy 
of  the  advocates  of  Slavery.  They  set  up  the  claim  that  this  ques- 
tion should  be  settled  by  the  local  Governments,  starting  in  this 
manner  the  Squatter  Sovereignty  doctrine,  soon  afterwards  made 
famous  by  the  championship  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas.  This  was- in 
keeping  with  J.  C.  Calhoun 's  claim  that  the  Constitution  carried 
Slavery  into  all  Territories;  the  doctrine  was  convenient  for  the 
Northern  Proslavery  candidate,  as  it  relieved  him  from  the  necessity 
of  defending  the  spread  of  an  institution,  which  was  fast  becoming 
unpopular  at  the  North,  and  it  referred  ultimately  all  features  bear- 
ing upon  it,  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  which,  as 
the  Slave  power  controlled  the  Government,  was  made  up  of  its 
partisans.  This  was  very  soon  afterwards  to  be  proved  in  a  most 
signal  manner  by  the  decision  of  the  Dred  Scott  case.  It  is  not 
material  whether  this  was  the  premeditated  plan  of  crafty  states- 
men, or  whether  it  was  a  natural  development  by  measures  in  the 
direction  of  least  resistance ;  the  tendency  was  wrrong,  and  that  con- 
demns it. 


40  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


EFFECTS  OF  A  LIBERAL  MOVEMENT. 

The  spring  of  nascent  liberty  had  come  for  Europe  in  1848; 
feudal  privileges,  clerical  restrictions,  aristocratic  prerogatives  and 
royal  usurpations,  carefully  nursed  by  the  reactionary  spirit  of  the 
past  decades,  were  superseded  everywhere  by  the  institutions  of 
a  free  press,  equal  representation,  religious  liberty  and  constitutional 
guarantees  of  human  rights.  The  influence  of  that  popular  up- 
heaval was  also  felt  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic,  in  the  spirit  of 
public  manifestations  and  the  adoption  of  measures.  The  Demo- 
cratic National  Convention,  which  met  towards  the  end  of  May,  and 
nominated  General  Lewis  Cass,  congratulated  Europe  for  prostrat- 
ing thrones  and  erecting  republics,  by  resolving  that  "the  thirty 
States  of  the  American  Republic  tender  their  fraternal  congratula- 
tions to  the  national  convention  -of  the  republic  of  France,  now 
assembled  as  the  free  suffrage  representatives  of  thirty-five  million 
of  republicans  to  establish  government  on  those  eternal  principles 
of  equal  rights  for  which  their  Lafayette  and  our  Washington 
fought  side  by  side,  in  the  struggle  for  our  national  independence." 

It  adds  significance  to  this  resolution  that  the  members  of  that 
convention  must  have  been  informed  of  Washington's  and  Lafay- 
ette's Antislavery  convictions  and  that  in  speaking  of  "the  thirty 
States  of  the  American  Republic,"  they  blandish  State  Rights  with 
the  conception  of  the  Union.  The  Free  Soil  Party  convention  met 
at  Buffalo,  nominated  Martin  Van  Buren  for  President  and  came 
out  boldly  for  limiting,  localizing  and  discouraging  Slavery;  deny- 
ing that  Congress  had  the  power  to  establish  it  anywhere,  and  de- 
manded that  the  Government  should  abolish  Slavery,  wherever  it 
had  the  Constitutional  power.  The  Whig  Party  Convention  met  at 
Philadelphia  on  June  7,  nominated  Zach  Taylor  for  President;  it 
did  not  accept  any  decided  platform  nor  did  it  act  on  the  Wilmot 
proviso,  which  had  been  proposed  to  the  Convention. 

General  Taylor  was  elected  President  by  the  people;  this  was 
owing  partly  to  his  military  renown  and  partly  to  the  more  liberal 
stand  the  Whig  party  took  on  the  Slavery  question,  which  was 
strengthened  by  the  moral  influence  of  the  popular  upheaval  be- 
yond the  Atlantic  Ocean.  This  election  proves  the  growing  Anti- 
slavery  disposition  of  the  North;  for  Martin  Van  Buren  from  New 
York,  President  of  the  United  States  from  1837  to  1841,  elected  as 
a  Democrat,  became  the  candidate  of  the  Free  Soil  party  in  1848, 


41 

after  the  delegation  of  the  New  York  Free  Soil  Democrats,  not  will- 
ing to  share  equally  in  representation  with  a  contesting  Proslavery 
delegation,  had  seceded  from  the  regular  Democratic  convention. 

COMPROMISE  OF  1850. 

Repeated  attempts  were  made  in  Congress  to  extend  the  line  of 
36°  30'  North  Latitude  clear  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  as  the  limit 
between  future  Free  and  Slave  States.  This  would  have  given  the 
Indian  Territory,  Oklahoma,  New  Mexico,  Arizona  and  Southern 
California  to  the  Slave  power.  These  attempts  failed,  showing  that 
the  Antislavery  extension  movement  had  gained  considerable 
strength,  since  the  adoption  of  the  Missouri  Compromise.  A  sign 
of  the  times  also  was  a  resolution  to  stop  the  slave  trade  in  the 
District  of  Columbia;  it  was  introduced  in  the  House  and  endorsed 
by  the  same,  but  strangled  in  committee;  still  more  important  than 
this  was -the  ordering  of  a  territorial  government  for  Oregon,  with 
a  prohibition  of  Slavery,  and  without  the  counterweight  of  a  slave 
Territory  to  pair  off  this  Northern  acquisition. 

The  question  upon  the  condition  of  the  Territories  acquired  from 
Mexico  was  unsettled.  The  Military  Governor  of  California,  General 
B.  Riley.  issued  on  June  3,  1849,  a  proclamation,  v  calling  a  Con- 
vention for  the  formation  of  a  State  Constitution,  and  the  people 
of  California  framed  such  a  document  in  which  Slavery  was  for- 
bidden. President  Taylor  had  recommended  in  his  message  to  await 
the  action  of  the  people  of  the  Territories,  to  organize  on  such  prin- 
ciples and  forms  as  to  them  shall  seem  most  likely  to  effect  their 
safety  and  happiness.  This  recommendation  also  appears  to  be  a 
precursor  to  Squatter  Sovereignty.  In  Congress,  views  differed  on 
various  matters,  but  there  was  a  pretty  general  desire  to  dispose  of 
the  Mexican  Territory  question.  It  again  fell  to  the  genius  of 
Henry  Clay  to  propose  a  compromise,  whi'ch  covered  the  issue  and 
to  which  Webster  and  Calhoun  agreed.  After  an  animated  debate, 
in  which  H.  S.  Foote  and  Jefferson  Davis  from  Mississippi,  and  J.  M. 
Mason  from  Virginia,  stood  up  for  extreme  Southern  theories, 
Daniel  Webster  occupied  a  middle  ground  and  Henry  Clay  advo- 
cated for  the  people  of  the  Territories  more  free  choice  relative 
Slavery,  the  compromise  measure  of  1850  was  adopted,  admitting 
California  as  a  Free  State,  organizing  the  Territories  of  New  Mexico 
and  Utah  without  the  Wilmot  Proviso,  establishing  the  boundary 


42  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Lorn*  in  1861. 

of  Texas  and  paying  that  Territory  ten  million  of  dollars  for  ceded 
lands,  making  the  Fugitive  Slave  law  more  stringent,  prohibiting 
the  slave  trade  in  the  District  of  Columbia  and  leaving  Slavery 
there  undisturbed. 

During  the  debate  about  this  measure,  Benton  in  plain  words 
claimed  to  have  been  opposed  to  the  extension  of  Slavery,  since  he 
was  a  law  student  in  1804.  Referring  to  Tucker's  edition  of  Black- 
stone's  Commentaries,  he  said: 

"And  here  I  find  the  largest  objection  to  the  extension  of  Slavery;  to  plant- 
ing it  in  new  regions,  where  it  does  not  now  exist,  bestowing  it  on  those  who 
have  it  not.  The  incurability  of  the  evil,  is  the  greatest  objection  to  the  exten- 
sion of  Slavery.  It  is  wrong  for  the  legislator  to  inflict  an  evil  which  can  be 
cured;  how  much  more  to  inflict  one  that  is  incurable,  and  against  the 
will  of  the  people,  who  are  to  endure  it  forever!  ...  I  deem  it  an  evil 
and  would  neither  adopt  it,  nor  impose  it  upon  others.  Yet  I  am  a  slave- 
holder and  among  the  few  members  of  Congress  who  hold  slaves  in  this 
District.  .  .  . 

"Every  one  sees  now  that  it  is  a  question  of  races,  involving  consequences 
which  go  to  the  destruction  of  one  or  the  other.  It  was  seen  fifty  years  ago, 
and  the  wisdom  of  Virginia  balked  at  it  then.  It  seems  to  be  above  human 
wisdom.  But  there  is  a  wisdom  above  human!  and  to  that  we  must  look. 
In  the  meantime,  do  not  extend  the  evil." 

These  plain  and  forcible  words,  if  spoken  by  Benton  at  the 
time  when  the  admission  of  Missouri  was  considered,  instead  of  his 
submitting  to  the  Missouri  compromise,  would  have  had  the  most 
far-reaching  consequences  and  would  have  made  Missouri  the 
greatest  State,  Benton  the  greatest  man  of  the  Union.  There  is  no 
doubt  that  the  tidal  wave  of  Liberty,  which  swept  away  thrones  in 
Europe  in  the  spring  of  1848,  made  a  deep  impression  upon  the 
mind  of  Benton,  as  it  had  its  influence  in  taming  John  C.  Calhoun 
and  the  Southern  extremists  to  submit  to  the  terms  of  the  compro- 
mise of  1850. 

The  compromise  of  1850  was  not  to  go  on  record  without  the 
protest  of  ten  Senators,  who  stated  their  disapprobation  and  pre- 
dicted the  dissolution  of  the  Union,  in  consequence  of  similar  legis- 
lation; these  ten  Senators  asked  that  their  protest  be  spread  upon 
the  records.  Benton  objected  both  to  the  spirit  of  the  protest  and 
also  to  its  being  spread  upon  the  records.  The  protest  was  not 
received  by  the  Senate,  and  of  course  could  not  go  on  record  in  the 
journal,  but  for  all  that,  no  power  on  earth  could  prevent  it  from 


Introduction.  43 

going  on  record  in  History,  and  according  to  Benton's  own  words 
did  mark  "one  of  those  eras  in  the  History  of  nations,  from  which 
calamitous  events  flow." 

Benton  was  not  previously  as  outspoken  on  the  Slavery  question, 
for  Calhoun  said  he  was  surprised  at  his  opposition  to  the  protest, 
expecting  probably  Benton  to  support  it,  as  he  came  from  the  Slave 
State  admitted  by  the  Missouri  compromise^  which  also  made  him 
Senator.  The  Missourian  resented  these  remarks,  saying  it  was 
impossible  for  Calhoun  to  have  expected  anything  of  that  sort,  to 
which  rather  insulting  remark  Calhoun  retorted: 

"Then  I  shall  know  where  to  find  the  gentleman."  To  which 
Benton  replied:  "I  shall  be  found  in  the  right  place  on  the  side  of 
my  country  and  the  Union." 

The  compromise  of  1850  was  hailed  as  a  measure  calculated  to 
adjust  differences  between  the  North  and  the  South.  It  gave  great 
satisfaction  to  the  business,  manufacturing  and  trading  people, 
whose  prosperity  was  threatened  by  every  political  commotion, 
which  endangered  the  peace  of  the  Federal  Union.  This  satisfac- 
tion at  first  appears  to  have  been  quite  general.  For,  as  the  extrem- 
ists in  the  South,  set  up  State  Rights  tickets,  always  with  a  menace 
for  the  dissolution  of  the  Union,  as  an  alternative  to  the  adoption  of 
their  policy,  they  were  signally  defeated  in  the  States  of  Mississippi, 
Alabama,  Louisiana  and  South  Carolina,  by  the  Union  or  Moderate 
Democracy  of  those  States.  An  even  stronger  endorsement  to  the 
Compromise  measures  was  given  by  the  National  Democratic  Con- 
vention of  1852,  which  nominated  Franklin  Pierce  for  President, 
and  declared  itself  against  all  interference  by  Congress  in  the  domes- 
tic institutions  of  States,  but  also  pledged  the  party  to  abide  by  the 
compromise,  in  the  hope  that  this  will  stop  the  agitation  of  the 
Slavery  question  in  Congress  and  out  of  Congress.  The  Whig  Na- 
tional Convention  nominated  General  Winfield  Scott,  endorsed  the 
compromise  and  deprecated  the  agitation  of  the  questions  thus  set- 
tled. The  Free  Soil  Convention  nominated  John  P.  Hale  and  came 
out  in  a  radical  manner  against  Slavery  extension  and  all  measures 
calculated  to  aid  Slavery.  While  the  Democrats  carried  the  Union 
by  a  large  majority  of  the  electoral  vote,  the  proportions  of  the  popu- 
lar vote  showed  far  less  difference  in  relative  strength,  namely:  51 
percent  for  Franklin  Pierce,  Democrat;  44  percent  for  Winfield 
Scott,  Whig;  5  percent  for  John  P.  Hale,  Free  Soil. 

As  both  the  Democratic  and  the  Whig  party  had  endorsed  the 


44  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

compromise  of  1850,  this  vote  would  appear  very  promising  for 
a  lasting  arrangement.  Unfortunately,  however,  the  compromise 
contained  a  feature  for  continuous  friction  in  the  stringent  obliga- 
tions of  the 

FUGITIVE  SLAVE  LAW. 

The  Southerners  professed  that  they  derived  no  benefit  from  the 
compromise,  as  the  Northern  people  did  not  carry  out  its  provisions 
in  good  faith.  This  was  certainly  true  with  regard  to  a  great  many 
persons,  who  regarded  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  and  their  own  forced 
participation  as  a  "Posse  Commitatus"  to  carry  out  its  behests,  as 
a  gross  infringement  of  their  liberty  of  conscience,  not  deeming  that 
any  State  had  a  right  to  demand  from  them  actions,  which  they 
considered  sinful.  Thus  nearly  all  Northern  States  tried  to  obviate 
the  objectionable  provisions  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Act,  by  passing 
Personal  Liberty  Bills,  with  various  conditions.  Maine  forbid  its 
public  officers  to  aid  the  capture  or  detention  of  persons  claimed  to 
be  slaves ;  New  Hampshire  declared  all  Slaves  free  that  were  brought 
into  the  State  with  the  consent  of  their  master ;  Vermont  recognized 
no  warrant  under  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  and  forbid  its  officers  or 
citizens  to  give  aid  in  capturing  slaves,  exempting  United  States 
officials  from  this  prohibition,  but  orders  State  Attorneys  to  assist 
the  fugitives,  securing  to  them  the  benefits  of  the  Habeas  Corpus 
act,  trial  by  Jury  and  liberating  the  slaves  under  various  conditions 
and  providing  punishment  for  captors;  Massachusetts  secured  them 
Jury  trial,  legal  advice,  writ  of  Habeas  Corpus  and  prohibits  State 
officers  to  'assist  in  the  capture  or  detention  of  persons  accused  or 
convicted  of  resisting  the  Fugitive  Slave  law,  punishes  heavily  all 
persons  who  aid  a  spurious  claim,  also  punishes  State  officers  and 
militiamen  for  assisting  in  the  capture;  Connecticut  fines  spurious 
claimants  heavily;  New  York  had  a  Habeas  Corpus  act  protecting 
fugitives,  which  was  deemed  void  under  a  United  States  Supreme 
Court  decision;  Pennsylvania  prohibits  her  State  officers  to  take 
cognizance  of  writs  under  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law;  Michigan  gives 
legal  aid,  grants  Habeas  Corpus  act,  trial  by  Jury,  and  denies  deten- 
tion in  State  prisons  of  persons  claimed;  Wisconsin  gives  legal  aid, 
Habeas  Corpus  act,  trial  by  Jury,  appeal  to  Circuit  Court,  demands 
evidence  by  two  credible  witnesses  and  voids  the  sales  made  pursuant 
to  the  Fugitive  Slave  act  penalties. 


Introduction.  45 

Disobedience  of  these  several  enactments  were  punished  by  fine 
and  imprisonment,  as  follows: 

Maine,  5  years  prison  and  $1,000  fine. 
Vermont,  15  years  prison  and  $2,000  fine. 
Massachusetts,  5  years  prison  and  $5,000  fine. 
Pennsylvania,  3  months  prison  and  $1,000  fine. 
Indiana,  14  years  prison  and  $5,000  fine. 
Michigan,  10  years  prison  and  $1,000  fine. 
Imva.  5  years  prison  and  $1,000  fine. 
Wisconsin,  2  years  prison  and  $1,000  fine. 

No  less  just  complaint  could  be  raised  by  the  Northern  States. 
As  every  law  is  liable  to  be  abused  if  executed  by  partisan  agents, 
so  was  this,  and  men  who  would  volunteer  to  catch  fugitive  slaves 
certainly  belonged  to  the  roughest  element  of  the  population  North 
or  South.  Cruelties  were  perpetrated  which  would  have  shocked  the 
sensibilities  of  any  civilized  community.  Men  were  murdered  be- 
caii-r  they  did  not  quietly  submit  to  arrest,  and  trial  by  Jury  was 
denied  to  fugitives ;  mothers  arrested,  murdered  their  children  rather 
than  to  have  them  returned  to  a  cruel  master ;  people  who  had  lived 
as  free  men  and  raised  a  family  under  free  relations,  were  claimed 
as  slaves  with  all  their  descendants.  The  fee  for  delivering  a 
claimed  person,  being  double  in  amount  of  the  fee  for  his  liberation, 
also  strongly  favored  the  claimant.  The  question  of  the  constitu- 
tionality of  the  Fugitive  Slave  act,  was  raised  by  men  of  high 
authority  in  the  community;  this  encouraged  many  to  evade  the 
obligations  of  the  law  wherever  possible,  while  it  nerved  others  to 
open  and  defiant  resistance.  The  people  of  both  the  North  and  the 
South  considered  themselves  aggrieved  by  the  workings  of  the  Fugi- 
tive Slave  act,  and  this  served  to  increase  the  animosity  which  was 
already  previously  engendered  by  party  jealousy  and  rivalry. 

The  aggression  of  the  slave  power  became  steady  and  unrelenting ; 
in  1835  South  Carolina  passed  an  act  for  the  arrest  of  free  colored 
sailors  found  on  board  of  vessels  entering  a  South  Carolina  port,  the 
same  to  remain  in  prison  until  the  vessel  cleared  the  port  and  to  pay 
the  expenses  for  these  proceedings.  Under  this  act,  sailors  from 
Massachusetts  were  arrested  contrary  to  the  provisions  of  the  United 
States  Constitution  which  ordains  that:  "The  citizens  of  each  State 
shall  be  entitled  to  all  the  privileges  and  immunities  of  citizens  in 
the  several  States."  As  free  colored  men  were  citizens  and  voters 


46  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1801. 

not  only  in  Northern  States,  but  also  in  a  Southern  State,  the  Legis- 
lature of  Massachusetts  resolved  to  test  the  constitutionality  of  this 
special  South  Carolina  law  and  commissioned  Sam  Hoar,  a  promi- 
nent citizen,  to  proceed  to  Charleston  and  institute  legal  measures, 
in  order  to  secure  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  a  final 
adjudication  of  the  questions  at  issue.  The  Governor  of  South 
Carolina,  being  informed  by  Mr.  Hoar  of  his  mission,  laid  the  matter 
before  the  Legislature  of  South  Carolina  which  passed  resolutions 
that  persons  of  color  are  no  citizens  of  the  United  States ;  that  the 
emissary  from  Massachusetts  is  to  be  regarded  a  person  interfering 
with  the  institutions  of  South  Carolina  and  disturbing  her  peace, 
and  that  the  Governor  should  expel  such  agent.  A  proposition  for 
an  agreed  case  was  declined  by  the  local  officials  and  Mr.  Hoar 
threatened  with  mob  violence  and  lynching,  had  to  return  to  Massa- 
chusetts, without  being  able  to  bring  the  case  into  Court. 

It  was  evident  that  the  North  and  the  South  became  more  and 
more  estranged  and  the  compromise  of  1850  was  not  a  solution, 
but  only  a  procrastination  of  a  very  grave  issue. 

THE  KANSAS  CONTEST. 

While  prosperity  spread  over  the  fair  realm  of  the  Union,  heavy 
clouds  gathered  for  the  coming  storm.  West  of  Missouri  and  Iowa 
and  East  of  New  Mexico  and  Utah  lay  the  balance  of  the  Territory 
acquired  by  the  Louisiana  Purchase,  in  which  Slavery  was  prohib- 
ited by  the  Missouri  compromise,  in  consideration  of  the  admission 
of  Missouri  as  a  Slave  State.  The  inhabitants  of  the  Western  States 
desired  the  opening  of  this  vast  agricultural  empire,  whose  great 
advantages  were  made  known  through  a  lively  and  lucrative  trade 
with  Santa  Fe,  through  the  migration  of  the  Mormons  to  Utah, 
and  most  of  all,  through  the  very  great  number  of  teams,  which 
by  various  overland  routes  were  moving  to  the  gold  fields  of  Cali- 
fornia. In  -1851  and  1852  petitions  were  presented  to  Congress  for 
opening  this  Territory;  they  were  urged  by  Willard  P.  Hall  and 
David  Atchison  of  Missouri,  A.  C.  Dodge  of  Iowa  and  Stephen  A. 
Douglas  of  Illinois.  The  latter  reported  early  in  1854  a  bill  for 
the  organization  of  that  Territory,  which  is  memorable,  because 
in  his  report,  he  questioned  the  constitutionality  of  that  portion  of 
the  Missouri  compromise  of  1820,  whereby  "Slavery  and  involuntary 
servitude,  otherwise  than  in  punishment  of  crime,  whereof  the  party 


Introduction.  47 

shall  have  been  duly  convicted,  shall  be  and  is  hereby  forever  pro- 
hibited— in  all  that  Territory  ceded  by  France  to  the  United  States, 
under  the  name  of  Louisiana,  which  lies  North  of  36°  30'  of  North 
Latitude,"  excepting  that  part  occupied  by  the  State  of  Missouri. 

This  bill  reported  for  the  organization  of  the  Territories  of  Kan- 
sas and  Nebraska  enjoined 

"so  far  as  the  question  of  Slavery  is  concerned,  to  carry  into  practical 
operation  the  following  propositions  and  principles,  established  by  the  com- 
promise measures  of  1850,  to-wit: 

1.  That  all  questions  pertaining  to  Slavery  in  the  Territories,  and  in  the 
new  States  to  be  formed  therefrom,  are  to  be  left  to  the  decision  of  the  people 
residing  therein,  through  their  appropriate  representatives. 

"2.  That  all  cases  involving  title  to  Slaves,  and  questions  of  personal  free- 
dom, are  referred  to  the  adjudication  of  the  local  tribunals  with  the  right  of 
appeal  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 

"3.  That  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution  and  Laws  of  the  United  States, 
in  respect  to  fugitives  from  service,  are  to  be  carried  into  faithful  exe- 
cution in  all  the  organized  Territories  the  same  as  in  the  States."  The 
same  report  added:  "That  the  Constitution  and  all  laws  of  the  United 
States  which  are  not  locally  inapplicable,  shall  have  the  same  force  and 
effect  within  the  said  Territory  as  elsewhere  in  the  United  States,  except 
the  Section  of  the  act  preparatory  to  the  admission  of  Missouri  into  the 
Union,  approved  March  6,  1820,  which,  being  inconsistent  with  the  principles 
of  Non-intervention  by  Congress  with  Slavery  in  the  States  and  Territories  (?) 
as  recognized  by  the  legislation  of  1850  (commonly  called  the  compromise 
measures),  is  hereby  declared  inoperative  and  void;  it  being  the  true  intent 
and  meaning  of  this  act,  not  to  legislate  Slavery  into  any  Territory  or  State, 
nor  to  exclude  it  therefrom,  but  to  leave  the  people  thereof  perfectly  free  to 
form  and  regulate  their  domestic  institutions  in  their  own  way,  subject  only 
to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States." 

An  attempt  was  made  by  S.  P.  Chase  in  the  Senate  and  by- Mr. 
English  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  to  leave  the  Slavery  ques- 
tion, with  the  Territorial  Legislature,  but  both  were  voted  down,  as 
it  was  the  intention  of  the  Congressional  majority  that  only  when 
the  Constitution  was  framed  and  proposed  for  the  admission  to 
Statehood,  should  the  citizens  of  the  new  Territories  have  the  chances 
to  determine  whether  they  want  .to  admit  Slavery  or  not. 

The  first  energetic  protest  against  this  measure  came  from  an 
indignation  meeting  at  Chicago,  called  by  George  Schneider  and 
George  Hillgaertner,  editors  of  the  Illinois  Staats  Zeitung. 

The  repeal  of  portions  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  by  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  act,  was  a  breach  of  good  faith,  perpetrated  by  the  Pro- 
slavery  element.  Missouri  had  been  admitted  as  a  Slave  State  only 


48  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

on  the  condition  that  Slavery  should  be  excluded  from  the  Western 
Territory,  lying  North  of  36°  30'  North  Latitude;  if  the  compro- 
mise of  1820  was  wrong,  all  of  it  should  have  been  repealed  if  prac- 
ticable, and  if  not  practicable,  it  should  in  all  fairness  have  been 
left  undisturbed.  The  Dred  Scott  decision,  endorsing  the  extreme 
Southern  views  of  John  C.  Calhoun,  could  not  be  used  as  authority 
for  the  Kansas-Nebraska  act,  which  preceded  it.  Nor  could  the 
terms  of  the  compromise  of  1850  be  made  retrospective  upon  the 
compromise  of  1820,  as  this  would  have  been  an  evident  anachron- 
ism, and~as  the  two  compromises  treated  upon  different  Territories, 
acquired  under  vastly  different  circumstances.  Slavery  was  not 
excluded  in  so  many  words  from  the  Territories  of  New  Mexico  and 
Utah  in  1850,  because  according  to  Daniel  Webster  this  would  have 
uselessly  reaffirmed  an  ordinance  of  nature,  or  re-enacted  the  will 
of  God.  Although  the  Congress  of  1850,  did  not  deem  any  condi- 
tion necessary  for  excluding  Slavery  from  New  Mexico  and  Utah; 
this  was  no  sound  reason  to  repeal  its  prohibition  from  the  Terri- 
tories of  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  where  a  previous  Congress  had 
deemed  the  prohibition  most  necessary  and  had  even  allowed  a 
valuable  consideration  for  the  same. 

The  great  actors  in  the  contest  on  the  Slavery  question,  the  origi- 
nators and  champions  of  the  compromises,  had  now  passed  away: 
John  C.  Calhoun,  President  Taylor,  Plenry  Clay  and  Daniel  Web- 
ster, died  in  short  succession.  The  sentiment  for  and  against  Slavery 
had  steadily  become  more  outspoken,  and  it  is  now  quite  certain 
that  even  these  master  minds  could  no  more  stem  the  swelling  tide 
which  pushed  both  sections  of  the  country,  to  try  conclusions  by 
the  force  of  arms.  The  events  which  resulted  from  the  unjust  repeal 
of  part  of  the  Missouri  compromise  did  not  meet  the  anticipations 
of  its  advocates,  nor  did  they  verify  the  fears  of  its  opponents.  If 
the  supporters  of  this  measure  expected  that  it  wrill  quiet  the  agita- 
tion of  the  Slavery  question,  they  made  their  calculations  without 
due  regard  to  human  nature. 

The  opening  of  a  new  Territory  always  puts  in  motion  a  number 
of  men  who,  from  a  desire  to  improve  their  condition,  sometimes 
only  from  love  of  adventure,  seek  the  dangers,  difficulties  and 
rewards  of  a  new  settlement.  Shortly  before  the  passage  of  the  Kan- 
sas-Nebraska act,  treaties  were  concluded  with  most  of  the  Indians 
settled  on  the  Eastern  boundary  of  Kansas,  which  opened  their 
lands  to  purchase  and  settlement.  Citizens  of  the  Western  part  of 


Introduction.  49 

Mi.-.-ouri  had  early  notice  of  these  advantages  and  organized  societies 
for  protecting  their  interests  and  for  planting  Slavery  into  the  new 
Territory.  Soon  after  the  Kansas-Nebraska  act  was  passed,  many 
members  of  these  societies  crossed  the  Missouri  River,  staked  out 
claims  and  passed  resolutions  hostile  to  settlers  from  the  Free  States. 
The  resolutions  at  first  only  mildly  hinted  that  no  protection  shall 
be  afforded  to  Abolitionists  settling  in  the  Territory,  next  they  de- 
clared that  Slavery  was  already  existing  in  the  Territory,  calling 
upon  their  fellow  slaveholders  to  introduce  their  property  as  early 
as  possible.  This  last  suggestion  seems  to  imply  that  slaveholders 
were  gather  >lo\v.  to  risk  the  safety  of  their  slave  property,  by  taking 
it  to  Kansas.  In  the  meantime  associations  wore  also  formed  in  the 
Free  States  to  assist  emigrants  to  Kansas  who  would  oppose  Slavery. 
This  brought  out  a  threat  from  Missouri  societies  that  they  will 
"remove"  from  Kansas  Territory  any  and  all  emigrants  who  are 
sent  there  by  Northern  emigrant  aid  societies.  The  word  "remove" 
n.-ed  in  this  connection  had  an  ominous  sound,  as  it  left  an  uncom- 
fortable latitude  for  the  imagination.  But  the  men  from  the  North 
had  just  the  same  American  spirit  as  the  Missourians,  and  by  the 
beginning  of  August,  about  one  hundred  men,  directed  by  the  New 
England  Emigrant  Aid  Society,  settled  at  Lawrence,  Kansas.  Soon 
afterwards  a  much  stronger  force  of  Proslavery  men,  mostly  from 
Missouri.  \\nit  into  camp  near  by  and  sent  a  threatening  note  to 
the  Free  State  people,  stating  that  "the  Abolitionists  must  leave  the 
Territory;''  finding,  however,  that  the  Free  Statesmen  were  well 
armed  and  organized,  the  Proslavery  men  broke  camp  and  left. 

In  the  fall  of  1S.~>4.  Andrew  H.  Reeder,  the  appointed  Governor 
of  Kansas,  arrived  in  the  Territory,  and  an  election  for  one  Delegate 
to  Congress  was  held  in  November.  About  sixty  percent  of  the  votes 
were  illegally  cast  by  men  who  resided  in  Missouri  and  who  were 
urged  by  Senator  David  R.  Atchison  at  a  public  meeting  to  go  and 
vote  in  Kansas.  John  W.  Whit  field,  an  Indian  Agent,  was  by  these 
fraudulent  votes  elected  delegate  to  Congress.  The  temper  of  the 
Proslavery  press  may  be  judged  by  a  quotation  of  the  "Squatter 
Sovereign,''  in  which  that  newspaper  promises:  "We  will  continue 
to  lynch  and  hang,  tar  and  feather,  and  drown  every  white-livered 
Abolitionist  who  dares  to  pollute  our  soil."  As  every  Free  State 
man  was  termed  an  "Abolitionist,"  and  as  the  road  to  Kansas  led 
through  Missouri,  chiefly  by  -teamer  lip  the  Missouri  River,  this 
language  really  applied  to  the  whole  Free  State  emigration.  It  is 


50  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

quite  clear  from  the  above,  that  whatever  rights  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  act  intended  to  convey  by  the  much  vaunted  principle  of 
Squatter  Sovereignty,  those  rights  could  be  only  maintained  by  the 
rifle. 

At  an  election  for  a  Territorial  Legislature  and  County  Officers, 
ordered  by  Governor  Reeder  for  March  30,  1855,  large  bands  of 
Missouri  Proslavery  men  overrun  the  Territory  and  carried  every- 
thing by  high-handed  usurpation  and  fraudulent  returns.  In  some 
districts,  ten  times  as  many  votes  were  reported  cast  as  there  were 
actual  voters  in  the  district ;  Judges  of  Election  who  tried  to  admin- 
ister the  prescribed  oath  of  residence  were  intimidated  or  driven 
away;  men  protesting  against  this  wholesale  fraud  were  tarred  and 
feathered,  by  that  greatest  disgrace  to  democratic  institutions — a 
lawless  mob. 

Governor  Reeder  set  aside  the  election  in  a  number  of  Districts, 
and  ordered  a  new  election,  which  resulted  in  the  choice  of  Free 
State  men  in  all  but  the  Leavenworth  District,  wrhich  \vas  carried 
again  by  fraud.  Governor  Reeder's  fairness  did  not  change  matters; 
for  the  men  elected  were  not  admitted  to  seats  by  the  Proslavery 
majority.  The  Legislature  adjourned  from  Pawnee  City  in  the 
interior  to  Shawnee  Mission  near  the  Missouri  line,  in  order  to  be 
near  the  source  of  their  inspiration  and  the  State  of  their  constitu- 
ency and  armed  support.  This  Legislature  adopted  most  of  the  la\vs 
of  Missouri  and  also  passed  some  original  laws  for  the  protection  of 
Slavery,  by  which  the  death  penalty  was  decreed  for  raising  a 
rebellion  or  insurrection  of  Slaves,  free  Negroes  or  Mulattoes;  like- 
wise for  aiding  such  rebellion  or  furnishing  arms,  or  doing  any 
other  act  in  furtherance  of  such  rebellion;  likewise  was  the  death 
penalty  decreed  for  all  who  shall  aid  or  assist  in  the  bringing  into 
Kansas,  or  publish,  print,  write  or  circulate,  any  book,  paper,  circu- 
lar, or  magazine,  inciting  insurrection  and  rebellion.  Smaller 
offenses,  of  a  similar  nature,  were  to  be  punished  by  imprisonment 
lasting  from  ten  down  to  two  years.  The  act  of  bringing  a  stolen 
slave  into  the  Territory  was  also  made  punishable  by  death.  Gover- 
nor Reeder  vetoed  these  Drakonic  laws,  which  were  fit  for  the  code 
of  a  Nero  or  Caligula.  They  were  passed  over  his  veto,  and  Presi- 
dent Pierce  superseded  Reeder  by  appointing  Wilson  Shannon,  a 
more  obsequious  tool  of  the  Slave  power,  who  openly  declared  that 
he  was  for  Slavery  in  Kansas. 

The  Free   State   men   forming  the   majority   of  actual   settlers, 


Introduction.  51 

spurned  the  authority  and  acts  of  a  fraudulent  Legislature  and  offi- 
cers, and  in  the  true  spirit  of  Squatter  Sovereignty,  assembled  in 
mass  convention  at  Big  Spring  on  September  5,  1855,  and  repudi- 
ated the  Shawnee  Mission  Proslavery  Legislature  and  all  its  acts; 
they  ordered  an  election  for  a  Representative  to  Congress  to  be 
held  on  the  second  Tuesday  in  October,  and  called  a  Delegate  Con- 
vention to  meet  at  Topeka  the  19th  day  of  October,  1858.  Governor 
Reeder  was  nominated  and  elected  to  Congress  by  the  Free  State 
men,  while  on  a  different  day  the  Proslavery  men  elected  John  W. 
Whitfield.  The  Constitutional  Convention  elected  by  the  Free  State 
Settlers,  assembled  at  Topeka  October  23 ;  framed  a  Free  State  Con- 
stitution, and  applied  to  Congress  for  admission  under  the  same. 

The  confusion  created  by  the  practical  application  of  the  Squatter 
Sovereignty  doctrine  was  now  complete.  Two  Legislatures ;  two  sets 
of  laws ;  two  sets  of  officers  and  a  bitter  hostile  disposition  of  the  two 
contesting  parties,  trying  to  manage  the  Territorial  affairs,  offered 
numberless  chances  for  conflicts,  murders,  robbery  and  arson,  for 
which  some  show  of  legality  or  authority  could  be  pleaded,  either 
under  one  code  or  under  the  other. 

As  usual,  the  press  discussed  Kansas  affairs  from  a  partisan  stand- 
point, and  the  irritation  of  parties  North  and  South  grew  from  day 
to  day.  Two  Representatives  to  Congress  had  been  chosen :  John  W. 
Whitfield,  Proslavery,  held  the  seat,  wrhich  Andrew  H.  Reeder, 
elected  by  the  Free  State  party,  was  contesting.  In  order  to  get  at 
the  true  state  of  affairs,  Congress  appointed  in  March,  1856,  William 
A.  Howard  of  Michigan,  John  Sherman  of  Ohio,  and  Mordecai 
Oliver  of  Missouri,  an  Investigating  Committee,  which  took  testi- 
mony in  Kansas  and  reported  back  to  Congress:  that  organized 
bands  from  Missouri  prevented  the  settlers  from  exercising  their 
citizen  rights;  that  the  Legislature  of  Kansas  was  illegally  consti- 
tuted and  could  not  pass  valid  laws;  that  it  enacted  measures  for 
unlawful  purposes;  that  John  W.  Whitfield,  the  Proslavery  candi- 
date, was  not  elected  in  pursuance  of  any  valid  law ;  that  the  election 
of  Andrew  H.  Reeder  was  not  held  in  pursuance  of  law ;  that  Andrew 
H.  Reeder,  the  Free  State  candidate,  received  a  greater  number  of 
votes  of  resident  citizens  than  John  W.  Whitfield,  the  Proslavery 
candidate;  that  a  fair  election  could  not  be  held  in  the  Territory 
without  a  new  census,  a  stringent  election  law,  impartial  judges  and 
the  presence  of  United  States  troops  at  every  place  of  election ;  that 
the  constitution  framed  by  the  Topeka  convention  embodies  the 


52  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  18(11 . 

will  of  a  majority  of  the  people.  This  report  was  valuable,  for  it 
gave  a  reliable  basis  for  action,  as  it  emanated  from  men  of  a 
national  reputation  for  candor  and  patriotism.  But  partisan  spirit 
run  too  high,  and,  while  the  House  of  Representatives  adopted  the 
constitution  by  a  close  vote,  the  Proslavery  Senate  defeated  all  action 
upon  the  same. 

In  the  meantime,  acts  of  violence  continued  in  Kansas  and  Mis- 
souri. Persons  were  murdered ;  farms  and  towns  sacked  and  burned ; 
presses  destroyed ;  emigrants  forcibly  detained ;  ships  stopped  at  the 
mouth  of  the  cannon ;  men  tarred  and  feathered.  Most  of  this  was 
done  by  Proslavery  mobs;  sometimes  under  the  plea  of  law,  by  the 
order  of  a  Governor,  an  act  of  the  Legislature,  or  by  the  Posse  of  a 
Sheriff.  In  the  spring  of  1856,  a  Regiment  hailing  from  South 
Carolina  and  Georgia,  under  Colonel  Bufford  made  its  appearance. 
This  body  with  the  Platt  County  Rifles  under  Senator  Atchison 
from  Missouri  surrounded  Lawrence  on  May  21,  1856,  disarmed  its 
citizens,  plundered  the  town,  and  burned  down  the  hotel  and  print- 
ing office.  Palmyra,  Ossawatomie,  Leavenworth,  fared  no  better 
than  Lawrence.  These  outrages  called  forth  an  energetic  resistance 
from  the  Free  State  men ;  raids  were  made  that  extended  into  the 
State  of  Missouri;  little  battles  were  fought,  in  which  John  Brown, 
the  hero  of  the  most  popular  song  in  the  Union  armies  during  the 
civil  war,  came  prominently  before  the  American  people.  Being 
endangered  in  their  passage  through  Missouri,  large  numbers  of 
Free  State  emigrants  took  their  route  through  Iowa  and  Nebraska, 
and  came  into  Kansas  through  its  Northern  boundary.  Here  they 
were  disarmed,  however,  by  United  States  troops. 

This  was  in  keeping  with  the  dispersing  of  the  Free  State  Legis- 
lature at  Topeka,  effected  by  Colonel  E.  V.  Sumner,  U.  S.  A.,  under 
orders  from  President  Pierce. 

It  must  be  said  in  justice  to  the  people  of  Missouri,  that  the  high- 
handed outrages  and  acts  of  violence  were  confined  to  the  Western 
border  and  large  slaveholding  counties,  whose  population  coming 
from  Slave  States  had  a  more  violent  disposition,  which  was  not  at 
all  improved  by  their  contact  with  the  neighbor  Indians.  Outside 
these  genuine  "Wild  West"  people,  the  other  citizens  of  Missouri 
were  opposed  to  all  lawless  acts,  and  not  a  few  of  them  decidedly 
opposed  to  Slavery.  This  last  class  lived  mostly  in  St.  Louis  and  the 
other  cities  in  the  State,  and  was  largely  composed  of  adopted  citi- 
zens, their  descendants  and  mountaineers.  Nor  did  the  out  and  out 


Introduction.  53 

Proslavery  men  start  in  this  controversy  with  as  ferocious  a  disposi- 
tion as  the  one  with  which  they  ended.  Their  first  manifestations 
were  far  more  moderate  than  their  later  acts,  and  it  was  the  greatest 
fault  of  the  Squatter  Sovereignty  measure  that  its  practical  applica- 
tion worked  up  the  passions  of  both  parties  to  such  a  pitch  as  to 
givatly  hasten  the  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War.  With  the  duration  of 
the  strife,  the  rage  and  hatred  intensified  until  it  knew  no  measure 
and  no  story  illustrates  that  more  glaringly  than  that  of  John 
Brown,  a  diligent,  successful  and  religious  business  man  and  father 
of  twenty  children.  Four  sons  of  John  Brown  went  to  Kansas  as 
Free  State  settlers,  to  build  up  new  homes.  Believing  in  the  peace- 
ful development  of  the  Territory,  they  brought  no  arms  writh  them, 
and  were  driven  away  by  armed  Missourians  from  their  first  settle- 
ment. They  now  wrote  for  arms,  and  John  Brown  brought  them 
out,  took  the  lead  of  his  neighbors,  who  retaliated  a  raid  of  the  Mis- 
sourians upon  the  hamlet  of  Ossawatomie,  in  which  one  of  John 
Brown's  sons  was  murdered.  Another  of  his  sons,  elected  to  the 
Legislature  of  1856,  was  seized  by  Proslavery  men  on  some  pretext 
or  other,  and  while  heavy  chains  cut  into  his  ankles,  marched  under 
a  hot  sun  from  Ossawatomie  to  Lecompton,  a  distance  of  thirty  miles; 
he  arrived  exhausted  and  died  from  brain  fever.  John  Brown  had 
been  an  enthusiast  for  liberty  before;  now  he  became  a  relentless  foe 
to  Slavery.  In  the  raids  upon  Missouri  farms,  some  slaves  were 
liberated.  As  Brown  was  disowned  by  the  more  moderate  Free 
State  men,  he  left  Kansas  and  went  to  Canada.  Wrought  up  to  fever 
heat,  he  planned  and  on  October  17,  1859,  with  22  men,  carried  out 
his  reckless  attack  on  the  United  States  arsenal  at  Harper's  Ferry. 
Inheriting  the  religious  fanaticism  of  his  Pilgrim  forefathers,  he 
was  convinced  of  fighting  the  battles  of  the  Almighty.  Overpowered, 
wounded,  almost  the  last  man  of  his  little  squad,  his  soul  remained 
unconquered,  and  on  December  2,  1859,  he  walked  to  the  scaffold 
"with  a  radiant  countenance  and  the  step  of  a  conqueror."  Of  John 
Brown's  deep  religious  fervor,  his  last  letter  to  his  wrife  and  children 
bears  testimony  in  the  following  words: 

"I  can  not  remember  a  night  so  dark  as  to  have  hindered  the 
coming  day,  nor  a  storm  so  furious  and  dreadful  as  to  prevent  the 
return  of  warm  sunshine  and  a  cloudless  sky." 

While  John  Brown's  raid  on  Harper's  Ferry  arsenal  was  lawless 
and  under  all  circumstances  doomed  to  failure,  it  greatly  exasperated 
the  Proslavery  party  at  the  South,  and  by  its  devoted  heroism,  it 


54  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

called  forth  an  inspiration  at  the  North,  which  led  to  victorious 
battlefields  while  singing,  "John  Brown's  body  lays  mouldering  in 
the  ground,  but  his  soul  is  marching  on." 

The  war  in  Kansas,  though  on  a  small  scale,  reverberated  in 
thundering  peals  through  the  press  and  the  rostrums  of  the  nation. 
Congressional  debates  and  the  Presidential  election  campaigns  gave 
the  issues  a  publicity  which  brought  them  home  to  nearly  every 
citizen.  Feeling  run  high,  and  the  decided  expressions  of  platforms 
showed  that  parties  crystalized  more  and  more  on  the  one  sectional 
issue  of  Slavery. 

The  two  antagonistic  systems  of  free  labor  and  slave  labor  had 
created  a  difference  in  convictions,  disposition,  morals,  habits,  educa- 
tion and  wealth,  which  even  the  wise  provisions  of  the  United  States 
Constitution,  and  the  genial  efforts  of  its  most  patriotic  men  could 
no  longer  harmonize.  One  incident  in  Congress  brought  this  to 
light,  in  a  manner  which  shocked  the  civilized  world.  Senator 
Charles  Sumner  of  Massachusetts,  having  made  a  strong  and  uncom- 
promising argument  against  Slavery  extension  into  Kansas,  was 
attacked  May  22,  1856,  while  in  his  seat  in  the  Senate  chamber  by 
P.  Brooks,  M.  C.  from  South  Carolina.  Senator  Sumner  was  brutally 
knocked  down  and  beaten,  while  laying,  unconscious  on  the  floor, 
until  his  life  was  endangered.  Keith  from  South  Carolina  and  Ed- 
mundson  from  Virginia,  fellow-members  of  Brooks,  abetted  this 
outrage  by  their  presence.  Brooks  was  censured  by  the  House  and 
resigned  his  seat,  but  was  immediately  re-elected  in  South  Carolina, 
showing  that  his  constituents  endorsed  his  brutal  act  and  proving 
thereby  that  they  had  already  lost  their  fitness  for  a  free  representa- 
tive Government. 

PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTION  OF  1856. 

The  Democratic  National  Convention  met  at  Cincinnati,  June, 
1856,  nominated  James  Buchanan  for  President  and  notwithstand- 
ing the  evil  experiences  of  the  past,  endorsed  the  doctrine  of  Squat- 
ter Sovereignty  in  the  hope  of  securing  all  Southern  and  sufficient 
Northern  -votes  to  carry  the  election.  The  Republican  party  con- 
vention met  at  Philadelphia,  June  17,  1856,  nominated  John  C. 
Fremont  for  President  and  adopted  a  radical  Free  Soil  platform, 
excluding  Slavery  from  all  Territories,  and  stating  that  it  is  both 
the  right  and  the  duty  of  Congress,  to  prohibit  in  the  Territories 
those  twin  relics  of  barbarism,  "Polygamy  and  Slavery."  There 


Introduction.  55 

was  a  third  party  convention  under  the  title  of  American  National, 
based  chiefly  on  nativism.  One-third  of  the  members  withdrew 
from  this  convention  after  their  failure  to  hold  the  middle  ground 
between  the  extreme  parties,  by  the  limitation  of  Slavery  to  territory 
South  of  36°  30'  North  Latitude.  The  remaining  two-thirds  en- 
dorsed the  Squatter  Sovereignty  doctrine  and  nominated  Millard 
Fillmore,  who  was  afterwards  also  endorsed  by  a  Whig  convention 
at  Baltimore. 

Upon  the  issues  of  the  presidential  election  of  1856,  Preston 
Brooks  of  South  Carolina,  the  same  who  committed  the  ruffianly 
attack  on  Senator  Sumner,  gave  it  as  his  deliberate  opinion,  that  if 
Fremont  was  elected,  the  South  should  on  the  4th  of  March,  1857, 
"march  to  Washington,  seize  the  archives  and  the  Treasury  of  the 
Government,  and  leave  the  consequences  to  God."  About  the  same 
time  Governor  Henry  A.  Wise  of  Virginia  called  on  all  Governors 
of  Southern  States  to  meet  him  at  Raleigh  and  consult  upon  com- 
mon measures  to  organize  the  Militia  of  their  respective  States;  in 
all  probability  to  carry  out  the  idea  of  Preston  Brooks. 

Wise  was  disappointed  in  the  attendance,  as  only  Governor 
Adams  of  South  Carolina  appeared. 

James  Buchanan,  the  Democratic  candidate,  was  elected  by  a 
majority  of  60  electoral  votes,  but  failed  to  secure  a  majority  of  the 
popular  vote,  which  stood : 

James  Buchanan,  Democrat. .  .  .1,838,169  near  45% 
John  C.  Fremont,  Republican ..  1,341,264  near  33% 
Millard  Fillmore,  American . .  .  874,534  near  22% 


Total  of  votes  cast 4,053,967 

This  proves  that  one-third  of  the  voters  were  radically  opposed 
to  Slavery  extension  into  any  Territory,  and  that  fifty-five  percent 
were  opposed  to  the  policy  of  the  Democratic  party,  which  was  again 
endorsed  by  the  vote  of  all  Southern  States,  with  the  exception  of 
Maryland.  It  was  evident  from  the  above  vote  that  no  more  Slave 
States  would  be  admitted  to  the  Union.  In  Kansas  itself  the  Free 
State  voters^  largely  exceeded  the  Proslavery  citizens,  who  were 
defeated  in  their  various  schemes  to  perpetuate  Slavery  in  the  Terri- 
tory. In  October,  1857,  an  election  was  held  for  a  Territorial  Legis- 
lature. Governor  Robert  J.  Walker,  a  Mississippian  by  birth,  secured 
a  fair  election,  which  defeated  the  Lecompton  Constitution  by  a  vote 


56  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Loui*  in  7<sv;/. 

of  162  in  favor  of  it  and  10,226  against  it.  Notwithstanding  this 
fact,  President  Buchanan  recommended  the  admission  of  Kansas 
under  the  Lecompton  Constitution.  The  Proslavery  Senate  agreed 
to  it,  but  the  House  rejected  it.  The  Territorial  Legislature  having 
now  a  clear  Free  State  majority,  ordered  a  Constitutional  Conven- 
tion to  assemble  at  Wyandot;  this  framed  a  Constitution,  which  was 
accepted  by  the  House  on  April  11,  1860,  but  not  acted  upon  by 
the  Senate,  probably  to  prevent  the  Kansas  vote  to  affect  the  Presi- 
dential election.  However,  on  the  21st  day  of  January,  1861, 
Jefferson  Davis  and  a  number  of  other  Southern  Senators  left  the 
Senate,  to  pursue  their  ill-fated  design  of  Secession,  and  on  the  same 
day  Kansas  was  admitted  by  the  Senate.  The  curtain  fell  on  the 
Drama  of  Kansas,  soon  to  rise  on  the  great  Tragedy  of  the  Civil 
War. 

THE  DEED  SCOTT  DECISION. 

The  History  of  "Bleeding  Kansas"  illustrated  the  spirit  and  dis- 
position which  influenced  the  citizens  of  the  Union  at  large,  while 
the  Decision  of  the  Dred  Scott  case  demonstrated  the  partisan  sub- 
serviency of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.  As  this  Deci- 
sion was  given  after  all  the  mischief  of  the  Squatter  Sovereignty 
practice  had  been  accomplished,  it  came  apparently  only  as  the 
approving  seal  to  a  most  nefarious  public  act,  though  in  prospective 
iniquity,  it  went  a  good  ways  beyond  it. 

Dred  Scott,  a  Negro  slave,  was  taken  in  1834  from  the  Slave  State 
Missouri  to  Rock  Island  in  the  Free  State  of  Illinois  and  later  to 
Fort  Snelling  in  Minnesota  Territory,  to  which  the  Slavery  Prohibi- 
tion of  the  Missouri  Compromise  was  applicable.  Here  Scott  mar- 
ried a  woman  who  was  also  held  as  a  slave.  His  master  took  the 
family  to  Jefferson  Barracks,  afterwards  to  St.  Louis,  where  he 
sold  them.  Dred  Scott  now  brought  suit  for  his  freedom  in  the  St. 
Louis  Circuit  Court,  and  got  judgment  in  his  favor,  which,  however, 
was  reversed  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State.  The  case  was 
appealed  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  whose  mem- 
bers  save  one  belonged  to  the  Democratic  party.  This  Court  ap- 
proved the  decision  of  the  Missouri  Supreme  Court  and  declared 
that  this  Negro  Slave  was  no  citizen  and  had  no  citizen  rights,  nor 
could  any  such  rights  be  conferred  upon  him ;  that  Negroes  had  no 
rights  which  the  White  man  was  bound  to  respect,  but  were  an 
article  of  property,  that  the  Declaration  of  Independence  did  not 


Introduction.  57 

mean  to  embrace  them ;  that  they  can  not  be  made  citizens,  because 
this  would  inconvenience  others,  nor  can  they  sue  because  they  are 
not  citizens;  that  neither  Congress,  nor  a  Territorial  Legislature 
can  exclude  Slavery  from  any  Territory.  The  decision  also  stated 
that  the  United  States  Constitution  takes  effect  upon  any  Territory 
which  our  Government  may  acquire,  and  this  secures  the  right  to 
the  Slave  owner  to  take  his  slave  property  into  the  same.  Congress, 
therefore,  was  barred  by  the  Constitution  from  the  rights  of  prohib- 
iting Slavery  in  any  Territory. 

The  Kansas-Nebraska  act  anticipated  most  of  these  principles  in 
practical  execution.  As  the  act  and  its  sequels  took  place  before  the 
Dred  Scott  decision  was  made,  and  as  the  Supreme  Court  went  out- 
side the  record  to  make  it,  the  object  seems  to  have  been  to  give  the 
Squatter  Sovereignty  bill  a  judiciary  foundation,  which  it  had 
lacked  before.  The  denial  of  the  right  of  Congress  to  legislate  upon 
Slavery  in  the  Territories  was  made  in  this  decision,  in  the  face  of 
contrary  opinions  of  such  eminent  jurists  as  Daniel  Webster, 
Thomas  II.  Benton  and  a  number  of  Southern  and  Northern 
Judges,  who  all  pointed  out  the  fact  that  Slavery  exists  in  the  States 
only  by  local  law.  which  can  not  be  transferred  from  a  State  to  a 
Territory. 

The  Dred  Scott  decision  spread  Slavery  over  all  Territories,  and 
it  is  noteworthy  that  it  embodies  the  ideas  and  conclusions  which 
John  C.  Calhoun  and  "\V.  L.  Yancey,  as  leaders  of  the  extreme  Pro- 
slavery  party,  proposed  to  the  National  Democratic  Convention  of 
1848,  but  which  were  rejected  by  a  very  decided  vote  of  216  to  36; 
probably  because  that  Convention  assembled  under  the  elevating 
influence  of  the  Revolution  of  1848  for  universal  Liberty  in  Europe, 
and,  therefore,  could  not  possibly  decree  universal  Slavery  in 
America. 

Since  that  Convention,  however,  the  Slavery  party  came  into 
desperate  straits.  The  doctrine  of  Squatter  Sovereignty  came  in  its 
very  first  application  very  near  to  start  hostilities  between  the  North 
and  the  South.  The  Republican  victory  in  the  general  election 
made  it  highly  probable  that  Kansas  and  the  other  Territories  would 
become  Free  States;  for  this  reason  some  other  means  had  to  be 
devised  to  prop  up  the.  tottering  Slave  power.  Thus  the  opportunity 
of  the  Dred  Scott  case  was  seized  upon  by  the  Proslavery  Supreme 
Court  to  nationalize  Slavery  and  proscribe  Freedom.  This  decision, 
brought  by  the  majority  of  barely  one  vote,  had  only  the  effect  to 


58  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

outrage  all  thoughtful  men  in  the  North  and  to  mature  the  decision 
in  a  majority  of  citizens  that,  cost  what  may,  they  will  put  an  end 
to  the  spreading  of  the  demoralizing  influences  of  the  "Peculiar 
Institution."  Bouten  states  that  the  Dred  Scott  decision  had  been 
made,  but  was  kept  from  publicity  under  the  plea  of  reargument, 
and  was  only  reported  after  the  inauguration  of  President  Buchanan. 
Had  the  decision  been  known  before  the  election,  its  effect  would 
probably  have  made  John  C.  Fremont  President  and  cut  off  four 
years  from  the  preparations  for  Secession. 

THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE  AND  SLAVERY. 

The  activity  of  the  Proslavery  power  was  not  restricted  to  the 
home  Territories,  to  Congress,  State  Legislatures  and  the  Supreme 
Court;  but  it  made  itself  also  felt  in  diplomatic  circles,  influencing 
the  policy  towards  foreign  countries.  The  Central  and  South 
American  States  had  severed  their  allegiance  to  Spain  and  as  inde- 
pendent Republics  sought  new  channels  for  their  trade, '  which 
largely  fell  to  the  share  of  Great  Britain.  The  ambitious  heir  of 
the  French  Revolution  was  a  captive  to  the  powers  of  the  "Holy 
Alliance,"  which  reinstated  the  absolute  governments  all  over 
Europe,  and  were  eager  to  reach  over  the  Atlantic,  in  order  to 
reduce  the  new  Spanish  Republics,  to  their  former  state  of  depend- 
ence, from  European  monarchical  authority.  Canning,  the  English 
Prime  Minister,  called  the  attention  of  the  Washington  Govern- 
ment to  this  rising  danger  in  commercial  and  political  relations, 
and  suggested  a  warning  declaration,  which  should  protect  the 
Southern  Republics  and  estop  the  powers  from  monarchical  aggres- 
sions upon  the  American  Continent.  President  Monroe  shared  the 
views  of  the  English  statesman,  and  in  a  Message  of  December  2, 
1823,  frankly  stated  that  the  United  States  should  consider  any 
attempt  on  the  part  of  the  allied  monarchs  to  extend  their  system 
to  any  portion  of  this  hemisphere  as  dangerous  to  our  peace  and 
safety,  and  any  interposition  by  them  to  oppress  the  young  Repub- 
lics, or  control  their  destiny,  as  a  manifestation  of  an  unfriendly 
disposition  towards  the  United  States.  The  President  also  stated: 
"The  American  Continents,  by  the  free  and  independent  condition 
which  they  have  assumed  and  maintain,  are  henceforth  not  to  be 
considered  as  subjects  for  future  colonization  by  any  European 
power." 

The  South  American  States  called  a  Congress  of  American  Re- 


Introduction.  59 

publics  to  Panama,  in  order  to  unite  on  questions  of  common  inter- 
est and  common  defense.  It  was  also  surmised  in  this  connection 
that  this  Congress  may  devise  means  to  free  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico 
from  Spanish  dominion.  When  the  South  American  Republics 
secured  their  independence  they  emancipated  their  slaves,  and  Cuba 
and  Porto  Rico,  if  liberated  from  Spain,  would  no  doubt,  do  the 
same.  This  was  dreaded  by  the  Slavery  champions,  as  the  emanci- 
pation notions  might  spread  to  the  Union,  and  our  diplomatic  agents 
were  instructed  to  counteract  this  disposition  for  the  liberation  of 
Cuba  and  Porto  Rico,  and  to  induce  Spain  to  acknowledge  the  South 
American  Republics,  in  order  to  remove  the  danger  of  interference 
with  her  sovereignty  in  the  two  islands.  Thus  the  curse  of  Slavery 
placed  the  United  States  Government  in  the  anomalous  position 
that,  while  it  protested  against  any  attempt  of  European  powers  to 
extend  the  monarchical  system  on  the  American  Continent,  it  pre- 
vented at  the  same  time  the  liberation  of  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico  from 
the  misrule  of  Spain,  although  the  latter  was  a  monarchical  power. 
President  John  Quincy  Adams  appointed  representatives  to  that 
Panama  Congress,  but  when  the  nominations  reached  the  Senate, 
that  body  ruled  that  the  President  had  no  right  to  name  men  for 
a  mission  which  was  not  previously  authorized  by  Congress.  In 
his  work  on  Benton,  Theodore  Roosevelt  states  that  the  Panama 
delegates  were  confirmed  with  Benton 's  opposition.  Benton  opposed 
the  Congress  at  Panama,  on  the  ground  that  matters  were  to  be 
discussed  there  which  could  not  be  discussed  at  Washington. 

The  United  States  had  only  commercial  and  no  diplomatic  rela- 
tions with  the  Negro  Republic  Hayti,  while  the  Latin  Republics 
were  ready  to  treat  the  dusky  representatives  on  equal  footing. 
Catholicism,  the  almost  exclusive  religion  of  Mexico,  Central  and 
South  America,  never  recognizing  the  color  line,  probably  greatly 
assisted  to  frame  the  above  disposition.  The  United  States  delegates 
came  to  Panama,  after  the  Congress  had  adjourned,  and  it  was  sixty 
years  later  that  a  Pan-American  Congress  met  at  Washington.  The 
Slavery  power  did  not  wish  Cuba  free,  but  sought  the  possession  of 
the  island  with  Slavery  in  it.  President  Polk  had  offered  One 
Hundred  Million  Dollars  for  the  island,  which  offer  was  declined. 
On  December  1.  1852,  Secretary  of  State  E.  Everett  disclaimed  to 
the  French  and  English  Ambassadors  all  desire  for  the  annexation 
of  Cuba;  but  only  two  years  later  did  President  Pierce  actually 
instruct  his  ambassadors  to  London,  Paris  and  Madrid,  to  devise 


60  Tl<  I'n inn  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

means  for  getting  possession  of  Cuba.  These  ambassadors  met  at 
Ostende,  and  on  October  9,  1854,  issued  the  famous  Ostende  Mani- 
festo," in  which  they  declared  that  it  was  time  for  Spain  to  sell  Cuba 
and  for  the  United  States  to  buy  it ;  no  foreign  power  having  a  right 
to  interfere,  as  it  properly  belongs  to  the  United  States,  pursuant 
considerations  of  trade  and  security ;  that  this  transfer  would  benefit 
Spain;  and  the  ambassadors  also  intimated,  that  the  United  States 
would  have  Cuba  at  all  events.  Later  several  filibuster  expeditions 
were  started  towards  Cuba,  which  generally  ended  with  the  execu- 
tion of  the  leaders,  of  whom  Lopez  was  the  most  noted. 

Cuba  was  not  the  only  country  where  the  Slave  power  of  the 
Union  sought  a  new  foothold.  William  Walker,  originally  a  citizen 
of  Tennessee,  started  a  filibustering  expedition  and  made  a  descent 
on  Nicaragua ;  he  captured  Granada  October  13,  1855,  declared  him- 
self President  of  the  little  Republic  and  established  Slavery.  Mis- 
managing his  affairs,  he  had  to  surrender  May  1,  1857.  Avoiding 
punishment  for  this  international  oft'ense,  Walker  started  a  second 
expedition :  on  this  he  was  intercepted  by  United  States  Commodore 
Spaulding  and  sent  home  a  prisoner,  but  was  set  free  by  President 
Buchanan,  while  Spaulding  was  reprimanded  for  his  interference. 
Walker,  nothing  daunted,  set  out  with  a  third  expedition  to  Central 
America,  was  captured  and  shot.  General  Walker's  perseverance 
and  courage  deserve  all  praise,  but,  most  unfortunately  for  his  fame, 
these  fine  qualities  were  wasted  in  an  evil  and  hopeless  cause.  He 
did  not  heed  the  warning  of  ages:  Be  right  first  and  then  go  ahead. 

According  to  the  historian,  Schlosser,  the  secret  organization  of 
the  "Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle"  was  committed  to  a  scheme  of 
uniting  the  Gulf  States,  Mexico,  Central  and  part  of  South  America 
and  adjacent  islands  into  one  great  Confederation  of  Slave  States. 
No  great  results  are  credited  to  this  organization. 

Before  the  great  contest  for  the  election  of  1860  set  in,  Missouri's 
greatest  statesman,  Thomas  Hart  Benton,  paid  his  last  debt  to 
nature.  Over  forty  years  he  was  a  leading  spirit  in  public  affairs. 
During  his  thirty  years  in  the  Senate,  he  was  independent  on  every 
question,  neutral  on  none.  Early  in  his  life,  he  antagonized  General 
Andrew  Jackson  in  a  murderous  fracas  and  afterwards  became  his 
best  friend.  He  suffered  Missouri  to  become  a  Slave  State,  but  stood 
valiantly  by  his  obligations  when  Southern  Statesmen  went  back 
upon  their  plighted  faith,  saying:  "I  have  stood  upon  the  Missouri 
Compromise  for  about  thirty  years,  and  mean  to  stand  upon  it  to 


Introduction,  61 

the  end  of  my  life ;"  it  is  "a  binding  covenant  upon  both  parties,  and 
more  so  upon  the  South,  as  she  imposed  it."  A  champion  of  sound 
money,  of  the  Homestead  act,  of  the  development  of  the  West,  of 
the  Pacific  road,  he  remained  a  Democrat,  voted  for  Pierce  and 
even  for  Buchanan,  against  his  own  son-in-law,  Fremont,  but  always 
remained  an  uncompromising  Union  man.  Benton  run  for  Gover- 
nor of  Missouri  at  the  age  of  74,  made  forty  speeches,  traveled  1,200 
miles  and  being  beaten  lectured  in  New  England  and  remained  a 
diligent  worker  to  his  death  on  April  10,  1858.  Theodore  Roose- 
velt's work  on  Thomas  H.  Benton  gives  a  detailed  representation 
of  a  life,  whose  strenuous  activity  was  conducive  of  health,  longevity 
and  great  usefulness. 

SPIRIT  OF  NORTH  AND  SOUTH. 

However  much  the  Proslavery  leaders  may  have  erred  in  their 
estimate  of  relative  strength  and  their  appreciation  of  ethical  obli- 
gation, they  certainly  pursued  their  object  with  a  wonderful 
tenacity,  courage  and  adherence  to  their  program.  In  the  face 
of  the  threatening  Free  Soil  majority  at  the  North,  their  demands 
became  more  aggressive  and  left  the  only  explanation,  that  they  were 
bent  on  ruling  or  on  dissolving  the  Union.  The  New  Mexico  Terri- 
torial Legislature  passed  in  1859  acts  for  the  protection  of  property 
in  slaves,  while  a  Democratic  convention  in  Texas  advocated  the 
reopening  of  the  slave  trade.  The  hostile  disposition  in  the  South 
grew  worse  from  day  to  day.  A  few  examples  will  suffice.  A  planter 
and  slave  owner,  who  had  come  from  Connecticut  to  Eufaula,  Ala- 
bama, in  order  to  avoid  the  suspicion  of  being  a  Northern  sympa- 
thizer, joined  the  Minute  Men  and  was  compelled  to  assist  in  the 
hanging  of  five  mechanics  and  one  minister,  all  from  the  North, 
and  still  could  only  save  his  own  life  by  sudden  flight.  There  were 
many  similar  difficulties.  In  1860,  free  Negroes  had  to  leave  from 
Southern  States  at  their  peril  of  being  hung,  or  sold  into  Slavery. 
Among  others,  the  New  York  Times  brought  the  following  item: 

"Forty-three  Negroes,  who  have  been  expelled  from  Arkansas, 
under  the  terms  of  the  recent  legislative  enactment,  which  prescribes 
that  in  the  event  of  their  non-departure  they  should  be  sold  into 
Slavery,  arrived  in  Cincinnati,  January  2,  1860,  in  a  destitute  con- 
dition." "The  North  bound  boats  on  the  Mississippi  were  crowded 
with  these  fugitives  fleeing  from  their  homes."  Two  hundred  thou- 
sand free  colored  people  were  menaced  with  these  laws. 


62  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


THE  LINCOLN-DOUGLAS  DEBATE. 

The  contest  in  Kansas  had  agitated  the  minds  of  the  whole  nation. 
People  who  took  little  interest  in  politics  were  roused  by  the  pas- 
sionate appeals  to  their  judgment  and  sympathy.  Most  far-reaching 
of  all  campaign  debates  was  that  between  Abraham  Lincoln  and 
Stephen  A.  Douglas,  candidates  for  the  United  States  Senate  in  the 
State  of  Illinois.  When  Lincoln  was  nominated  at  Springfield,  June 
16,  1858,  and  stated:  "This  Government  can  not  endure  perma- 
nently half  slave  and  half  free,"  the  wrords  were  re-echoed  by  the 
nation,  which  had  gone  through  a  long  and  bitter  lesson  of  experi- 
ence, but  whose  very  worst  ordeal  wTas  yet  to  come.  He  endorsed  the 
avowed  policy  of  the  Republican  party  by  saying:  "I  am  impliedly 
if  not  expressly  pledged  to  a  belief  in  the  right  and  duty  of  Congress 
to  prohibit  Slavery  in  all  the  United  States  Territories."  That  no 
interference  was  intended  with  Slavery  in  the  States  where  it  existed 
is  shown  by  Lincoln's  words.  "It  is  nothing  but  a  miserable  per- 
version of  what  I  have  said  to  assume  that  I  have  declared  Missouri 
or  any  other  Slave  State  shall  emancipate  her  slaves."  With  regard 
to  the  District  of  Columbia,  he  recommended  the  abolishment  of 
Slavery  in  a  conservative  way,  that  should  have  been  acceptable  to 
every  one: 

1.  That  the  abolition  should  be  gradual. 

2.  That  it  should  be  on  a  vote  of  the  majority  of  the  qualified 
voters  in  the  District. 

3.  That  compensation  should  be  made  to  unwilling  owners. 
These  propositions  were  decidedly  moderate  upon  a  subject  \vhich 

Henry  Clay  once  apostrophized:  "Sweep  from  our  Capital  that  foul 
blot  upon  our  nation." 

In  Congress  the  agitation  of  the  Slavery  question  was  unabated. 
The  Kansas  issue,  the  Harper's  Ferry  raid,  the  reflections  of  campaign 
speeches,  gave  rise  to  heated  debates  and  were  supplemented  by  mat- 
ters from  outside  as  the  discussion  on  Helper's  book,  "The  Impending 
Crisis/'  a  most  forcible  collection  of  authorities  and  statistical  dates, 
supporting  free  labor.  Poetry  and  novel,  pulpit  and  stage  widened 
the  breach  between  North  and  South.  Jefferson  Davis  had  intro- 
duced a  series  of  resolutions  limiting  Squatter  Sovereignty  to  the  final 
adoption  of  the  State  Constitution,  also  some,  reiterating  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  Dred  Scott  decision  and  others  claiming  that  attacks  on 
Slavery,  were  a  breach  of  faith  and  a  violation  of  solemn  obliga- 


Introduction.  63 

lions.  These  were  adopted  by  the  Senate  only.  During  his  debates, 
Lincoln  referred  casually  to  St.  Louis  and  Missouri  politics  on 
gradual  emancipation  and  said:  "You  all  know  that  Frank  Blair 
and  Gratz  Brown  down  there  in  St.  Louis  undertook  to  introduce 
that  system  in  Missouri.  They  fought  as  valiantly  as  they  could 
for  the  system  of  emancipation.  .  .  .  After  a  hard  fight  they 
were  beaten."  Conservative  and  moderate  as  Lincoln  was  in  treat- 
ing the  Southern  problem  in  the  States,  he  did  not  fail  to  point 
in  his  speeches  to  Jefferson's  prophetic  words  relative  to  Slavery :  "I 
tremble  for  the  fate  of  my  country  when  I  think  that  God  is  just," 
and  he  said  himself,  "It  is  the  same  spirit  that  says,  You  work  and 
toil  and  earn  bread  and  I'll  eat  it,"  and  also,  "The  real  issue  .  .  . 
is  the  eternal  struggle  between  right  and  wrong."  Lincoln  held 
correctly  that  the  premises  in  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  that  slaves 
were  recognized  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  as  being 
same  property  as  cattle  or  money  were  false:  for  the  Constitution 
does  not  speak  of  slaves  at  all,  except  by  inference,  as  being  among 
the  "three-fifths  of  all  other  persons"  counted  in  making  up  the  ratio 
of  representation ;  while  no  representation  whatever  is  granted  to 
property  of  any  kind.  Characteristic  is  Lincoln's  statement:  "Slav- 
ery and  oppression  must  cease  or  American  liberty  must  perish. 
True  democracy  makes  no  inquiry  about  the  color  of  the  skin,  or 
place  of  nativity,  or  any  other  similar  circumstance  of  condition.  I 
regard  therefore  the  exclusion  of  the  colored  people  as  a  body,  from 
the  elective  franchise,  as  incompatible  with  the  true  democratic 
principle."  He  also  called  attention  to  Thos.  Jefferson's  recom- 
mendation to  the  Congress  of  Confederation  in  1784,  of  an  ordinance, 
which  provided  the  prohibition  of  Slavery  after  the  year  1800,  above 
the  31°  of  North  Latitude  (the  Northern  line  of  Florida),  which 
failed  to  pass  by  the  lack  of  one  vote,  to  the  keen  disappointment 
of  Jefferson.  - 

To  friends  who  objected  to  Lincoln's  uncompromising  utterances, 
with  regard  to  Slavery,  he  said:  "Friends,  this  thing  has  been  re- 
tarded long  enough.  The  time  has  come  when  this  sentiment 
should  be  uttered,  and  if  it  is  decreed  that  I  should  go  down,  be- 
cause of  this  speech,  then  let  me  go  down,  linked  to  the  truth,  let 
me  die  in  the  advocacy  of  what  is  just  and  right:"  as  prophetic  upon 
his  own  fate,  as  previously  similar  words  of  Elijah  P.  Lovejoy;  or 
those  spoken  later  by  Nathaniel  Lyon. 


64  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

In  his  speech  of  August  27,  1858,  at  Freeport,  Illinois,  Lincoln 
put  to  Douglas  this  question :  "Can  the  people  of  United  States  ter- 
ritory, in  any  lawful  way,  against  the  wish  of  any  citizen  of  the 
United  States,  exclude  Slavery  from  its  limits,  prior  to  the  forma- 
tion of  a  State  Constitution?"  Douglas  answered  in  substance: 
The  Territorial  Legislature  could  exclude  Slavery  indirectly  by  un- 
friendly legislation.  This  "Indirection"  saved  Douglas  sufficient 
votes  of  men  who  were  in  favor  that  Kansas  should  become  a  Free- 
State,  to  secure  his  senatorial  election  in  Illinois,  but  it  hopelessly 
lost  him  the  support  of  the  Southern  Democracy,  for  the  presi- 
dential election  of  1860.  The  South  never  could  forgive  Douglas 
that  he  pointed  out  the  way,  by  which  the  effects  of  the  Dred  Scott 
decision  could  be  neutralized.  One  of  the  most  remarkable  speeches 
in  the  campaign  of  1860,  was  held  by  Lincoln  at  the  Cooper  Insti- 
tute on  February  27,  1860;  in  this  he  pointed  out  that  in  the 
Congress  of  Confederation  in  1784,  Sherman  of  Connecticut,  Miflin 
of  Pennsylvania,  Hugh  Williamson  of  North  Carolina,  voted  for 
excluding  Slavery  from  the  Northwest  Territory;  also  that  in  1787 
Wm.  Blount  of  North  Carolina  and  Win.  Few  of  Georgia  voted  the 
same  way;  that  in  1789  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  excluded 
Slavery  from  that  Northwest  Territory  by  a  unanimous  vote;  that 
sixteen  members  of  that  Congress  were  among  the  original  signers 
of  the  Constitution  and  that  George  Washington  approved  their  de- 
cision and  signed  the  act. 

In  the  same  speech  Lincoln  also  mentions  that  Washington  wrote 
to  Lafayette:  that  we  shall  at  some  time  have  a  confederacy  of  Free 
States.  He  also  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  Congress  had 
legislated  upon  Slavery  in  the  Territory  of  Mississippi,  and  did  the 
same  in  1803  with  regard  to  the  Territory  of  Louisiana. 

Having  given  the  general  trend  of  events  relative  to  the  Slavery 
question  in  the  Union,  the  special  motives  influencing  the  loyal 
movement  of  1861  at  St.  Louis  and  in  Missouri,  may  now  be  duly 
considered. 


B.  GRATZ  BROWN. 

Colonel  4th  Regiment  Reserve  Corps,  Missouri  Volunteers. 


CHAPTER   II. 
THE   PEOPLE   OF   ST.  LOUIS. 


ORIGIN;  FIRST  SETTLEMENT. 

To  realize  the  part  which  St.  Louis  bore  in  the  events  of  1861,  a 
brief  sketch  of  its  origin,  situation  and  the  character  and  motives 
.of  its  people,  is  necessary. 

Situated  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Mississippi,  St.  Louis  occupies  a 
series  of  gentle  hills,  whose  highest  elevation  will  reach  near  200 
feet  above  the  river.  St.  Louis  County,  with  which  the  city  will 
eventually  be  co-extensive,  borders  on  the  East  for  34  miles  on  the 
Mississippi;  on  the  North  for  46  miles  on  the  Missouri;  on  the 
South  53  miles  on  the  Meramec;  takes  in  also  twenty-five  square 
miles  south  of  that  river  and  has  westward  a  dry  boundary  of  11 
miles.  From  an  elevation  of  390  feet  above  the  sea  level,  at  the 
Levee  of  the  City  of  St.  Louis,  the  ground  is  rising  in  undulating 
waves  northward  260  feet;  southward  280  feet;  westward  410  feet, 
to  the  highest  elevation  on  the  western  County  line  of  800  feet 
above  the  level  of  the  sea.  The  declivities  of  the  hills  are  gen- 
erally most  sudden  towards  the  rivers,  offering  beautiful  residence 
sites,  with  fine  garden  and  truck  land  in  the  interior.  The  many 
small  creeks  emptying  into  large  rivers,  and  the  general  conditions 
of  elevation  in  the  County,  offer  unsurpassed  facilities  for  drain- 
age and  grading.  With  the  two  largest  rivers  on  this  Continent 
and  a  third  river  which  readily  can  be  made  navigable;  with  good 
clay  for  common  and  fire  brick,  fine  limestone,  a  large  coal  field 
within  10  miles  east,  ample  wood  and  a  salubrious  climate,  St. 
Louis  offers  conditions  for  an  immense  city,  unequalled  anywhere 
in  the  world. 

This  tract  was  originally  part  of  that  vast  French  empire,  which 
extended  from  Labrador  to  the  Floridas,  and  from  the  shores  of 
the  Atlantic  to  the  most  distant  lakes  of  "Upper  Canada."  The 
prevalent  French  names  and  character  of  settlements  in  the  Mis- 
sissippi Valley  are  due  to  the  first  discoveries  by  Frenchmen  com- 

5  (65) 


66 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


ing  South  from  Canada  on  a  search  for  the  "great  river."  As  early 
as  1673,  Joliet  and  Father  Marquette  reached  the  Mississippi  about 
the  40°  and  traveled  South  to  the  33°. 

Robert  Cavalier  de  la  Salle  enlarged  their  discoveries  in  1678, 
while  D'Iberville  entered  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  early  in 
1699,  when  the  first  Governor  was  appointed  for  the  immense  Ter- 


4 


ST.  LOUIS  COUNTY  IN  1861. 

ritory  of  Louisiana,  which  hardly  numbered  a  few  hundred  White 
inhabitants.  Ninety  years  had  passed  since  Joliet  floated  down 
along  the  rocky  shore  and  primeval  forest,  where  now  St.  Louis 
stands.  Other  less  eligible  places  were  colonized  before-  St.  Louis, 
such  as  St.  Genevieve  and  New  Madrid,  Missouri.  Cahokia,  OR 
the  opposite  bank  in  Illinois,  was  long  in  existence,  when  on  the 
fifteenth  day  of  February,  1764,  the  boat  of  Pierre  Laclede  Liguest, 


The  People  of  St.  Louis.  67 

with  young  Auguste  Chouteau,  and  a  large  party  of  Frenchmen, 
mostly  mechanics  from  New  Orleans,  came  near  the  site  of  St.  Louis. 
The  joy  of  the  men  may  be  imagined  when  after  the  fatigue  of 
more  than  three  months  in  bringing  a  heavy  boat  by  mere  muscular 
exertion  up  the  river,  they  beheld  the  site  of  their  destination,  near 
a  valley  hemmed  in  by  primeval  forest  and  a  short  distance  to  the 
north  of  it  and  skirting  the  Mississippi,  a  rocky  shore  rising  grad- 
ually from  the  bottom  for  a  quarter  of  a  mile  to  a  perpendicular 
height  of  40  feet  and  continuing  northward  at  that  elevation  to  a 
giv.iter  distance,  while  terraces  of  higher  wooded  hills  reached  to 
the  horizon  towards  the  setting  sun. 

The  party  landed  at  the  foot  of  the  present  Walnut  street ;  a  camp 
was  established  on  the  rocky  bluff  which  extended  northward  from 
the  present  Poplar  to  Vine  streets  and  blocks  were  laid  out  accord- 
ing to  lines  of  trees  previously  blazed  by  Laclede  and  young  A. 
Chouteau.  They  established  a  warehouse  and  huts  by  driving  posts 
perpendicularly  into  the  ground  and  quarried  out  a  road  through 
the  edge  of  the  rock  to  the  river.  With  the  people  that  came  over 
from  Cahokia  and  Kaskaskia,  the  settlement  had  120  persons,  who 
were  chiefly  attracted  by  the  privileges  of  the  Northwestern  fur 
trade,  granted  to  Maxent,  Laclede  &  Co. 

Pierre  Laclede,  the  enterprising  head  of  the  colony,  was  born  in 
France,  in  1724,  came  to  New  Orleans  when  31  years  old  and  joined 
the  above  mercantile  house.  At  that  time  Madame  Marie  Therese 
Chouteau,  nee  Bourgois,  had  separated  from  her  husband  on  account 
of  ill  treatment  and  with  her  son  Auguste  Chouteau  returned  'to  her 
own  family.  Laclede  made  her  acquaintance  there,  a  mutual  affec- 
tion sprung  up,  and  by  common  consent  she  became  the  wife  of 
Laclede:  but  as  no  divorce  could  be  obtained  under  the  French  law 
from  her  first  husband,  she  retained  the  name  of  Madame  Chouteau, 
which  also  passed  to  the  children  of  her  second  union. 

In  the  new  colony,  Laclede  assigned  lots  under  his  original  grant; 
established  commons  for  the  cattle  in  the  Southwest  and  apportioned 
common  fields  in  the  Northwest  of  the  village;  the  limits  of  the 
place  were  then:  on  the  East  the  Mississippi,  on  the  South  a  line 
near  Mill  creek,  on  the  West  a  line  between  Third  and  Fourth  streets 
and  on  the  North  a  line  near  the  present  Wash  street.  The  high- 
est point  of  this  location  was  on  Fourth  and  Walnut,  from  which 
the  grade  was  sloping  down  in  all  directions.  Upon  this  territory 
Auguste  Chouteau  laid  out  the  first  plat  of  town  of  about  50  blocks. 


68  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

the  North  and  South  streets  being  36  feet,  the  East  and  West  streets 
30  feet  wide,  made  so  narrow  chiefly  for  defensive  purposes;  the 
quarter  of  a  square  block  was  considered  at  first  a  lot  for  each  dwell- 
ing and  garden.  Later  on,  the  streets  received  the  names,  which 
they  nearly  all  bear  to  the  present  date. 

The  place  was  surrounded  at  first  by  an  indented  line  of  logs 
and  earth  thrown  up  as  a  parapet  from  the  ditch.  The  commanding 
"Fort  on  the  Hill"  faced  with  a  tower  Walnut  street  on  Fourth  street 
and  formed  a  square  of  300  feet  enclosed  by  loopholed  stockades. 

The  town  was  named  St.  Louis,  in  honor  of  Louis  IX.,  who  lived 
in  the  Thirteenth  Century  and  was  surnamed  "Saint"  on  account 
of  his  piety  and  a  crusade  he  led  into  Egypt.  One  year  before  the 
first  settlement  of  St.  Louis,  the  treaty  of  Paris  ended  the  "Seven 
Years'  War"  in  Europe.  Frederic  the  Great  remained  in  possession 
of  the  bitterly  contested  Province  of  Silesia ;  England  gained  posses- 
sion of  all  the  territory  East  of  the  Mississippi  save  New  Orleans  and 
its  neighborhood,  and  November  3,  1762,  France  ceded  all  Louisiana 
West  of  the  Mississippi  to  Spain.  It  took  some  time  till  this  news 
reached  the  Territory  and  several  years  till  the  Spaniards  took  actual 
possession,  thus  without  knowing  it,  the  French  Colonists  founded  St. 
Louis  on  Spanish  territory.  Soon  afterwards,  the  French  garrison 
of  Fort  Chartres,  Illinois,  commanded  by  St.  Ange  de  Bellerive,  being 
relieved  by  English  troops,  came  over  to  St.  Louis;  many  other 
Frenchmen  from  Illinois  followed  this  example,  and  in  1766  the  new 
colony  had  already  180  houses.  The  greater  security  from  Indians. 
Laclede's  genius  in  dealing  with  the  savages  and  the  antipathy 
which  the  French  had  against  their  ancestral  foe,  the  English,  aided 
the  growth  of  the  colony  as  much  as  its  natural  advantages. 

To  bring  order  into  public  affairs,  St.  Ange  was  elected  tem- 
porary Governor  with  Lefevre  as  associate  and  Joseph  Labusciere 
Secretary.  The  latter  kept  the  land  grant  book  and  the  seal  of  the 
Governor  had  to  be  affixed  to  the  land  grants.  The  houses  built 
with  upright  logs  were  of  modest  dimensions;  a  lot  on  southeast 
corner  of  Walnut  and  Second  streets,  being  60x150  feet,  was  sold 
for  $20,  the  house  upon  it  for  $200.  Negro  slaves  were  then 
already  bought  and  sold.  Spanish  troops  passed  St.  Louis  in  1768 
and  took  possession  of  it  in  1770  and  Lieutenant  Governor  Don 
Pedro  Piernas,  with  80  soldiers,  took  command  in  1771;  Spanish 
became  the  official  language,  but  socially  St.  Louis  still  remained 
French. 


The  People  of  St.  Louis.  69 


INDIANS  AND  FORTIFICATIONS. 

Indians  were  frequent  visitors  at  the  new  colony;  sometimes  they 
came  in  sufficiently  large  numbers  to  endanger  the  safety  of  the 
inhabitants.  The  apprehensions  from  them  grew  when  Laclede 
died  in  1778,  the  year  in  which  Colonel  Geo.  R.  Clark  captured 
Kaskaskia  from  the  British.  These  fears  led  in  1779  to  the  fortifi- 
cation of  the  place,  commencing  on  the  River  on  the  Southern  end 
of  the  village,  and  coming  back  to  the  river,  at  the  Northern  end; 
three  gates  led  through  the  line  for  convenient  communication. 
These  precautions  were  taken  none  too  soon,  for  already  on  the  26th 
<l;iv  of  M;iy.  1780,  a  band  of  hostile  Indians  surprised  a  number  of 
inhabitants  working  in  the  fields  outside  the  fortifications  and  killed 
about  30  persons  of  all  ages  and  sexes.  This  sad  lesson  was  not 
passed  unheeded;  the  incapable  or  treacherous  Commander  Leyba 
was  superseded  by  Lieutenant  Governor  Cruzat,  who  built  half  a 
dozen  stone  forts,  fifty  feet  in  diameter,  and  connected  them  by  loop- 
holed  stockades. 

Misfortunes  were  not  spared  the  growing  city;  a  great  flood  de- 
vastated the  neighborhood  in  1785,  and  besides  the  depredations 
of  the  Indians,  organized  bands  of  river  pirates  infested  the  trade  of 
the  colony,  which  otherwise  prospered  under  the  fair  administration 
of  Spanish  Governors ;  still  at  that  time  no  free  Negro  was  admitted 
without  a  pass  and  no  Protestant  without  a  written  permit  from 
Spanish  authority;  but  for  all  that,  up  to  the  year  1800,  St.  Louis 
had  not  taken  the  decided  lead  of  the  surrounding  settlements,  which 
at  that  time  are  credited  with  the  following  number  of  inhabitants: 
St.  Genevieve,  989;  St.  Louis,  925;  St.  Charles,  875;  New  Madrid, 
782.  Nevertheless  St.  Louis  had  then  its  great  promises  and  natural 
charms,  not  the  least  of  which  was  Chouteau's  pond,  a  beautiful 
sheet  of  water  of  over  100  acres,  surrounded  by  verdant  hills  and 
groves,  occupying  the  very  area  wThere  to-day  a  hundred  locomotives 
and  a  thousand  cars  subserve  the  demands  of  a  metropolis  of  trade 
and  industry. 

The  home  relations  in  St.  Louis  at  the  time  were  quite  primitive : 
water  was  hauled  from  the  river  on  a  drag;  the  people  raised  only 
what  they  needed;  judgment  sales  were  made  at  the  church  door 
after  the  mass  ended  on  Sunday,  and  in  the  afternoon  there  was  a 
dance.  In  April,  1775,  78  householders  agreed  to  build  a  church 
30'x60'xl4' ;  as  the  Spanish  succession  terminated  the  exclusive  privi- 


70  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

lege  or  monopoly  of  Maxent  Laclede  &  Co.,  of  which  house  Auguste 
Chouteau  had  become  an  influential  and  leading  partner,  trade  be- 
came free.  Among  the  amenities  of  the  business  relations  may  be 
quoted  that  Charles  Gratiot  rode  1,500  miles  from  St.  Louis  to  Rich- 
mond, to  collect  some  due  bills  given  him  in  payment  by  officers  from 
Fort  Chartres,  and  returned  without  success,  though  he  had  the  honor 
of  meeting  Thomas  Jefferson  and  Patrick  Henry.  Legal  service  in 
St.  Louis  was  then  by  written  process:  application,  answer,  rejoinder 
and  judgment  were  brief,  to  the  point  and  mostly  final.  Manumis- 
sion of  slaves  were  frequent,  and  even  Indian  slaves  are  mentioned 
in  a  document.  Regulations  with  regard  to  safety,  health,  fire, 
prices  of  provisions,  morals,  etc.,  were  simple,  partaking  somewhat  of 
a  paternal  character,  the  same  as  the  verbal  grants  and  verbal  permis- 
sions: a  sign  of  primitive  relations,  but  also  of  great  reliance  in  the 
general  honesty  of  the  inhabitants.  Inventories  of  estates  of  deceased 
persons  were  taken  by  order  of  the  authorities  and  the  beneficiaries 
were  named,  forming  a  valuable  genealogy,  highly  useful  in  after 
years  in  tracing  titles,  a  work  which  to  some  extent  was  made  diffi- 
cult by  the  republican  disposition  of  dropping  prepositions  or  deriva- 
tive second  names,  habitual  with  gents  of  the  antiquated  nobility. 

War  was  threatening  Spain  in  1798,  and  its  monarch  asked  for 
a  voluntary  contribution  from  those  who  had  fortunes,  promising 
in  return  rewards  of  dignity,  office  and  honor.  This  genial  sugges- 
tion is  most  likely  the  prototype  to  political  campaign  contributions, 
which  came  into  practice  with  the  increasing  party  spirit  and  mer- 
cenary disposition.  Trouble  being  anticipated  with  the  Indians 
near  New  Madrid  about  November,  1802,  all  arm-bearing  citizens 
were  enlisted  at  St.  Louis,  St.  Genevieve,  Platin  and  New  Bourbon. 
The  whole  force  marched  down  in  the  best  order  and  with  all  mili- 
tary precautions,  necessary  in  a  heavily  wooded  country  and  with  an 
unknown  foe.  A  number  of  Indian  tribes  were  assembled  at  New 
Madrid;  five  Indian  murderers  were  tried,  found  guilty  and,  with 
the  approval  of  the  tribes,  one  Indian  was  shot  and  several  others 
pardoned.  The  whole  affair,  inclusive  the  march  back  to  St.  Louis, 
was  highly  creditable  to  the  military  disposition  and  self-control  of 
the  young  communities. 

The  moral  relations  of  the  young  colony  wrhile  under  Spanish 
authority  appear  to  have  been  very  satisfactory.  It  has  been  asserted 
that  during  upward  of  30  years  not  a  single  instance  of  civil  delin- 
quency or  crime  had  been  committed.  While  such  negative  evi- 


The  People  of  St.  Louis.  71 

dence  is  not  conclusive,  it  is  an  indication  of  the  spirit  of  those 
times.  Certain  it  is  that  the  refined  manners  of  the  French  settlers, 
their  capacity  as  traders,  their  friendly  policy  with  the  Indians, 
which  enabled  the  Whites  to  go  as  hunters  and  trappers  to  the 
foot  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  added  a  great  deal  to  the  amenities 
of  life  as  well  as  to  the  commercial  development  of  St.  Louis. 

LOUISIANA  TERRITORY  IN  THE  UNION. 

Pursuant  the  Treaty  of  Ildefonso  of  August  19,  1796,  Spain 
retroceded  the  Louisiana  Territory  to  France.  On  the  30th  of  April, 
1803,  the  same  Territory  was  purchased  by  the  United  States  of 
America,  in  consequence  of  negotiations  inaugurated  by  President 
Thomas  Jefferson  with  the  Republic  of  France,  the  purchase  price 
being  $15,000,000.  Captain  Amos  Stoddard  took  possession  of  the 
new  Territory  on  March  10,  1804,  and  was  placed  in  command 
of  the  same.  The  cause  for  this  transfer,  by  Napoleon  Bonaparte, 
then  the  all-powerful  Consul  of  France,  could  easily  be  divined. 
France  could  not  possibly  protect  this  Transatlantic  possession  against 
England  and  at  the  same  time,  the  vast  area  of  this  Territory,  would 
greatly  add  to  the  power  of  the  United  States,  which  on  the  Continent 
of  North  America,  was  already  then  more  than  a  match  for  England 
in  any  issue  that  had  to  be  settled  by  the  last  resort  of  nations. 

The  following  is  an  abstract  of  the  treaty  of  purchase  by  the 
United  States  of  America  from  the  Republic  of  France,  April  30, 
1803: 

Plenipotentiaries  on  behalf  of  the  United  States,  Robert  R.  Liv- 
ingston and  James  Monroe;  on  behalf  of  France,  Francis  Barbe 
Marbois. 

1.  Spain   cedes  the   Colony  and   Province  of  Louisiana  to   the 
French  Republic  and  the  latter  cedes  it  to  the  United  States. 

2.  This  cession  includes  adjacent  islands,  lots,  public  places,  vacant 
levees,  buildings,  fortifications,  barracks  and  other  buildings  that 
have  no  owners;  archives,  papers,  etc. 

3.  The  inhabitants  will  be  admitted  conformably  to  the  require- 
ments of  the  Federal  Constitution  to  enjoy  the  rights  of  citizens  and 
in  the  meantime  be  protected  in  their  liberty,  property  and  religion. 

4.  A  French  officer  to  receive  and  execute  transfer. 

5.  Upon  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  France  will  deliver  all  mili- 
tary posts,  and  French  and  Spanish  troops  will  vacate,  if  possible, 
within  three  months. 


72 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


I 
I 

5 


The  People  of  St.  Louis.  73 

6.  United  States  will  carry  out  Spanish  treaties  with  Indians  until 
new  treaties  void  the  old  ones. 

7.  French  and  Spanish  import  to  be  placed  for  twelve  years  on 
the  same  footing  as  current  American  import. 

8.  After  twelve  years  French  vessels  to  enjoy  rates  of  most  favored 
nation. 

9.  Payment  due  to  U.  S.  citizens  prior  to  September  30,  1800,  is 
approved;  special  convention  relative  to  the  definitive  law  between 
the  contracting  parties  to  be  approved  the  same  time. 

10.  Ratification    to   be   exchanged   within    six   months.     Treaty 
written  primitively  in  French,  also  in  English.     Executed  at  Paris, 
April  30,  1803.  (Signed)  ROBERT  R.  LIVINGSTON, 

JAMES  MONROE, 
F.  BARBE  MARBOIS. 

The  Convention  between  the  United  States  of  America  and  the 
French  Republic,  after  an  appropriate  introduction  and  preamble, 
stipulated : 

Article  I.  The  Government  of  the  United  States  will  pay  to  the 
French  Government  sixty  million  livres. 

Article  II.  United  States  issue  bonds  for  eleven  million  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  thousand  dollars  ($11,250,000),  bearing  6  per  cent 
interest  per  annum,  payable  half  yearly.  The  principal  payable 
at  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States  not  less  than  three  million 
(3,000,000)  annually,  first  payment  fifteen  years  "after  the  ratifi- 
cation. 

Article  III.  The  dollar  shall  be  fixed  at  five  livres  and  eight  sous, 
Turnois. 

To  be  ratified  as  above. 

Dated  and  signed  as  above. 

Another  convention  by  the  same  parties  regulated  the  total  amount, 
mode  of  proof  and  payment  of  private  claims. 

Governor  Laussat  from  New  Orleans  authorized  Lieutenant  Gov- 
ernor Dehault  De  la  Suze  at  St.  Louis,  to  deliver  to  Mr.  Stoddard, 
under  a  power  of  attorney  from  France,  the  civil  and  military  pos- 
session of  that  part  of  Louisiana,  which  De  la  Suze  commands;  he 
also  instructed  the  latter,  in  conjunction  with  Pierre  Chouteau,  to 
make  an  inventory  of  all  houses  and  buildings  to  be  transferred,  and 
sends  these  instructions  on  December  21,  1803,  also: 

To  Don  Pedro  Dehault  De  Lassus.  commandant  at  New  Bourbon. 

To  Don  Francisco  Yalle,  commandant  at  St.  Genevieve. 


74  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

To  Don  Louis  Lorimer,  commandant  at  Cape  Girardeau. 

To  Don  John  Lavallee,  commandant  at  New  Madrid. 

By  the  middle  of  February,  1804,  letters  from  Laussat  reached  Cap- 
tain Amos  Stoddard  and  he  in  turn  wrote  to  Lieutenant  Governor 
Delassus  at  St.  Lpuis : 

KASKASKIA,    18th    February,    1804. 

SIR — I  have  just  received  by  express  from  New  Orleans,  a  variety 
of  dispatches,  relative  to  the  late  retrocession  of  Louisiana. 

"Those  addressed  to  you  and  entrusted  to  my  care  by  the  French  and 
Spanish  Commissioners,  I  do  myself  the  honor  to  forward  by  a  Sergeant 
of  our  army,  who  is  bound  on  business  to  Captain  Lewis. 

"In  a  few  days  the  troops  under  my  command  will  ascend  the  Missis- 
sippi in  public  boats.  I  shall  proceed  before  them  by  land  and  concert 
with  you  the  necessary  arrangements  before  their  arrival  at  St.  Louis. 
The  inclosed  letter  to  Mr.  Chouteau,  I  would  thank  you  to  deliver  to  him. 
Please  accept  the  assurance  of  my  respectful  consideration. 

"AMOS    STODDARD, 
"Captain  U.  S.  Artillery,  Agent  and  Commissioner  of  the  French  Republic." 

In  preparation  for  the  transfer  Lieutenant  Governor  Delassus  or- 
dered all  the  garrisons  to  be  neat  and  in  readiness  to  evacuate  with 
arms  and  knapsacks,  the  commander  trusting  that  "every  man  will 
so  comport  himself  as  to  uphold  the  reputation  of  the  Spanish 
troops."  A  soldier  standing  on  the  gallery  of  the  Governor's  man- 
sion, southeast  corner  of  Main  and  Walnut,  was  in  proper  time  to 
wave  his  hat  as  a  signal  for  a  "Salvo"  from  all  the  cannon  that 
were  mounted  and  in  battery.  This  was  practicable,  as  the  "Fort 
on  the  Hill"  was  on  Fourth  and  Walnut  and  the  ceremony  took  place 
at  the  Chouteau  mansion  on  Main  and  Walnut. 

The  troops  of  Captain  Stoddard  landed  at  Cahokia  and  were 
cantoned  several  days,  waiting  till  March  9,  1804,  when  they  were 
led  over  to  the  St.  Louis  side. by  Lieutenant  Worrall,  Adjutant  to 
Captain  Stoddard,  who  with  Captain  Merri wether  Lewis'  First  U.  S. 
Infantry,  arid  the  most  prominent  citizens  of  the  place,  assembled  at 
the  Governor's  office,  while  most  of  the  inhabitants  gathered  on  the 
street  before  the  house.  Lieutenant  Governor  Delassus  then  read 
the  following: 

PROCLAMATION. 

MABCH   9,    1804. 
"INHABITANTS  OF  UPPER  LOUISIANA: 

"By  the  King's  command,  I  am  about  to  deliver  up  this  Post  and  ita 
dependencies. 

"The  flag  under  which  you  have  been  protected  for  a  period  of  nearly 
thirty-six  years,  is  to  be  withdrawn.  From  this  moment  you  are  released 
from  the  oath  of  fidelity  you  took  to  support  it. 


The  People  of  St.  Louis.  75 

"The  fidelity  and  courage  with  which  you-  have  guarded  and  defended 
it,  will  never  be  forgotten,  and  in  my  character  of  representative,  I  en- 
tertain the  most  sincere  wishes  for  y"our  perfect  prosperity." 

With  the  exchange  of  the  usual  civilities,  Delassus  turned  over  the 
Governmental  residence  to  Captain  Stoddard,  and  the  boom  of  the 
cannon  announced  to  the  whole  neighborhood  that  a  new  era  was 
to  dawn  on  St.  Louis  and  the  West.  The  official  document,  testify- 
ing to  the  transfer  of  the  Territory  by  Spain  to  France,  represented 
by  Captain  Amos  Stoddard,  was  executed  in  triplicate,  both  in  the 
Spanish  and  English  language,  signed  by  Carlos  Dehault  De  Lassus 
and  Amos  Stoddard  in  presence  of  Merriwether  Lewis,  Captain  First 
U.  S.  Infantry:  . \ntoine  Soulard,  Surveyor  General,  and  Charles 
Gratiot. 

This  constituted  a  double  transfer:  first,  from  Spain  to  France, 
pursuant  the  peace  of  Ildefonso,  Captain  Stoddard  representing 
France,  and  second,  France  transferring  the  Territory  to  the  United 
States  by  the  means  of  a  power  of  attorney  given  to  Captain  Stod- 
dard. The  American  troops  marched  to  the  Fort,  exchanged  mili- 
tary salutes  with  the  evacuating  Spanish  troops,  which  took  quar- 
ters on  southwest  corner  of  Elm  and  Third  streets,  waiting  for  a 
chance  to  embark  via  New  Orleans  for  Pensacola,  Florida. 

At  the  request  of  Captain  Stoddard  Lieutenant  Governor  Delassus 
addressed  the  Delaware,  Abenaki  and  Sagui  Indians,  and  informed 
them  of  the  transfer  in  the  usual  patronizing  style;  he  lauded  their 
past  loyalty  and  exhorted  them  to  follow  it  up  in  the  future  and 
added  that  their  Spanish  father's  heart  was  happy  to  know  that 
they  will  be  protected  and  sustained  by  their  new  father.  Official 
circulars  were  sent  to  the  subdistrict  commanders  conveying  the  news 
and  directions  relative  to  the  transfer. 

In  keeping  with  instructions  of  President  Jefferson,  the  old  method 
and  practice  of  Administration  was  continued  during  the  seven 
months  of  Captain  Stoddard's  authority,  except  that  English  became 
the  official  language  instead  of  Spanish,  which  the  inhabitants  could 
easily  stand,  for  they  were  still  mostly  French. 

Delassus  gave  to  Stoddard  the  characteristic  description  of  about 
45  persons,  more  or  less  officiating  in  Upper  Louisiana.  Of  these 
eight-ninths  (8-9)  were  of  French  descent  and  one-ninth  (1-9)  of 
other  nationality.  A  spirit  of  candor  worthy  to  an  old  Roman  per- 
vades this  list,  which  is  highly  interesting  reading,  given  in  full  in 
Fred  L.  Billon's  Annals  of  St.  Louis,  first  volume,  pages  365-371. 


76  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

With  regard  to  legal  transactions  in  the  young  colony  it  may  be  noted 
that  the  original  documents  of  grants,  deeds,  certificates,  etc.,  were 
made  out  on  loose  sheets,  and  afterwards  stitched  together,  kept  at  the 
Government  Office  and  passed  from  Governor  to  Governor.  Most 
of  these  papers  are  now  at  the  Recorder's  office.  These  notes  com- 
menced January  21,  1766,  by  Joseph  Labusciere,  were  headed  appro- 
priately and  turned  over  to  the  first  Spanish  Governor.  The  first 
regular  record  books  were  commenced  in  November,  1816. 

The  mode  of  securing  land  grants  was  simple.  The  settler  peti- 
tioned the  Governor  for  the  grant  of  the  land  described  by  him, 
who  acceded  (if  so)  to  the  petition  on  the  bottom  or  back  of  the 
same  paper,  and  directed  the  Surveyor  to  run  out  the  lands.  This 
petition  and  the  report  of  the  Surveyor  entitled  the  actual  settler 
on  application  to  the  proper  officer  at  New  Orleans,  to  the  issue  of 
the  grant.  The  great  majority  of  these  settlers  never  called  for  these 
grants,  as  it  took  five  months  to  go  to  New  Orleans  and  return,  but 
having  an  equitable  claim,  expected  an  acknowledgement  of  their 
grants  from  the  United  States. 

On  the  suggestion  of  the  Attorney  General  of  the  Indian  Terri- 
tory, Captain  Stoddard  wrote  on  January  10,  1804,  to  the  Secretary 
of  War,  that  attempts  to  defraud  the  United  States  of  land  are  being 
made;  a  previous  Commander  having  signed  blank  papers  for  the 
insertion  of  the  necessary  petition,  order  of  survey  and  dates.  While 
that  Commander  had  left  more  than  5  years  ago,  some  of  the  claim- 
ants by  the  strength  of  such  papers,  had  not  resided  in  St.  Louis  for 
2  years.  Jefferson  referred  this  report  to  Congress. 

The  conditions  of  settlement  exacted  great  fortitude  on  the  part 
of  the  first  inhabitants,  who  commenced  to  build  up  St.  Louis.  It 
took  a  resolute  disposition  to  move  a  thousand  miles  into  the  wilder- 
ness, face  an  unknown  climate,  the  savage  Indians,  forego  the  charms 
of  civilization  and  medical  aid.  But  these  circumstances  and  their 
trials  helped  to  mould  the  character  of  men,  who  played  an  impor- 
tant part  in  subsequent  events.  A  few  examples  will  suffice  to  show 
the  nature  of  then  existing  general  relations. 

Charles  Gratiot  came  to  St.  Louis  in  1781 ;  he  became  a  Spanish 
subject  in  order  to  be  permitted  to  trade  with  the  Indians;  went  to 
Richmond  in  the  year  1783  and  was  absent  one  year  to  collect  govern- 
ment bills  due  him.  In  1791  he  sailed  with  furs  to  Bordeaux  in 
France  and  from  there  to  London,  which  already  then  was  the  best 
fur  market;  from  there  he  went  to  Switzerland  and  called  on  his 


The  People  of  St.  Louis.  77 

relations  after  an  absence  of  25  years ;  returning  by  way  of  London 
he  secured  an  outfit  of  merchandise  needed  in  the  far  West,  and 
came  over  Montreal  and  Mackinac  back  home  to  St.  Louis.  Gratiot 
made  a  second  trip  to  London,  but  was  dissatisfied  with  his  results, 
and  returned  again  to  St.  Louis.  His  energetic  disposition  and  the 
general  wants  of  a  new  community  led  him  into  various  enterprises 
and  he  carried  on  a  farm,  mill,  distillery  and  operated  a  tannery 
and  salt  works  besides  his  trading  ventures.  In  1798  he  received 
from  the  Governor  General  at  New  Orleans  a  concession  for  Gratiot 
League  Square,  and  with  his  wife  Victoire,  eldest  daughter  of  Madame 
Chouteau,  educated  their  13  children.  Gratiot  was  active,  judicious, 
perseverant  and  ambitious. 

Daniel  Boone,  from  Pennsylvania,  came  to  Upper  Louisiana  in 
1797  when  62  years  of  age.  His  previous  successive  homesteads 
were  lost  to  him  on  account  of  neglect  in  perfecting  their  title; 
Boone  received  a  grant  of  land  from  Governor  Trudeau  and  settled 
with  his  son  at  the  village  of  "Charette,"  probably  named  after  the 
heroic  leader  of  the  Vendeens:  another  proof  of  the  great  diversity 
of  the  first  settlers  of  Missouri.  Daniel  Boone's  portrait  was  taken 
shortly  before  his  death,  at  86  years  of  age,  by  Chester  Harding. 
Boone  was  for  a  time  Syndic  (Civil  Magistrate)  of  the  Femme  Osage 
settlement.  The  adventures  of  the  hardy  pioneer  are  known  all 
over  the  world. 

Chester  Harding,  painter,  came  to  St.  Louis  in  1820,  remained 
long  enough  to  paint  over  100  portraits,  among  which  was  also  that 
of  Daniel  Boone.  Left  to  perfect  himself  in  Italy,  returned  to  Bos- 
ton, living  there  in  easy  circumstances  from  the  reward  of  his  art; 
one  of  his  daughters  married  Judge  John  M.  Krum,  father  of  Judge 
Chester  Krum.  Two  sons  of  Chester  Harding  the  painter,  became 
very  prominent  in  Missouri  in  1861.  The  one  also  named  Chester 
Harding  was  Lyons'  Adjutant  General,  and  as  such  by  General 
Lyons'  order  the  actual  Commander  of  all  troops  in  Missouri;  the 
second,  James  Harding,  was  Quartermaster  General  of  the  State 
Militia  under  Governor  Jackson ;  he  married  into  a  Southern  family, 
and  by  the  force  of  circumstances  and  associations  drifted  into  the 
Confederate  service. 

Interesting  as  the  journeys  through  primeval  forests  and  unknown 
rivers  may  have  been,  they  were  full  of  dangers,  which  tried  the  nerve 
and  endurance  of  men  to  the  utmost.  Consider  the  case  of  Dr. 
Antoine  Francois  Saugrain  from  Paris,  France,  who  started  in  March, 


78  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

1788,  from  Pittsburg,  with  three  companions  and  horses. on  a  flat- 
boat  down  the  Ohio  river.  Opposite  the  Big  Miami  a  party  of  In- 
dians commenced  to  fire  upon  them  from  ambush,  and  shot  two 
horses,  wounded  one  man  severely  and  injured  the  hand  of  Saugrain. 
Being  pursued  by  the  Indians  in  a  canoe,  all  jumped  from  the  flat- 
boat  to  reach  the  Kentucky  shore.  The  wounded  man's  strength 
gave  out  and  he  drowned;  another  man  was  waylaid  on  shore,  toma- 
hawked and  scalped.  Dr.  Saugrain  and  the  fourth  man,  named 
Pierce,  were  overtaken  by  the  Indians,  bound  and  dragged  along. 
During  the  night,  while  the  Indians  were  fast  asleep,  Dr.  Saugrain 
succeeded  to  loosen  his  ties,  liberated  his  companion  and  they  fled 
through  the  woods  skirting  the  river,  until  after  three  days  of  hunger, 
frost  and  exposure,  they  succeeded  to  hail  a  boat  and  secure  relief 
and  assistance,  to  nurse  their  wounds  and  frosted  limbs.  It  took 
nearly  two  months  before  they  were  able  to  continue  their  journey. 
Even  more  manifold  than  the  experience  of  the  first  immigrants 
was  their  derivation  and  the  causes  which  brought  them  to  St.  Louis. 
Adventure,  trade,  necessity  brought  the  trapper,  the  merchant,  the 
refugee  from  the  reign  of  terror,  from  the  insurrection  in  the  West 
Indies,  the  ice-bound  lakes  of  Canada,  from  the  ranks  of  discharged 
Spanish  and  American  soldiers,  all  to  the  common  destiny  of  be- 
coming here  good  American  citizens. 

TERRITORIAL  DAYS  OF  MISSOURI. 

An  Act  of  Congress  of  May  7,  1800,  divided  the  Northwest  Ter- 
ritory into  Ohio  and  Indiana:  the  latter  comprising  Indiana,  Illi- 
nois, Michigan  and  Wisconsin,  to  which,  in  1804,  Louisiana,  includ- 
ing Missouri,  was  temporarily  attached.  Courts  were  held  in  June, 
September,  December  and  March,  and  a  Sheriff  and  Recorder  ap- 
pointed. The  days  of  Arcadian  simplicity  and  quiet  life  were  ended 
by.  the  American  possession  and  immigration.  In  1804  Lewis  and 
Clark  started  on  their  great  expedition  of  discovery  Northwest  to 
the  Pacific  Ocean,  considerably  aided  by  the  experience  of  St.  Louis 
traders  and  trappers. 

Merri wether  Lewis  from  Virginia,  was  private  Secretary  to  Presi- 
dent Jefferson  till  1803.  Congress  making  an  appropriation  to  ex- 
plore the  Missouri  river,  cross  the  Stone  Mountains,  and  descend  on 
some  river  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  Lewis  was  appointed  for  the  task 
and  Captain  Wm.  Clark  was  associated  with  him.  He  waited  in  St. 
Louis  for  the  spring  to  open  as  well  as  for  the  actual  transfer  of  the 


The  People  of  St.  Louis.  79 

Territory,  at  which  he  was  present,  signing  the  document  as  a  wit- 
ii'—.  The  expedition  party  was  camping  opposite  the  mouth  of 
the  Missouri;  it  consisted  of  45  persons,  of  whom  12  were  soldiers 
and  15  b.'»;it  hands.  One  man  died  the  first  winter  and  15  were 
sent  back  with  dispatches.  The  expedition  crossed  the  Rocky  Moun- 
tains September  22,  1805,  built  boats  and  reached  the  Pacific  Ocean 
on  the  Columbia  river  on  November  15,  built  a  fort  and  passed  here 
the  second  winter,  returning  to  St.  Louis  September  23,  1806,  after  a 
voyage  of  28  months.  Lewis  was  rewarded  by  a  land  grant  and  the 
appointment  as  Governor  of  Upper  Louisiana.  He  left  St.  Louis  for 
~\\ "ashington,  became  low  spirited  and  shot  himself  on  his  way  in 
Kentucky.  The  Lewis  and  Clark  expedition  practically  gave  Oregon 
to  the  United  States.  The  Northern  boundary  of  the  Union  was 
subsequently  secured  by  a  treaty  with  Great  Britain. 

In  the  meantime,  the  city  destined  to  become  the  commercial 
metropolis  of  the  West,  prospered.  The  numbr  of  taxpaying  inhabi- 
tants was  already  729  in  the  year  1807  and  taxes  could  be  paid  in 
deer  skins  from  October  to  April,  after  that  date  in  cash.  The  town 
was  incorporated  in  1809,  the  centennial  celebration  of  which  will 
be  held  in  October,  1909.  The  first  Treasurer,  Auguste  Chouteau, 
reported  end  of  the  year  1810 : 

Receipts  from  all  sources $529.68 

Expenditures 399.15 


Balance  in  the  Treasury $130.53 

A  more  promising  sign  of  advancement  was,  in  1808,  the  first  edi- 
tion of  a  newspaper:  the  Missouri  Gazette,  published  by  Joseph 
Charless,  a  son  of  Erin,  and  a  refugee  of  the  Irish  rebellion  of  1795. 
The  first  number  of  the  paper  was  printed  on  foolscap;  subscribers 
gave  their  notes  or  verbal  promise,  which  they  could  redeem  in  flour, 
corn,  beef  or  pork.  The  paper  was  quite  efficient  in  promoting 
the  best  interests  of  the  community. 

The  way  of  making  roads  wras  simple,  the  Court  ordered  and  in- 
spected the  survey  and  made  provisions  for  its  "cutting  out."  Thus 
a  road  was  ordered  to  St.  Genevieve,  Cape  Girardeau  and  New  Madrid, 
quite  an  enterprise,  considering  that  the  only  road  leading  from 
town  to  the  river  was  on  Market  street,  for  perpendicular  rocks,  about 
40  feef  above  the  usual  stand  of  the  river,  extended  from  Poplar 
street  to  Rocky  Branch. 


80  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

In  1812  the  Territory  was  named  Missouri;  a  Governor  was  ap- 
pointed and  the  Legislature,  biannually  elective,  met  every  year  in 
St.  Louis,  the  first  meeting  being  in  Mr.  Sanguinette's  loghouse  on 
Second  street. 

For  the  war  of  1812  with  Great  Britain,  St.  Louis  mustered  one 
Company  of  Riflemen,  one  of  Infantry  and  one  of  Artillery  and  one 
of  Veterans  above  45  years  of  age,  which,  according  to  the  "Gazette," 
comprised  nearly  every  man  in  the  place.  There  were  also  several 
hundred  Regulars  here;  their  main  duty  was  to  watch  the  Indians, 
who  under  the  pretext  of  war,  robbed  and  killed  several  persons  in 
the  neighborhood.  During  this  war,  expeditions  of  Regulars  went 
from  St.  Louis  or  Bellefountaine  to  Portage  des  Sioux,  Rock  Island, 
Natchitoches,  the  Falls  of  St.  Anthony  and  Council  Bluff.  Already 
February  18,  1815,  the  St.  Louisians  could  fire  a  salute  in  honor  of 
the  victory  of  New  Orleans,  gained  January  8,  full  fourteen  days 
after  the  '  'Treaty  of  Ghent"  had  been  signed,  of  which  no  tele- 
graphic news  could  then  be  conveyed.  Another  memorable  event 
gladdened  the  heart  of  the  St.  Louis  people,  when  on  August  2,  1815, 
probably  the  larger  portion  of  the  2,000  inhabitants,  watched  the 
landing  of  the  first  steamboat  on  the  St.  Louis  Levee :  little  did  they 
dream  then  that  less  than  fifty  years  later  more  than  one  hundred 
large  steamboats  would  crowd  that  landing  and  that  within  another 
fifty  years  those  floating  palaces  would  be  almost  entirely  superseded 
by  the  "Iron  Horse,"  which  on  this  Continent  commenced  to  feed  on 
coal,  cash  and  human  flesh,  full  13  years  later  than  the  landing  of 
the  steamer  "Pike." 

From  the  date  when  St.  Louis  became  part  of  the  Union  to  the 
admission  of  Missouri  as  a  State,  namely,  in  a  period  of  17  years,  the 
new  conditions  brought  many  notable  men  to  the  city.  ^It  is  not 
possible  within  the  compass  of  these  lines  to  do  justice  to  their 
merits.  To  those  readers  acquainted  with  the  relations  of  St.  Louis, 
the  names  themselves  will  suggest  many  living  and  institutional 
mementoes,  while  not  few  of  these  men  acquired  even  a  national 
reputation. 

SETTLERS  OF  AMERICAN  ERA. 

This  designation  comprises  chiefly  those  settlers  who  came  to  St. 
Louis  between  the  dates  of  the  Louisiana  purchase  and  the  admission 
of  Missouri  to  Statehood.  Many  of  these  men  are  most  intimately 
connected  with  the  early  development  of  St.  Louis  and  are  known 
even  to  the  present  generation.  According  to  Mr.  Billon's  excellent 


Tin-  Peopli  of  St.  Louis.  81 

Chronicle,  there  came  to  St.  Louis  in  1804:  Gen.  Daniel  Bissell, 
Merriwether  Lewis.  ( u-o.  Win.  Clark,  Wm.  C.  Carr,  Rufus  Easton. 
Alex  McXair,  John  Mullanphy;  in  1805:  Z.  M.  Pike,  Clement  Riddle, 
Jim.  B.  C.  Lucas;  1806:  Joseph  Charless,  the  Blow  family,  Fred 
Bates;  1807:  Dr.  Bernard  J.  Farrar;  1809:  John  W.  Honey,  Michael 
Tesson,  Bartholo  Berthold,  Rene  Paul.  Moses  Austin;  1810:  Judge 
Robt.  Wash:  1811:  Hy.  Von  Phul;  1813:  Peter,  John  and  Jessie 
Limlell.  Captain  Theo.  Hunt,  Jas.  Kennerly;  1814:  Edward  Bates, 
Nathaniel  Paschall ;  1815:  Major  Thos.  Forsyth,  Captain  Mackey 
Wherry.  Thos.  Hart  Benton;  1816:  Archibald  Gamble,  James  Clem- 
ens, John  Bobb;  1817:  Robt,  Collet,  John  D.  Daggett,  Wm.  Glasgow, 
Jr..  Thornton  Grimsley.  John  L.  Sutton :  1818:  Hamilton  R.  Gam- 
ble. Geo.  Collier,  Sullivan  Blood,  Archbishop  Louis  Wm.  V.  Du- 
IHHHO.  V.  K.  Billon,  Jeremiah  Connor,  Col.  John  O'Fallon,  Fred 
Dent :  1810:  Dr.  Wm.  Carr  Lane,  Henry  Shaw,  Chas.  Chambers,  Jos. 
C.  Laveille.  Edward  Knapp ;  1820 :  Chester  Harding,  Sr.,  Elihu  W. 
Sheppard.  Britton  A.  Hill,  D.  Robt,  Barclay,  Wm.  Higgins,  N.  B. 
Atwood.  Those  men.  with  a  few  of  the  original  settlers,  very  soon 
controlled  the  bulk  of  the  real  e.-tate.  Some  of  the  largest  holdings 
were  soon  subdivided,  like  the  John  Mullanphy  estate,  which  through 
five  married  daughters  went  to  Richard  Graham,  Chas.  Chambers, 
Thos.  Biddle.  Win.  S.  Harney,  James  Clemens,  and  one  son,  Bryan 
Mullanphy.  whose  generosity  e-tablished  the  Mullanphy  Emigrant 
Home.  Xo  doubt  these  large  land  holdings  exerted  a  conservative 
influence  and  in  latter  days  outweighed  slaveholding  interests.  Gen. 
Daniel  Bissell.  Commander  at  Bellefonntaine.  bought  a  large  tract  of 
land  in  that  neighborhood.  Officers  of  the  Army  and  of  the  Terri- 
torial Government,  exercised  through  their  culture  and  education  a 
directive  influence,  while  old  troopers,  discharged  at  this  point,  added 
to  the  settlement  a  hardy  and  resolute  element. 

When  Fred  K.  Billon  arrived  in  St.  Louis  in  1818,  its  population 
was  estimated  at  3,000.  The  census  gave  the  State  of  Missouri 
20.000,  and  the  Legislature  petitioned  Congress  for  admission  as  a 
State  into  the  Union,  which  proved  its  appreciation  of  this  part  of 
the  country  by  sending  in  1819  the  steamer  "Western  Engineer," 
drawing  only  19  inches  of  water,  up  to  the  Yellow  Stone  river,  to 
select  a  site  for  a  fort  and  to  make  geodetic,  geological,  botanical 
and  zoological  observations;  each  branch  being  represented  by  a  pro- 
ficient scientist.  This  expedition  started  from  Pittsburg  and  was  ex- 
pected to  stay  out  for  two  years.  By  this  time  two  banks  had  been 


82  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

started  in  St.  Louis:  the  first  was  discontinued  on  account  of  too 
little  confidence  by  the  people,  and  the  second  on  account  of  too 
much  confidence  in  the  people.  Characteristic  for  the  period  (1810- 
1818)  are  the  four  duels  which  had  been  fought  on  Bloody  Island 
opposite  St.  Louis.  None  of  these  had  an  adequate  cause  and  two 
terminated  fatally.  All  of  the  parties  professed  to  be  Christians, 
though  their  vindictive  hatred  is  little  in  accord  with  the  teachings 
of  the  great  master.  In  one  of  these  duels,  Thomas  H.  Benton 
killed  Charles  Lucas,  a  young  attorney.  Benton  came  recently  from 
Tennessee,  where  he  had  been  already  prominent  in  politics,  and 
where  some  of  his  experience  is  so  far  germane  to  these  lines,  as  he 
was  soon  to  become  the  most  prominent  man  in  St.  Louis  and 
Missouri: 

Under  date  of  September  10,  1813,  Thomas  H.  Benton  describes 
a  scene  which  casts  a  shadow  before  coming  events,  in  so  far  ;i<  it 
brings  to  light  vindictive  passions  and  acts  of  cruel  violence,  that 
could  only  have  been  nurtured  under  the  degrading  influences  of 
Slavery  surroundings.  He  writes  to  a  newspaper  at  Franklin,  Tenn., 
September  10,  1813: 

"A  difference  which  had  been  for  some  months  brewing  between  Gen- 
eral Jackson  and  myself,  produced  on  Saturday,  the  4th  inst.,  in  the  town 
of  Nashville,  the  most  outrageous  affray  ever  witnessed  in  a  civilized 
country. 

"In  communicating  this  affair  to  my  friends  and  fellow  citizens,  I  limit 
myself  to  the  statement  of  a  few  leading  facts,  the  truth  of  which  I  am 
ready  to  establish  by  judicial  proofs. 

"1.  That  myself  and  my  brother,  Jesse  Benton,  arriving  at  Nashville 
on  the  morning  of  the  affray,  and  knowing  of  Gen'l  Jackson's  threats, 
went  and  took  our  lodgings  in  a  different  house  from  the  one  in  which 
he  stayed,  on  purpose  to  avoid  him. 

"2.  That  the  General  and  some  of  his  friends  came  to  the  house  where 
we  had  put  up,  and  commenced  the  attack  by  leveling  a  pistol  at  me,  when 
I  had  no  weapon  drawn,  and  advancing  upon  me  at  a  quick  pace,  without 
giving  me  time  to  draw  one. 

"3.  That  seeing  this,  my  brother  fired  upon  General  Jackson,  when  he 
had  got  within  eight  or  ten  feet  of  me. 

"4.  That  four  other  pistols  were  fired  in  quick  succession — one  by  Gen- 
eral Jackson  at  me,  two  by  me  at  the  General,  and  one  by  Col.  Coffee  at 
me.  In  the  course  of  this  firing,  General  Jackson  was  brought  to  the 
ground,  but  I  received  no  hurt. 


The  People  of  St.  Louis.  83 

"5.  That  daggers  were  then  drawn.  Col.  Coffee  and  Mr.  Alexander  Don- 
aldson made  at  me  and  gave  me  five  slight  wounds.  Captain  Hammond 
and  Mr.  Stockley  Hays  engaged  my  brother,  who,  being  still  weak  from 
the  effects  of  a  severe  wound  he  had  lately  received  in  a  duel,  was  not 
able  to  resist  two  men.  They  got  him  down,  and  while  Captain  Ham- 
mond beat  him  on  the  head  to  make  him  lay  still,  Mr.  Hays  attempted 
to  stab  him,  and  wounded  him  in  both  arms,  as  he  lay  on  his  back 
parrying  the  thrusts  with  his  naked  hands.  From  this  situation  a  gen-  . 
erous  hearted  citizen  of  Nashville,  Mr.  Summers,  relieved  him.  Before 
he  came  to  the  ground,  my  brother  clapped  a  pistol  to  the  breast  of  Mr. 
•  Hays  to  blow  him  throygh,  but  it  missed  fire. 

"6.  My  own  and  my  brother's  pistols  carried  two  balls  each;  for  it  was 
our  intention,  if  driven  to  our  arms,  to  have  no  child's  play.  The  pistols 
fired  at  me  were  so  near  that  the  blaze  of  the  muzzle  of  one  of  them 
burned  the  sleeve  of  my  coat,  and  the  other  was  aimed  at  my  head,  a  little 
more  than  arm's  length  from  it. 

"7.  Captain  Carroll  was  to  have  taken  part  in  the  affray,  but  was 
absent  by  the  permission  of  General  Jackson,  as  he  has  since  proved,  by 
the  General's  certificate,  which  leaves  the  doubt  open,  whether  it  reflects 
less  honor  upon  the  General  or  upon  the  Captain. 

"8.  That  this  attack  was  made  upon  me  in  the  house  where  the  Judge 

of  the  District,  Mr.  Searcy,  had  his  lodging!  So  little  are  the  laws  and 

its   ministers   respected!      Nor   has   the   Civil  authority     yet   taken   cogni- 
zance of  this  horri'ble  outrage. 

"These  facts  are  sufficient  to  fix  the  public  opinion.  For  my  own  part, 
I  think  it  scandalous,  that  such  things  should  take  place  at  any  time, 
when  the  public  service  requires  the  aid  of  all  its  citizens.  As  for  the 
name  of  courage,  God  forbid  that  I  should  ever  attempt  to  gain  it  by  becom- 
ing a  bully. 

"Those  who  know  me,  know  full  well  that  I  would  give  a  thousand  times 
more  for  the  reputation  of  Croghan,  in  defending  his  post,  than  I  would 
for  the  reputation  of  all  the  duelists  and  gladiators  that  ever  appeared  on 
the  face  of  the  earth. 

"THOMAS  HAET  BENTON, 
"Lt.    Colonel    39th    Infantry." 

The  incident  displays  the  temper  of  persons,  called  upon  to  act  a 
leading  part  in  coming  events.  Soon  after  the  above  incident,  Ben- 
ton  removed  to  St.  Louis,  and  in  1819  edited  a  newspaper  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  "Missouri  Gazette''  published  by  Joseph  Charless.  Charless 
was  born  in  Ireland,  1772 ;  took  part  in  the  Irish  rebellion  of  1795, 
in  which  Robert  Emmett  perished.  He  fled  to  the  United  States; 
went  first  to  Lexington,  Ky.,  and  came  in  1806  to  St.  Louis,  and  being 
a  practical  printer  and  man  of  a  liberal  disposition,  founded  the  "Mis- 
souri Gazette,"  the  parent  of  the  "St.  Louis  Republic."  It  was  prob- 


84  Tlie  Union  Cause  hi  St.  L»tii*  in  1861. 

ably  the  example  of  Charless  which  started  a  large  Irish  emigration 
to  St.  Louis,  the  city  whose  name  was  also  congenial  to  their  religious 
tennets. 

ADMISSION  OF  MISSOURI. 

The  fourth  session  of  the  Missouri  Territorial  Legislature,  organ- 
ized at  St.  Louis,  October  26,  1818,  by  electing  David  Barton 
Speaker,  and  resolved  upon  the  recommendation  of  a  committee,  that 
it  was  both  proper  and  expedient  to  petition  Congress,  to  admit 
Missouri  as  a  State,  authorizing  it  to  propose  a  Constitution  and  form 
a  State  Government.  The  census  gave  Missouri  19,218  white  male 
inhabitants,  and  the  whole  subject  relative  to  Statehood  was  embodied 
into  a  memorial  and  the  delegate  to  Congress  was  requested  to  present 
the  same  to  the  Federal  Legislature.  An  act  introduced  at  the  same 
time  in  the  Territorial  Legislature  of  Missouri  by  Hy.  S.  Geyer,  to 
incorporate  a  Board  of  Trustees  for  superintending  schools  in  the 
town  of  St.  Louis,  shows  the  fostering  care  for  education,  coeval  with 
the  ambition  for  Statehood  and  a  resolution  passed  shortly  before 
adjournment  on  December  24,  which  rebuked  the  Lieutenant  Gov- 
ernor for  arrogating  to  himself  the  privilege  of  letting  out  the  public 
printing,  proves  the  jealousy  of  the  ancestors  in  the  case  of  vested 
rights. 

On  the  reassembling  of  the  Territorial  Legislature  at  St.  Louis  on 
September  18,  1819,  Alexander  McNair  was  declared  elected  Gov- 
ernor. On  October  2  the  Legislature  had  a  joint  session,  in  order 
to  elect  two  Senators  for  Congress.  Every  one  of  the  members  of 
both  houses  had  the  right  to  vote  for  one  Senator.  David  Barton 
received  34  votes ;  Thomas,  H.  Benton  27 ;  John  B.  Lucas  16 ;  while 
27  votes  were  scattered  between  three  more  candidates.  Barton  and 
Benton  were  declared  duly  elected,  though  either  of  them  received 
only  a  plurality  of  the  votes  cast.  As  the  memb.er  to  the  House  of 
Representatives  in  Washington  had  been  previously  elected  by  the 
people,  the  whole  State  machinery  was  ready  for  operation,  long  be- 
fore the  State  was  admitted  to  the  Union. 

The  Constitutional  Convention  assembled  at  St.  Louis,  June  12, 
1820,  under  an  act  of  Congress  of  March  6,  1820,  entitled  "An  act 
to  authorize  the  people  of  Missouri  Territory  to  form  a  Constitu- 
tion and  State  Government  and  for  the  admission  of  such  State  into 
the  Union  on  an  equal  footing  with  the  original  States  and  to  pro- 
hibit Slaverv  in  certain  territories."  The  "certain  territories"  des- 


The  People  of  St.  Louis.  85 

ignated  iu  that  act  were  laying  West  of  Missouri  and  North  of  36° 
30'  Latitude,  and  their  consecration  for  future  Free  States  was  the 
consideration  for  admit  ting  Missouri  as  a  Slave  State  into  the  Union. 
This  solemn  compact  was  afterwards  broken  by  the  repeal  of  the 
Missouri  compromise  in  1854. 

St.  Louis  members  of  that  convention  were :  David  Barton,  Presi- 
dent; William  Rector,  Alexander  McNair,  Bernard  Pratte,  Edward 
Bates,  John  C.  Sullivan,  Pierre  Chouteau,  Jr.,  and  Thomas  Riddick. 
William  G.  Petti  is  was  made  Secretary  over  Archibald  Gamble,  can- 
didate for  the  same  office.  The  Constitution  this  convention  framed 
guaranteed  to  colored  people  equality  of  punishment,  but  only  with 
regard  to  capital  offenses;  slaves  abused  by  their  masters  were  to 
be  sold  by  authority  of  the  State,  for  the  benefit  of  the  master;  which 
tor  the  slave,  was  rather  an  additional  and  cruel  punishment.  Slaves 
could  not  be  emancipated,  except  by  the  consent  of  the  owner.  The 
provision  to  prevent  free  Negroes  and  Mulattoes  from  coming  to  and 
settling  in  the  State  was  obviated  by  special  ordinance,  exacted  by 
Congress  as  imperative,  before  the  President  could  issue  his  procla- 
mation for  the  admission  of  the  State. 

Article  II,  Section  9,  of  that  Constitution  enjoined:  "No  person, 
while  he  continues  t<>  r\rrei-e  the  functions  of  a  bishop,  priest,  clergy- 
man or  teacher  of  any  religious  persuasion,  denomination,  society  or 
sect  whatever,  shall  be  eligible  to  a  seat  in  either  branch  of  the  Legis- 
lature, or  to  be  elected  or  appointed  to  any  office  of  profit  within  this 
State,  the  office  of  Justice  of  Peace  excepted."  This  indicates  that  the 
direct  political  activity  of  the  designated  persons  was  not  deemed 
beneficial,  by  the  framers  of  the  Constitution,  who  adopted  the  same 
by  the  vote  of  all  members  save  one.  English  and  French  copies  of 
the  Constitution  were  ordered  printed,  for  the  use  of  the  authorities 

When  the  Constitution  was  presented  to  Congress  for  approval 
and  acceptance,  the  motion  for  its  unconditional  adoption  was  de- 
feated, and  a  resolution  passed,  of  admitting  the  State  on  certain 
conditions.  The  Missouri  Legislature  complied  with  these  on  June 
26,  1821,  with  these  words: 

"That  this  State  has  assented  and  does  assent  that  the  fourth  clause 
of  the  twenty-sixth  section  of  the  third  article  of  the  Constitution  of 
this  State  shall  never  be  construed  to  authorize  the  passage  of  any 
law,  and  that  no  law  shall  be  passed  in  conformity  thereto,  by  which 
any  citizen  of  either  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  excluded  from  the 
enjoyment  of  any  of  the  privileges  and  immunities  to  which  such 


86  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

citizens  are  entitled  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 
This  proviso  secured  to  free  Negroes  and  Mulattoes  the  right  to  come 
to  and  reside  in  Missouri.  In  consequence  of  the  above  pledge  Presi- 
dent James  Monroe  issued  his  proclamation  on  August  10,  1821, 
that  Missouri  had  become  a  State  by  virtue  of  accepting  the  condi- 
tions stipulated  by  Congress. 

The  contest  ended  by  the  Missouri  Compromise  has  been  related 
before,  with  the  general  political  development  of  the  Slavery  power. 
It  seems  that  Benton's  ability  and  influence  lay  dormant  during  this 
important  period  of  State  organization,  which  was  the  most  oppor- 
tune time  to  free  Missouri,  as  it  would  also  have  been  the  best  time 
to  fight  Slavery  extension.  But  no  one  was  great  enough  to  follow 
the  footsteps  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  who  liberated  the  North- West 
Territory,  by  his  far-sighted  policy.  Had  Thomas  H.  Benton  cast 
the  weight  of  his  capacity  and  influence  for  making  Missouri  a  Free 
State,  he  would  have  become  one  of  the  greatest  men  of  this  nation 
and  saved  hundreds  of  thousands  from  premature  graves.  Fearless, 
able,  learned,  genial  in  his  disposition,  he  secured  success  and  renown 
with  other  measures,  but  missed  the  chance  of  his  life,  when  he 
assisted  or  suffered  Missouri  to  become  a  Slave  State.  It  is  true  he 
would  have  had  to  rise  above  the  influences  of  his  youth,  the  training 
in  a  Proslavery  community,  the  vicious  effects  of  absolute  power,  and 
for  the  time  being,  the  allurements  of  high  office.  He  was  born  a 
slaveholder  in  North  Carolina,  removed  in  his  youth  to  a  cotton  plan- 
tation in  Tennessee,  got  early  into  politics  and  was  influenced  by  the 
unbridled  passions  of  Southern  Society;  of  which  his  own  letter 
upon  the  difficulty  with  General  Jackson  is  the  best  proof  and  the 
duel  with  young  Lucas  a  sad  sequel.  Benton  had  afterwards  the 
greatest  .merit  in  developing  the  Great  West;  he  helped  to  secure 
Homesteads  to  millions;  was  a  sound  financier,  and  like  his  latter 
days  friend,  General  Jackson,  an  uncompromising  Union  man ;  but 
he  failed  to*  see  that  the  Union  could  not  exist  with  Slavery.  Theo- 
dore Roosevelt  says  in  his  work  upon  Benton:  "The  South  falling 
always  more  to  the  rear  in  the  race  for  prosperity  and  blindly  attrib- 
uting her  failure  to  everything  but  the  true  reason — the  existence  of 
Slavery,"  also  held  that  Benton  tried  to  hide  this  cause  from  himself 
and  others  and  placed  it  upon  the  Tariff.  A  few  pages  farther 
Roosevelt  states :  "Now  whether  a  protective  Tariff  is  right  or  wrong, 
may  be  open  to  question."  It  certainly  was  not  an  open  question  in 
the  minds  of  the  Southerners,  who  exported  their  staples  for  the  price 


The  People  of  St.  Louis.  87 

made  in  the  world's  markets  and  paid  for  the  imported  manufac- 
tures the  prices  enhanced  by  the  Tariff. 

There  are  several  mitigating  circumstances,  which  to  some  extent, 
palliate  a  Proslavery  disposition  in  Missouri  at  the  time.  Slavery 
existed  in  the  Louisiana  Territory  under  Spanish  dominion.  France 
repossessed  Louisiana  only  on  paper  and  made  the  United  States 
guarantee  all  possessive  rights,  which  could  readily  be  construed  to 
include  Slavery.  The  "peculiar  institution"  exhibited  in  Missouri  a 
milder  nature  than  farther  South.  While  corporal  punishment  could 
be  administered  by  master  and  overseer,  its  more  severe  applications 
were  relegated  to  the  justices  and  resolutions  introduced  in  the  Legis- 
lature "to  treat  them  (the  slaves)  with  humanity  and  to  abstain 
from  all  injury  to  them,  extending  to  life  and  limb,"  prove  that  the 
>la\r-  wore  partly  protected  by  the  Missouri  laws,  which  were  not 
as  cruel  towards  the  offending  slave,  as  those  in  other  parts  of  the 
country.  It  is  true  that  here  as  in  all  Slave  States  a  great  many 
masters  waived  excessive  punishments  and  treated  their  dependents 
with  kindness  and  care;  but  neither  this,  nor  the  fear  of  remote 
slave  insurrections  could  possibly  excuse  inhuman  laws. 

On  July  4,  1826,  Thomas  Jefferson  died;  the  great  statesman  and 
patriot  was  also  the  ablest  opponent  of  Slavery  expansion.  Jefferson 
Barracks,  named  in  his  honor,  was  occupied  the  same  day  by  foui» 
Companies  of  United  States  Soldiers  and  the  next  year  the  St.  Louis 
Arsenal  was  started ;  few  anticipated  then  that  civil  war  was  so  near, 
nor  that  this  would  be  a  most  important  place  in  the  organization  of 
Union  forces.  Three  years  later  the  corner  stone  of  the  St.  Louis 
Cathedral  was  laid  on  Walnut  street,  very  near  the  point  where  the 
first  settlers  landed ;  the  very  considerable  dimensions  of  the  Church 
anticipated  the  future  great  City. 

THE  GERMAN  IMMIGRATION  OF  1830. 

With  the  year  1830,  there  commenced  in  Europe  an  era  of  such 
momentum  in  History  that  it  cast  the  shadow  of  coming  events  west- 
ward, even  to  the  far  off  banks  of  the  Mississippi.  The  American 
War  of  Independence  of  1776,  and  the  French  Revolution  of  1789, 
by  their  declarations  of  inalienable  natural  right,  had  roused  a  large 
portion  of  the  people  of  Europe  to  a  sense  of  their  human  dignity. 
The  genial  heir  of  France's  revolutionary  power  humbled  privileged 
legitimacy  all  over  the  Continent.  Overreaching  his  capacity  and 


88  The.  I'n  in  a  Cause  in  St.  Louix  in  18(>  I . 

neglecting  the  very  principles  which  elevated  him.  the  Cor-ican 
conqueror  fell  as  much  through  his  own  faults  as  through  the 
national  enthusiasm  of  the  countries  which  his  despotic  rule  had 
oppressed.  The  humbled  legitimistic  rulers  took  advantage  of  the 
national  enthusiasm  of  their  people,  and,  making  a  virtue  out  of 
necessity,  partly  granted  and  partly  promised,  liberal  organic  mea- 
sures. Once  out  of  danger,  however,  nor  dreading  any  more  the 
"Ghost  of  St.  Helena/'  their  memory  relative  liberal  promises  failed ; 
granted  rights  were  evaded;  old  privileges  re-established,  and  the 
reaction  flourished  all  over  Europe.  This  was  the  era  of  the  "Holy 
Alliance"  between  Russia,  Austria  and  Prussia,  whose  grasping  abso- 
lutistic  tendency  was  not  limited  even  by  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  and 
elicited  from  a  far  seeing  American  Cabinet  the  famous  document 
originating  the  ''Monroe  Doctrine."  This  "Reaction"  was  supreme 
from  1815  to  1830 ;  but  while  it  could  change  outward  forms,  it  could 
not  suppress  the  awakened  spirit  of  the  people  seeking  more  liberal 
and  progressive  relations.  The  great  lessons  of  American  Independ- 
ence and  the  French  Revolution,  lived  in  the  minds  of  the  best  and 
ablest  men,  and  spread  from  them  quietly  but  irresistibly  through 
the  masses.  Charles  X.,  King  of  France,  by  the  grace  of  the  Holy 
Alliance,  a  royal  Bourbon,  who  never  forgot  past  privileges  nor  com- 
prehended the  progress  of  modern  evolution,  was  chased  from  France 
by  the  revolution  of  1830,  which  guided  by  aged  Lafayette.  Thiers, 
Arago  and  other  liberal  minded  men,  raised  Louis  Phillip  to  the 
throne  as  a  "Citizen  King"  with  constitutionally  limited  powers. 
This  popular  upheaval  of  France  set  all  liberally  disposed  persons  of 
Europe  in  motion,  and  for  a  time  a  general  uprising  was  anticipated. 
It  was  partly  suppressed  and  partly  neutralized  by  the  yielding  of 
the  Governments,'  granting  some  constitutional  institutions,  which, 
however,  were  not  satisfactory  to  the  men  of  most  progressive  minds, 
and  especially  not  to  the  students  of  the  German  Universities,  where 
the  "Bursch  Societies,"  cultivated  an  idealism  of  truth,  which  the 
most  resolute  capacities  among  them  tried  to  apply  to  practical  life. 
The  theories  of  natural  human  rights  brought  down  upon  them  the 
persecution  of  the  absolute  governments.  Prominent  among  these 
students,  both  for  his  zeal  in  the  cause  of  free  institutions,  and  his 
ability  and  learning,  was  Karl  Follen  or  Follenius,  who  even  dreamed 
of  a  German  Republic  to  be  proclaimed  on  the  battlefield  of  Lcip/cic. 
for  which  he  and  friends  had  already  discussed  the  plan  of  a  Consti- 
tution. Follen  was  an  uncompromising  Republican,  in  the  full 


The  People  of  St.  Louis.  89 

meaning  of  the  word.    The  dawn  of  the  new  era  of  1830  animated 
him  to  these  lines: 

"It  is  awaking. 
It  is  awaking! 
Out  of  the  depth  of  sun  pregnant  night, 

In  flaming  glow  of  a  morning  rapture, 
The  sun  of  suns — 
The   people's   might. 

Humanity,   thou    greatest   of   deserts, 
Greeted  in  vain,  by  the  spring  of  mind, 
Tear  up  and  break  up  the  ice  of  ages, 
Rush  on  in  strong,  proud  ocean  billows; 
Down    serf   and    tyrant,    who    only    abused    thee. 
Be  now  a  nation,  and  a  Republic — 
Fight  for  thy  kind!" 

Follen's  general  tendency  being  known,  the  authorities  made  an 
attempt  to  connect  him  with  the  crime  of  Sand,  who  for  political 
reasons  murdered  Kotzebue  in  1819.  This  attempt  failed,  but  the' 
persecutions  continued.  Follen  accepted  a  call  for  a  professorship 
in  Chur,  Switzerland,  which  shielded  him  against  the  attacks  of  the 
reactionary  powers,  until  he  left  for  Paris,  where  the  venerable  Gen- 
eral Lafayette  gave  to  Follen  letters  of  recommendation,  which 
secured  him  a  professorship  at  the  Harvard  University  in  Boston. 
He  found  friends  among  the  most  cultured  people  and  joined  the 
Anlislavery  Society  started  in  1832,  knowing  that  this  would  bar  his 
permanent  employment  at  the  University.  Animated  by  the  idea 
of  "A  healthy  mind  in  a  healthy  body,"  Follen  started  a  Turn  place 
for  gymnastic  exercises.  It  will  be  seen  later  that  the  Turners,  whose 
societies  spread  all  over  the  country,  were  among  the  first  and 
staunehest  supporters  of  the  Union  cause. 

The  Governor  of  Massachusetts  in  his  inaugural  address,  intimated 
that  the  Abolitionists,  by  their  sayings  and  doings,  were  guilty  of 
an  offense  against  the  laws  of  their  country  and  liable  to  prosecution. 
The  subject  was  referred  to  a  Committee  before  whom  delegates  of 
the  Antislavery  society  appeared,  in  order  to  prevent  hostile  legisla- 
tion. Follen  pointed  out  in  his  pleading  that  the  object  of  muzzling 
people  by  law  was  to  perpetuate  Slavery;  that  the  slaveholders  had 
incited  hatred  against  the  Abolitionists;  that  Southern  Legislatures 
had  offered  rewards  for  the  abduction  or  assassination  of  Antislavery 
men,  and  that  if  now  any  censure  should  be  passed  upon  the  Aboli- 
tionists or  members  of  the  Antislavery  Society,  this  would  even 


90  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

endanger  their  personal  safety  or  life,  just  in  the  same  manner  as 
a  recent  meeting  at  Faneuil  Hall  condemning  Anti-slavery  doc- 
trines, caused  the  gathering  of  a  mob,  which  threatened  the  personal 
liberty  of  people,  and  dragged  Lloyd  Garrison  with  a  halter 
round  his  neck,  through  the  streets  -,  of  Boston.  Heedless  of 
such  experiences,  five  thousand  people  celebrated  the  martyrdom  of 
Elijah  P.  Lovejoy  at  the  Tabernacle  in  1837.  For  all  that,  Karl 
Follen  never  dared  to  call  on  his  brother  in  Missouri ;  he  perished  in 
1840  on  the  steamer  Lexington. 

The  same  spirit  which  animated  Karl  Follen  was  shared  by  his 
younger  brother,  Paul  Follenius,  and  the  latter's  brother-in-law, 
Friederich  Muench.  While  classmates  at  the  University  they  had 
the  same  political  aims  and  shared  in  the  same  disappointment  in 
their  old  home  relations,  and  organized  in  1833  the  "Gieszen  Emigra- 
tion Society"  of  five  hundred  members;  one-half  started  under  the 
lead  of  Follenius  via  Bremen  and  New  Orleans,  the  other  half  under 
the  lead  of  Frederick  Muench  via  Baltimore.  Cholera  broke  out  on 
Follenius'  vessel  on  the  Mississippi;  he  himself  remained  behind 
sick  in  Paducah;  when  he  arrived  at  St.  Louis,  the  society  had  dis- 
banded, without  due  consideration  of  incurred  obligations.  Follenius 
and  six  families  went  to  Duden's  old  place,  56  miles  west  of  St.  Louis ; 
he  bought  there  a  farm  of  160  acres,  and  Father  Muench  settled  in 
the  same  neighborhood. 

Fred  Muench  was  very  active  in  securing  a  large  German 
immigration  to  Missouri.  Having  faith  in  free  institutions,  he 
desired  to  share  them  with  men  of  similar  convictions,  who  at  that 
time  despaired  of  a  favorable  political  development  in  Germany.  He 
no  doubt  held  that  an  addition  of  German  idealism,  thrift  and  social 
tendency,  will  be  very  acceptable  to  the  serious  business  disposition, 
daring  enterprise  and  more  or  less  puritanic  rigor  of  the  native 
American.  His  writings  of  a  political  and  philosophical  nature, 
enlightened  the  reader  on  the  questions  of  American  organization. 
Antislavery  in  conviction,  as  all  educated  Europeans  had  been,  he 
still  did  not  agitate  the  question,  expecting  from  the  natural  develop- 
ment of  forces  a  favorable  solution  of  the  issue.  -The  few  allusions 
to  the  Slavery  question  in  his  works  published  in  1902  are  conserva- 
tive, but  none  the  less  decided ;  thus  he  said  in  an  essay  before  the 
National  Turner  Convention  at  Pittsburgh,  in  August,  1856 : 

"No  one  will  doubt  that  where  equality  of  human  rights  is  maintained 
without  exception,  the  community  is  morally  elevated.  It  has  the  same 


The  People  of  St.  Louis.  91 

effect  here  (in  the  Union),  wherever  it  exists,  to  bring  the  demands  of 
justice  home  to  the  conscience  of  the  people;  while  the  great  exception 
of  this  condition  of  the  equality  of  human  rights,  which  still  prevails, 
contrary  to  the  spirit  of  republican  institutions,  and  which  threatens 
even  to  root  deeper  and  spread  farther,  necessarily  obliterates  the  moral 
conscience  and  demoralizes  the  entire  character  of  the  people.  Had  we  no 
contest  against  Slavery,  and  the  other  deviations  from  human  rights — 
could  we  not  hope  that  the  better  sense  of  the  people  will  awake  and 
carry  on  the  initiated  contest  until  inhumanity  is  conquered,  we  would 
have  to  despair  of  the  possibility  of  ever  vindicating  a  more  honorable 
character  as  a  people,  than  such  as  the  Russian  knout  and  bondage  system 
can  show." 

Of  the  liberal  and  dissatisfied  men  of  Germany  and  Switzerland, 
many  immigrated  and  settled  in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  St. 
Louis,  St.  Charles,  Belleville  and  Highland.  Seeking  their  new 
homes  from  love  of  Liberty,  it  was  not  strange  that  these  men  cast 
the  full  weight  of  their  intellectual  and  moral  influence  against 
Slavery.  It  was  not  only  the  personal  activity  of  men  like  Fred 
Muench.  Gustav  Koerner,  Weber,  Wesselhoeft,  the  Engelmanns, 
Kehr.  Bunsen.  (Joebel,  and  many  others  too  numerous  to  name, 
which  exerted  a  powerful  influence  in  local  and  national  politics,  at 
and  around  St.  Louis,  but  their  liberal  tendency  and  connections  gave 
like  elements  in  Europe  a  direction  towards  this  locality,  when  the 
similar,  but  far  more  serious  later  popular  upheaval  of  1848  and  its 
failure,  scattered  its  champions  all  over  the  world. 

The  men  who  settled  in  Missouri  during  the  decade  after  1830 
had  soon  reason  to  ponder  over  the  evil  influence  engendered  by 
Slavery  and  race  prejudice,  when  in  1836,  F.  L.  Mclntosh,  a  colored 
steamboat  hand,  was  burned  at  the  stake  on  the  corner  of  Seventh 
and  Chestnut  streets,  notwithstanding  the  exertions  of  Joseph 
Charless,  the  first  publisher  of  a  newspaper  in  St.  Louis,  to  prevent 
this  brutal  act.  In  1837,  the  year  Lovejoy  was  murdered  in  Alton, 
the  St.  Louis  Republic  first  appeared  as  a  daily  paper;  the  Bank  of 
Missouri  was  incorporated  with  a  capital  of  Five  Million  Dollars  and 
the  Planters'  Hotel  was  started.  In  1846  the  Mercantile  Library 
was  originated  and  the  year  later  the  Boatmen's  Savings  Institution. 
In  1846  Congress  called  for  50,000  Volunteers  for  the  Mexican  War. 
A  Legion  was  formed  in  St.  Louis,  wyhich  took  a  prominent  part  in 
the  war  with  Mexico,  and  in  which  many  foreign  born  citizens  had 
enlisted,  as  their  affiliation  with  the  Democratic  party  which  favored 
immigration,  led  them  to  support  a  Democratic  measure.  This  is 
strange  enough,  as  the  emigrants  from  the  Continent  of  Europe  were 


92  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

nearly  all  hostile  to  Slavery,  while  the  Mexican  war  was  waged  chiefly 
in  the  interest  of  that  institution.  The  year  1849  was  one  of  great 
calamities  to  St.  Louis ;  a  great  fire  destroyed  nearly  all  the  wholesale 
business  portion  of  the  city  and  the  cholera  reduced  the  population 
by  many  thousands  before  it  was  finally  controlled,  and  an  unex- 
plained bank  theft  of  $120,000  shook  the  confidence  of  the  financial 
circles.  Matters  improved  again  when  July  4,  1851,  ground  was  first 
broken  on  the  Pacific  railroad.  In  1852  the  great  Hungarian  patriot, 
Louis  Kossuth,  animated  a  St.  Louis  audience  with  his  eloquent 
pleading  for  liberty,  for  his  country's  and  humanity's  cause ;  it  was 
the  epilogue  of  a  popular  movement  which  shook  Europe,  and  the 
prologue  of  a  popular  storm  in  America,  such  as  the  world  had  never 
witnessed  before,  and  may  never  witness  again.  While  the  ele- 
mentary forces  of  this  contest  were  segregating  in  the  Union,  more 
or  less  for  three-quarters  of  a  century,  the  European  Revolution  of 
1848  had  a  most  direct  and  powerful  bearing  upon  the  determined 
and  successful  evolution  of  the  Union  cause  in  St.  Louis  and,  there- 
fore, deserves  more  than  a  casual  notice  by  all  those  who  seek  in 
History  the  unbroken  chain  of  cause  and  effect,  for  useful  applica- 
tion in  the  solution  of  future  events. 

THE  IMMIGRATION  OF  1848. 

The  dissatisfied  European  Emigrants  of  1830  left  a  large  number 
of  dissatisfied  persons  behind,  who  did  not  have  the  heart  to  part 
from  their  native  country;  some  of  them  had  faith  in  the  promises 
of  the  rulers ;  others  in  their  own  capacity  of  redressing  matters,  and 
some  did  not  even  have  the  means  to  move  to  localities  of  better  rela- 
tions. But  the  desire  for  liberty  and  equal  rights,  always  latent  in 
the  human  breast,  had  been  roused  by  the  events  of  the  past,  and 
when  the  aggression  of  the  privileged  few  encroached  upon  the  slen- 
der popular  acquisitions,  it  met  a  passive  resistance  from  the  masses, 
which  was  only  the  calm  before  the  storm.  After  the  year  1830,  the 
co-relation  of  nations  in  Europe  became  even  more  patent  than  that 
of  forces.  The  new  election  law  of  France  brought  the  possessive  and 
middle  classes  to  power.  The  census  was  500  Franks  for  offices  and 
200  Franks  for  electors,  and  there  was  a  tendency  to  represent  wealth 
rather  than  men.  Thus  the  National  Guard  of  Paris,  numbering 
60,000  men,  was  regulated  to  wear  expensive  uniforms,  entirely  be- 
yond the  means  of  small  people,  and  while  prosperity  was  flourishing 
in  trade  and  industry,  it  was  that  of  the  classes  and  not  of  the  masses. 


The  People  of  St.  Louis.  93 

Liberal  persons  like  Lafayette  were  soon  shelved  and  more  and  more 
conservative  measures  adopted.  Speculation  was  rampant,  legislators 
indulging  in  it  on  the  basis  of  anticipated  measures,  for  which  they 
were  vigorously  attacked  by  a  press,  which  the  Government  tried  to 
silence  by  heavy  bonds.  Meetings  of  clubs  discussing  the  rights  of 
men  were  closed;  the  bearing  of  arms  prohibited. 

N"  wonder  that  the  fortifying  of  Paris  in  1840  was  suspected  as 
a  design  for  the  coercion  of  its  inhabitants.  The  opposition  in  Par- 
liament ventilated  all  evils  with  the  full  vivacity  of  the  French 
temperament,  and  demanded  universal  suffrage,  government  work- 
shop*, exclusion  of  public  officers  from  politics  and  a  moral  reform 
to  abate  the  ruling  corruption.  The  progressive  and  often  revolu- 
tionary commotions  in  other  parts  of  Europe  only  added  fuel  to  the 
smoldering  fire. 

Yielding  to  popular  pressure,  liberal  constitutions  were  granted 
during  1831  in  Saxony  and  the  electorate  of  Hesse,  likewise  in  1833 
in  Brunswick  and  Hanover;  better  press  regulations  were  adopted 
in  Bavaria  and  by  tin-  Legislature  of  Baden,  where  a  German  National 
representation  was  even  mooted.  The  student  associations  at  the 
('iiivt-rsities  were  a  powerful  lever  to  raise  the  sentiment  for  a  United 
Germany,  and  in  adopting  the  Black,  Red  and  Gold  colors,  aided  in 
v<  rit'yiug  Lafayette's  prediction  that  the  "Tricolor"'  would  make  the 
round  of  the  world.  The  enthusiasm  of  the  youths  was  not  yet  shared 
by  large  portions  of  the  people  and  some  premature  revolutionary 
movements  for  Union  and  Liberty  were  suppressed  almost  as  quickly 
as  started. 

Prussia  advanced  steadily  in  its  industrial  development;  the  im- 
proved means  of  communication  bettered  home  relations ;  with  only 
12.000.000  inhabitants  but  15  times  as  many  newspapers  as  Austria, 
it  bid  fair  to  outstrip  that  three  times  larger  empire,  whose  excess  of 
conservatism  produced  a  general  stagnation  at  home. 

The  assimilation  of  all  German  interests  with  those  of  Prussia  were 
greatly  aided  by  a  Tariff  Union  with  other  German  States,  by  which 
25,000.000  people  were  united  by  a  common  trade  regulation  and 
policy.  This,  no  doubt,  was  advanced  through  the  more  rapid  com- 
munication by  railroads,  steamboats,  mails  and  telegraphs;  while 
eminent  men  of  thought  sought  to  establish  fundamental  principles, 
upon  which  all  governmental  and  generally  humane  relations  should 
be  based.  It  was  evident  that  the  spirit  of  critical  research  thus 
created  could  not  be  satisfied  with  half  measures.  The  ultra  conserve 


94  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

tive  policy  represented  in  England  by  the  "Iron  Duke,"  Wellington, 
had  also  to  yield  to  the  spirit  of  the  age,  which  carried  the  Parlia- 
ment Reform  and  a  more  just  representation  by  the  threat  of  the  abo- 
lition of  the  House  of  Lords.  The  so-called  "Chartist"  movement 
presented  a  petition  with  one  and  a  quarter  million  signatures,  de- 
manding universal  suffrage,  inclusive  women;  secret  ballot;  pay  of 
members  of  Parliament ;  equal  election  districts ;  no  census  for  elective 
representatives  and  yearly  elections,  showing  that  their  aspirations 
were  in  sympathy  and  in  some  features,  even  beyond  American  in- 
stitutions. The  emancipation  of  800,000  slaves  in  the  West  Indies 
set  an  example  whose  imitation  would  have  saved  the  Union  several 
milliards  of  treasure,  half  a  million  of  lives  and  untold  grief  and 
suffering.  The  emancipation  of  slaves  in  the  West  Indies  cost  Eng- 
land one  hundred  million  of  dollars;  it  liberated  field  hands  in 
seven  years,  other  slaves  in  five  years;  it  also  freed  all  newborn  chil- 
dren and  those  under  six  years  of  age.  This  act  of  emancipation 
passed  in  1833,  in  which  year  Wilberforce,  its  chief  promoter  in 
Parliament,  died.  In  1839  Richard  Cobden  brought  the  Free  Trade 
question  to  the  front,  while  the  reduction  and  final  abolition  of  the 
grain  taxes  secured  a  much  needed  relief  to  the  poorer  people;  the 
deficit  in  the  Budget,  which  was  thereby  created,  was  made  up  by  an 
income  tax  exempting  $750  incomes,  and  placing  the  burden  of  taxa- 
tion where  it  could  be  best  borne.  Other  States  were  not  free  from 
the  commotions  which  followed  the  year  of  1830.  In  Belgium  the 
movement  took  a  national  character,  through  its  separation  from  the 
Netherlands  and  the  election  of  a  Constitutional  King  in  the  person 
of  Leopold  of  Coburg,  the  neutrality  of  the  country  being  guaran- 
teed by  the  Great  Powers,  who  after  the  sea  battle  of  Navarin,  October 

20,  1827,  broke  the  Osman  power  and  established  Otto  of  Bavaria 
on  the  Greek  throne.    This  ended  in  Hellas  the  turbulent  wrangles 
of  native  oligarchs,  but  it  could  not  end  the  continued  jealousies  with 
Turkey,  which  latter  country  was  sorely  pressed  by  Mehmed  Ali, 
Viceroy  of  Egypt,  until  it  found  protection  through  the  Great  Pow- 
ers, chiefly  Russia.     Even  Turkey  yielded  to  the  general  drift  of 
political  affairs  and  made  some  reforms  by  the  Statute  of  November 

21,  1839;  but  it  took  good  care  at  the  same  time  to  have  its  army 
reorganized  by  the  greatest  military  capacity  of  Europe,  General 
Hellmuth  von  Moltke.     While  Austria  lost  steadily  ground  in  the 
German  Confederation,  to  which  its  Teutonic  Provinces  belonged, 
there  was  great  organic  progress  in  Hungary  through  the  emancipa- 


The  People  of  St.  Louis.  •    95 

tion  of  serfs,  the  nationalization  of  its  Parliament  and  administrative 
reforms,  under  the  leadership  of  a  number  of  able  ^representatives 
and  chiefly  through  the  undaunted  patriotism  and  genial  eloquence 
of  Louis  Kossuth.  In  Spain  also  liberal  concessions  were  made  to 
propitiate  the  people,  for  the  Government  of  Christina,  the  daughter 
of  the  Kinu.  ;iu;iinst  the  legitimate  claims  of  Don  Carlos,  the  brother 
of  the  King,  who  justly  claimed  that  under  the  Salic  law,  only 
males  could  succeed  to  the  throne  of  Spain.  In  the  course  of  repeated 
wars  between  "Carlists"  and  "Christines/'  the  Church  property  was 
oniiiiscated  and  liberal  Constitutions  granted.  Similar,  though  with 
slightly  differing  causes,  were  the  events  in  Portugal.  The  rise  of 
Poland  against  the  land  grabbing  powers  of  Russia,  Austria  and 
Prussia,  and  its  heroic  struggle,  may  be  also  attributed  to  the  general 
liberal  trend  of  affairs.  The  Poles  had  one  element  of  weak n <•>.-. 
which  entailed  their  defeat ;  they  did  not  liberate  their  serfs  in  time, 
and  these  had  no  incentive  to  sympathize  with  a  national  movement, 
but  even  helped  the  aggressive  powers  to  break  it  down. 

In  the  manner  of  emancipating  slaves  in  the  West  Indies,  England 
gave  the  Union  one  example  worthy  of  imitation;  Switzerland  gave 
her  another,  by  the  manner  in  which  it  suppressed  a  Secession  up- 
rising. In  Switzerland,  which  was  a  rather  loose  Confederation  of 
nearly  2,000,000  people,  the  Cantons,  a  subdivision  similar  to  the 
States  of  the  Union,  exercised  considerable  independent  rights,  while 
rifle  and  other  societies  kept  up  generally  a  sound  spirit  of  democracy 
all  over  the  land.  The  great  number  of  political  refugees,  which  her 
laws  freely  admitted,  always  exposed  Switzerland  to  considerable 
political  friction.  This  as  well  as  the  liberal  progress  of  other  coun- 
tries and  the  growing  necessity  of  a  more  concentrated  power  for 
defense,  led  to  more  liberal  constitutional  amendments,  which 
strengthened  the  common  federal  administration.  The  admission  of 
the  Jesuits  gave  rise  to  serious  contentions  in  several  Cantons,  seven 
of  which,  namely:  Luzerne,  Schwyz,  Uri,  Unterwalden,  Zug,  Wallis 
and  Neufchattel.  formed  a  separate  Union.  This  the  Congress  at 
Berne  declared  dissolved  July  20,  1847,  and  demanded  the  removal 
of  the  Jesuits.  The  seceded  Cantons  declined  to  accede  to  this  request 
and  took  up  arms,  whereupon  the  Central  Government  ordered  Gen- 
eral Dufour  on  November  4  to  exact  obedience,  placing  30,000  men 
at  his  command  and  called  out  its  Reserve  forces.  The  General  lost 
no  time  and  moved  upon  the  Secessionists  before  they  could  con- 
centrate their  forces.  Neufchattel  had  to  capitulate  on  November  14 ; 
Zug,  November  21 ;  on  November  23,  Dufour  outmaneuvered  the 


96  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

opponents  at  their  intrenched  camp  and  brought  Luzerne  to  sub- 
mission; on  November  25,  Schwyz  and  Untenvaldeu  surrendered: 
Uri  followed  suit  on  the  26th  and  Wallis  November  29;  this  whole 
civil  war  lasted  three  weeks.  This  result  made  room  for  the  closer 
Union  of  the  whole  Confederation,  as  the  recent  events  had  most 
forcibly  demonstrated  the  necessity  thereof.  In  comparing  the 
results  of  this  Secession  war,  with  the  later  one  in  the  United  States, 
it  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  in  both,  numerical  and  industrial 
preponderance  and  established  military  organization  favored  the 
general  Government ;  the  soldierly  qualities  of  the  opponents  were  in 
both  equal,  but  in  the  United  States  the  armies  had  to  overcome  im- 
mense distances  with  a  sparse  population,  while  small  Switzerland, 
studded  with  cities,  had  ready  depots  of  provisions ;  the  North  Ameri- 
can Union,  however,  is  an  open  country,  while  Switzerland  is  a  natu- 
ral fortress  all  over.  Considering  all  in  all,  it  must  be  acknowledged 
that  General  Dufour  used  his  time  and  chances  to  very  good  ad- 
vantage. 

The  impulsive  character  of  a  Southern  people  brought  the  popu- 
lar fermentation  of  this  period,  more  to  the  surface  in  Italy,  than 
anywhere  else.  Revolts  in  the  poorly  governed  Pontificate.  Modena. 
Bologna,  Parma  and  the  Romagna,  were  aimed  against  the  temporal 
power  and  authority  of  the  Pope,  which  had  to  be  re-established  by 
Austrian  bayonets.  The  tyranny  wielded  by  foreigners  and  a  great 
many  secret  societies  readily  united  the  people,  and  the  most  able 
agitator,  Guiseppe  Mazzini,  prepared  Italy  for  the  coming  event?. 
Carlo  Alberto,  King  of  Piedmont,  was  called  to  play  the  part  in  Italy, 
which  later  on  was  offered  to  the  King  of  Prussia,  in  Germany. 
Carlo  Alberto  organized  his  Kingdom  on  sound  lines  of  political 
economy,  improved  the  administration  and  perfected  the  army.  Tariff 
Unions  likewise  prepared  the  ground. 

In  1846  Pope  Gregor  XVI.,  who  had  condemned  railroads  as  the 
work  of  the  devil,  was  succeeded  by  the  liberal  Pope.  Pius  IX.,  whom 
Italian  enthusiasm  pronounced  the  leader  of  Italy  on  its  road  towards 
Republican  freedom,  and  the  shouts  "Eviva  Italia  libra'7  were  alter- 
nated with  "Eviva  Pio  Nono."  This  was  no  small  gain  with  a 
people  of  whom  a  large  portion  was  fanatically  religious.  Hostilities 
between  the  people  and  the  Austrians  governing  the  Provinces  of 
Venice  and  Lombardy  were  of  daily  occurrence.  Petitions  for  reforms 
\\cre  declined  by  the  Austrians  and  offensive  police  regulations 
enforced. 


FRIEDRICH   HECKER. 
Leader  of  Republicans  in  Germany. 


The  People  of  St.  Louis.  97 

Considering  that  at  this  time  about  five  millions  of  Germans  lived 
in  the  United  States,  it  becomes  quite  evident  that  their  representa- 
tions of  American  institutions  and  relations  exercised  at  home  a 
powerful  influence  by  spreading  progressive  political  ideas.  In  1845 
an  uprising  took  place  in  Leipzig,  Saxony,  which  commenced  with 
ivligious  grievances,  but  also  affected  political  questions,  and  was 
partially  successful.  Another  issue  sprung  up  in  1846,  about  the 
nationality  of  the  Duchies  of  Schleswig  and  Hplstein,  the  former 
being  claimed  absolutely  and  the  latter  conditionally  by  the  Danes, 
while  (Icrm.-in  public  opinion  and  the  great  majority  of  the  people 
in  the  Duchies  firmly  held  to  their  union  and  representation  in  the 
German  Confederation.  The  famous  song,  "Schleswig-Holstein 
Meemmschlungen"  sounded  from  the  Belt  to  the  Alps  and  roused 
the  German  national  spirit  to  fever  heat  and  proved  already  then, 
that  the  Germans  although  divided  into  great  many  smaller  States, 
were  still  one  nation. 

Events  commenced  to  point  now  towards  a  near  and  forcible  re- 
arrangement of  governmental  powers  and  institutions.  Even  in  pro- 
gressive States  like  Prussia  and  Piedmont,  the  material  development 
had  outstripped  legal  provisions,  and  the  wants  and  desires  of  the 
people  were  in  advance  of  the  measures  designed  to  satisfy  them; 
though  urged  repeatedly,  the  King  of  Prussia  conceded  to  the  col- 
lective provincial  representatives  only  an  advisory  voice  and  not 
legislative  powers.  Russia  was  governed  by  the  absolute  will  of  Em- 
peror Nicolas  and  Austria  by  that  of  the  Prime  Minister,  Metternich. 
In  France  the  exertions  for  redress  of  evils  were  rejected  by  the  arro- 
gant claims  of  a  self  sufficient  power ;  in  Bavaria,  public  opinion  was 
outraged  by  the  insolence  of  the  adventuress,  Lola  Montez,  whom 
the  favor  of  the  King  had  dubbed  Countess  of  Landsfeld. 

Inconsiderate  repression  of  popular  tendencies  and  sentiments  had 
gathered  in  many  States  explosive  material,  auguring  that  sudden 
and  forced  change  of  relations,  which  is  usually  termed  a  revolution. 
The  verdict  of  the  Confederate  Diet,  claiming  only  Holstein,  dissatis- 
fied all  Germany;  Prussian  liberal  statesmen  insisted  on  the  consti- 
tutionality of  their  demands ;  the  martial  law  inflicted  on  the  Vene- 
tians and  Milanese  was  met  with  undisguised  hatred ;  the  baffled  oppo- 
sition in  France  only  watched  the  moment  to  upset  by  force  what 
it  failed  to  change  by  argument. 

On  January  12,  1848,  the  people  of  the  City  of  Palermo  in  Sicily 
rose  in  arms  against  the  Government  and  demanded  a  more  liberal 


98  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1S<>  1 . 

Constitution ;  other  cities  in  Sicily  followed  this  example,  which 
brought  the  Neapolitans  to  their  feet,  and  by  the  10th  of  February, 
the  Government  granted  a  new  Constitution  for  both  parts  of  the 
Kingdom.  February  11  the  same  was  heralded  by  the  Grand  Duchy 
of  Toscana,  while  in  Piedmont  Carlo  Alberto  proclaimed  at.  the 
instance  of  Count  Cavour  a  "fundamental  statute"  (Constitution)  as 
the  basis  of  progressive  laws. 

In  France  the  message  from  the  throne  was  met  by  ominous  silence 
from  the  opposition,  which  resolved  to  have  a  monster  public  dem- 
onstration at  a  Reform  banquet,  to  be  held  February  22.  This  w;is 
officially  postponed,  but  the  people  of  Paris  gathered  in  large  masses, 
cheering  for  Reform  and  against  the  Cabinet;  by  the  23d  the  dis- 
contented masses  had  largely  increased,  armed  men  appeared  among 
them,  and  the  Government  called  out  the  Militia,  which,  however, 
assembled  only  partially,  showing  little  disposition  to  support  the 
Government,  and  in  many  places  took  active  part  in  the  demonstra- 
tions against  the  same.  King  Louis  Phillippe  now  got  alarmed 
and  accepted  the  resignation  of  the  Guizot  Cabinet,  the  news  of  which 
created  some  satisfaction  among  the  surging  crowds,  when  a  chance 
shot  went  off  before  the  palace  of  the  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs  on 
the  Boulevard  of  Capuchins.  A  guard  stationed  at  that  place  thought 
itself  attacked,  fired  upon  the  people  and  killed  and  wounded  a 
large  number.  Placing  the  dead  and  wounded  men,  women  and 
children,  on  carts,  the  people  marched  through  the  streets  shrieking 
for  vengeance,  while  the  chimes  of  the  churches  called  the  citizens  to 
arms.  Barricades  rose  in  all  directions;  contradictory  orders  neu- 
tralized the  arm  of  the  military,  and  when  the  Tuilleries  were  threat- 
ened by  surging  crowds,  Louis  Phillippe  abdicated  the  throne  in  favor 
of  his  grandson  and  sought  his  own  safety  in  flight.  A  large  number 
of  armed  citizens  pressed  into  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  where  the 
Republic  was  proclaimed  and  a  provisional  Government  organized. 

The  news  of  successful  revolutions  from  the  South  and  the  AVest 
spread  like  wildfire  over  Germany  and  the  excitement,  thoug'h  slower 
in  growth,  was  for  the  same  reasons  all  the  more  lasting. 

On  February  27,  1848,  a  large  assembly  of  people  at  Mnnheini 
demanded  representation  of  the  people  in  the  German  Confederate 
Council;  liberty  of  the  press;  trial  by  jury;  arming  of  the  people; 
in  fact,  all  rational  and  liberal  guarantees  for  human  rights.  Similar 
demands  were  made  in  many  large  cities  of  Germany.  On  March  1 
the  President  of  the  Confederate  Council  issued  an  address,  vindi- 


The  People  of  St.  Loui*.  99 

eating  Germany's  position  among  the  nations;  on  the  9th  the  same 
Council  adopted  for  the  Confederation  the  "Black-Red-Gold"  colors; 
on  the  10th  they  called  upon  the  various  German  Governments  to 
send  representative  trustees,  who  should  form  a  Council  for  the  revi- 
sion of  the  fundamental  law  of  the  Confederation.  This  work  was 
partly  anticipated  by  a  Committee  of  seven  representative  men,  who 
were  elected  on  March  25  by  a  meeting  of  liberal  citizens  at  Heidel- 
berg. This  Committee  proposed :  One  head  for  the  German  Confed- 
eration; a  responsible  Cabinet;  Upper  and  Lower  Chamber  of  Depu- 
ties, a  common  army,  diplomatic  representation,  tariff  trade  policy, 
civil  and  criminal  law  and  a  guarantee  of  all  popular  rights.  The 
masses  of  the  middle  and  smaller  States  favored  the  above  demands 
and  also  soon  secured  power  to  effect  them.  In  Bavaria  the  King 
yielded  on  March  6,  resigned  on  the  20th,  and  the  new  King  swore 
to  support  the  Constitution.  The  Governments  of  Wurtemberg  and 
Saxony  yielded  likewise  with  good  grace;  those  of  Hanover  and 
Hesse,  to  an  uprising  of  the  people  and  the  threat  of  an  imminent 
attack.  However,  in  those  small  States  there  was  always  a  disposi- 
tion towards  liberality,  as  governors  and  governed  were  more  in 
touch  with  each  other  and  conditions  partook  to  some  extent  of  the 
nature  of  patriarchial  relations.  It  was  different  in  the  two  large 
German  States  of  Austria  and  Prussia. 

In  Austria  the  great  diversity  of  nationalities  gave  to  the  Govern- 
ment a  convenient  weapon  to  suppress  one  nationality  by  the  preju- 
dices of  the  other.  The  aristocratic  privileged  element,  aided  the 
Government  to  keep  the  masses  in  a  dependent  state.  There  was  no 
progressive  betterment  of  public  affairs  to  be  expected,  without  a 
successful  revolution.  Hungary  having  a  constitution  and  own  Leg- 
islature, was  in  better  condition  for  organic  progress.  The  King  of 
Hungary,  who  is  also  Emperor  of  Austria,  had  sanctioned  many 
liberal  laws  passed  by  the  Hungarian  Parliament,  but  still  more 
liberal  laws  awaited  the  King's  sanction,  when  the  revolution  broke 
out  in  Vienna. 

By  a  concerted  notice,  the  members  of  student  societies  assembled 
on  March  13  in  the  Aula  of  the  University,  in  the  inner  city  of 
Vienna.  Members  of  other  societies,  especially  the  literary  society, 
were  present  in  large  numbers  and  a  surging  mass  of  humanity 
crowded  the  principal  streets.  At  the  state  house  a  petition  for  popu- 
lar rights  was  presented,  backed  by  thousands  of  men  in  the  yards 
and  on  the  avenues.  This  petition  received  a  favorable  answer  from 


100  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

the  Government.  Yet  some  detachment  of  the  military  fired  on 
the  people  at  the  State  house  and  at  the  Government  Arsenal  and 
a  few  persons  were  killed.  This  was  the  signal  for  every  one  to  seek 
such  arms  as  he  could  find.  The  students  assembled  at  the  Aula,  put 
that  place  in  defensible  condition  and  sent  deputation  after  deputa- 
tion to  the  Mayor  for  arms  from  the  citizens'  armory.  The  order  for 
this  was  received  in  the  evening  and  by  next  morning  so  many  arms 
were  in  the  hands  of  the  people  that  the  movement  was  considered 
beyond  the  control  of  the  Government.  By  March  15,  the  armed 
and  partly  organized  citizen  soldiery,  greatly  outnumbered  the  regu- 
lar military  organization.  Emperor  Ferdinand  had  opposed  the  use 
of  force  from  the  start  and  yielded  to  all  demands  of  the  people.  A 
large  Hungarian  delegation  came  up  to  Vienna  the  same  day  and 
presented  all  laws  passed  by  its  Parliament,  which,  under  the  pres- 
sure of  circumstances,  received  the  immediate  sanction  of  the  King. 
In  Berlin  and  other  Prussian  cities,  the  same  excitement  was 
caused  by  the  news  of  successful  revolutionary  movements  in  other 
parts  of  Germany  and  Europe.  On  March  14,  the  King  of  Prussia 
proclaimed  the  date  of  April  27  for  the  assembly  of  the  United  Diet 
and  for  the  exercise  of  its  consultative  voice.  As  threatening  dissat- 
isfied masses  continued  to  gather,  the  date  of  meeting  was  reconsid- 
ered and  the  Diet  was  convened  already  for  April  2  with  an  announce- 
ment that  it  will  deal  with  all  the  demands  of  the  new  era  and  main 
timely  measures,  looking  towards  the  union  of  all  German  States. 
This  paper  was  issued  March  18,  and  it  is  asserted  that  the  population 
conceived  the  idea  to  march  to  the  castle  of  the  King  in  order  tc 
thank  him  for  this  grant,  while  many  remained  behind,  to  gather 
materials  for  barricades,  in  case  the  "thanksgiving  move"  should  lead 
to  trouble,  which  seems  to  have  been  anticipated.  When  the  proces- 
sion arrived  at  the  castle,  some  shots  fell  from  the  military  stationed 
there  and  a  charge  was  made  upon  the  people,  who  fled  shouting,  "We 
are  betrayed!"  Numerous  barricades  were  now  built  and  defended 
by  the  citizens  and  stormed  by  the  soldiers.  In  these  contests  about 
two  hundred  of  the  people  were  killed.  After  several  urgent  repre- 
sentations by  leading  citizens,  King  Frederick  William  IV.  yielded 
to  the  popular  demand  and  ordered  the  military  force  out  of  the  city. 
Whether  he  did  this  in  correct  deference  to  circumstances  or  from 
kindness  of  heart  is  an  open  question.  The  King  with  his  court  and 
staff,  decorated  with  the  Union  colors  of  Black,  Red  and  Gold,  rode 
among  cheers  through  the  streets  of  Berlin,  but  was  soon  afterwards 


The  People  of  St.  Louis  101 

greatly  humiliated  by  being  obliged  to  stand  bareheaded  on  the 
balcony  of  the  castle,  while  the  coffins  of  the  187  killed  citizens  were 
carried  past  him  in  awful  procession. 

In  the  meantime  the  movement  for  the  Union  of  all  Germany,  and 
for  a  more  popular  Government,  continued  in  various  forms.  Pur- 
suant a  previous  agreement,  a  convention  of  representative  prominent 
men  assembled  at  Frankfort  on  March  31.  This  convention  named 
the  Foreparliament,  consulted  and  passed  resolutions  upon  many 
political  questions.  A  motion  to  declare  itself  permanent,  which 
would  have  been  the  logical  sequel  to  its  origin,  failed  by  a  large 
majority.  This  vote  caused  all  those  members  to  leave  the  conven- 
tion who  distrusted  the  monarchical  governments,  and  who  expected 
a  German  Union  with  equal  rights  for  all,  only  from  the  establish- 
ment of  a  German  Republic.  To  effect  this,  the  seceded  delegates 
issued  a  proclamation  and  called  the  German  people  to  arms.  Al- 
though these  delegates  were  correct  in  their  anticipations  of  royal 
faithlessness,  their  rising  in  arms  was  not  organized  with  sufficient 
care.  Frederick  Hecker,  an  able  representative  of  the  people,  was 
the  chosen  leader  of  the  insurrection,  which  commenced  at  Constance, 
April  17,  1848.  A  detachment  under  Hecker's  resolute  lead,  met  a 
federal  force  at  Kandern  on  April  19  and  after  failing  to  induce  the 
military  to  espouse  the  cause  of  the  people,  was  defeated  and  had  to 
retreat ;  on  the  23d  the  insurgents  lost  the  intrenchments  of  Frei- 
burg ;  on  the  27th  George  Herwegh's  Corps  was  dispersed  and  already 
on  the  29th  Hecker  and  Struwe  sent  a  proclamation  from  Straszburg, 
which  at  that  time  was  French  Territory,  that  the  Republican  move- 
ment had  failed,  but  would  be  taken  up  later  with  a  better  organized 
plan. 

The  German  National  Assembly  convened  at  Frankfort  May  18; 
much  enthusiasm  was  manifested  and  great  hopes  were  expressed.  It 
was  a  brilliant  assembly  of  learned  men;  but  achieved  nothing  be- 
yond advancing  the  idea  of  a  German  Union  and  clearing  up  the 
notions  of  popular  rights ;  for  after  the  plan  for  a  permanent  organi- 
zation of  the  German  Confederation  wras  agreed  upon  and  sanctioned 
by  some  of  the  rulers  and  sworn  to  by  the  troops  of  the  smaller  Ger- 
man States,  Prussia  avoided  every  direct  self  obligation  by  an  excuse, 
while  Austria  took  no  heed  of  the  proposition  whatever.  Now  several 
Republican  uprisings  took  place  in  different  parts,  but  wrere  sup- 
pressed, generally  with  the  aid  of  Prussian  arms. 

On  October  8,  1848,  the  German  National  Assembly  commenced 
the  debates  on  the  proposed  Constitution  for  all  Germany,  and  ended 


102  The  Un.  !.on  Cause  in  St.  Loiux  in  1.8H1 . 

it  on  March  28,  1849,  by  the  election  of  Friederich  William  IV., 
King  of  Prussia,  as  German  Emperor.  Unfortunately,  he  declined 
to  accept  this  honor,  tendered  at  the  hands  of  a  representative — but, 
in  his  opinion,  a  revolutionary  body.  Various  Governments  now 
recalled  their  representatives  from  the  Federal  Diet,  and,  after  a 
brief  exertion  of  the  radical  minority,  mostly  the  representatives  from 
smaller  States,  the  National  Assembly  dissolved,  without  any  imme- 
diate practical  result.  The  dissatisfaction,  however,  with  the  failure 
of  this  Union  movement,  and  the  despair  of  gaining  more  rational 
and  equitable  political  relations  through  the  Governments,  gave 
new  life  to  the  Republican  and  radical  movement  all  over  Germany, 
with  the  exception  of  Prussia  and  Austria  proper,  where  all  the  liberal 
concessions  had  been  revoked,  and  its  defenders  beaten  down  by  the 
military  force.  In  the  Palatinate,  Rheinish  Prussia  and  Bavaria,  in 
Hesse,  Wurtemberg  and  Baden,  the  people  not  only  insisted  upon 
the  ratification  of  the  Confederate  Constitution,  but  in  many  places 
armed  in  open  hostility  to  their  Governments,  being  joined  by  con- 
siderable portions  of  the  regular  armies,  which  sympathized  with  the 
revolution.  A  quickly  mustered  Prussian  force,  in  a  short  campaign 
from  June  13  to  June  18,  1849,  reconquered  the  Palatinate  from  the 
revolutionary  host.  The  latter  retreated  to  Baden  and  on  June  21 
fought  a  battle  at  Waghaeusel,  under  the  lead  of  the  Pole,  Mieros- 
lavsky,  Francis  Sigel  being  second  in  command.  Numerous  other 
engagements  took  place,  but  the  advantage  of  the  excellently  organ- 
ized armed  and  officered  Prussian  troops  was  more  than  a  match  for 
the  devotion  of  the  revolutionary  forces.  By  July  10,  1849,  the  last 
of  their  troops  and  leaders  crossed  the  Swiss  boundary,  while  the  fort- 
ress Rastadt  capitulated  on  July  23.  From  this  fortress,  Carl  Schurz, 
with  Captain  A.  Neustadter,  made  their  escape  through  the  sewers; 
Blenker,  Sigel,  Mieroslavsky,  Gregg,  had  fled  to  Switzerland;  Fred- 
erick Hecker  had  returned  from  America  to  devote  his  services  to 
German  Union  and  Liberty,  but  arrived  too  late  for  action. 

The  German  uprising  of  1848  and  1849  was  for  human  rights 
and  national  Union.  The  patent  weakness  of  small  States,  the  facil- 
ity of  intellectual  and  material  communication,  and  sectional  ambi- 
tion, told  the  knell  of  doom  to  the  small  German  principalities.  The 
Union  sentiment  in  Germany  was  at  first  favored  by  the  Govern- 
ments as  an  element  of  strength  against  possible  French  aggression, 
but  it  was  disowned  by  them,  when  found  to  be  inseparably  linked 
with  the  demand  for  popular  rights. 


The  People  of  St.  Louis.  103 

In  Italy,  the  Union  and  national  spirit  found  its  greatest  incentive 
in  I  he  hatred  towards  Austria,  the  foreign  oppressor.  The  King  of 
Piedmont  was  the  leader,  whom  Garibaldi  supported  with  his  Free 
Corps  and  Maz/ini  with  his  Republican  adherents.  Both  in  Italy 
and  Hungary,  the  revolution  led  to  regular  campaigns,  with  many 
well  contested  battles  and  sieges.  In  Hungary  the  great  diversity 
of  nationalities  added  fuel  to  the  content.  Under  Louis  Kossuth's 
lead,  an  energetic  war  for  independence  was  fought  over  one  year 
until  the  nation  was  overpowered  by  the  joint  armies  of  Russia  and 
Austria  mustering  275,000  men  with  600  cannon.  An  ill-timed  up- 
rising in  Paris  brought  the  Conservatives  to  the  control  of  the  Na- 
tional .Weinbly.  \\herc  they  most  unfortunately  greatly  curtailed  the 
elective  franchise.  This  gave  the  President,  Louis  Bonaparte,  a 
chance  to  supersede  the  Constitution  on  December  2,  1851;  proclaim 
himself  Fir>(  Consul  for  ten  years  and  later,  as  Emperor,  reinstate 
Universal  Suffrage  and  thereby  secure  an  overwhelming  majority  as 
an  endorsement  by  the  people.  Louis  Napoleon  at  the  same  time 
proclaimed  a  new  Constitution,  which,  apparently  liberal  in  the  exten- 
sion of  the  suffrage,  greatly  rescinded  the  rights  of  the  people  and 
placed  the  power  in  his  own  hands.  The  "Reaction"  was  now  com- 
plete all  over  Europe  and  took  bloody  revenge  on  those  who  ques- 
tioned the  rights  of  Governments  not  based  on  the  consent  of  the 
governed. 

The  Revolution  of  1848-1849  in  Europe,  a  great  moral  and  mental 
upheaval,  was  keenly  felt  on  the  shores  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  as  well 
as  on  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi  River.  In  the  American  Union, 
this  feeling  was  enlivened  by  the  sympathies  of  a  free  people,  wrhich 
received  with  open  arms  many  fugitive  emigrants,  the  bearers  of 
deep  convictions  on  human  rights  and  universal  liberty;  many  of 
the>e  men  had  a  military  education  and  a  valuable  experience  in 
the  organization  of  armies  and  in  actual  warfare,  for  which  they 
should  soon  have  a  practical  application.  For  while  every  man  rep- 
resents only  one  number,  his  capacity  fixes  his  position  before  the 
decimal  point. 

Great  many  of  the  1848  and  1849  political  refugees  came  to  St. 
Louis  and  vicinity.  They  were  attracted  to  this  point  by  the  writings 
and  example  of  the  emigration  of  1830.  Among  these  men  of  1848 
were  Theodore  Olshausen,  member  of  the  provisional  Government 
of  Sehleswig-Holstein,  Friederich  Hecker,  leader  of  the  first  Repub- 
lican uprising  in  Germany;  Carl  Daenzer,  member  of  the  Frankfurt 


104  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

Parliament;  General  Francis  Sigel,  Commander  in  Baden;  Emil 
Pretorius,  Henry  Borrnstoin.  Journalist.*;  Theodore  Rombaiu-r.  direc- 
tor of  the  arms  factory  in  Hungary;  P.  J.  Osterhaus,  Eno  Sanders, 
Dr.  Hugo  Starkloff,  A.  Albert,  J.  T.  Fiala,  and  many  others,  who 
had  taken  part  in  the  revolutionary  wars  of  Europe.  At  the  time 
when  most  of  these  immigrants  arrived,  there  was  little  agitation 
on  the  Slavery  question,  and  as  the  Democratic  party  was  more  lib- 
eral on  immigration  laws,  had  less  religious  prejudice,  claimed  to 
sympathize  with  Jefferson's  radicalism  and  aversion  to  aristocracy, 
it  is  quite  natural  that  this  immigration  gravitated  towards  that 
party.  The  action  of  Captain  Ingraham,  who  cleared  the  deck  to 
liberate  Martin  Koszta  from  an  Austrian  war  vessel  in  the  port  of 
Smyrna;  Secretary  Marcy's  manly  stand  in  this  affair;  the  twenty- 
one  years  proposed  for  the  period  of  naturalization  by  Whigs  and 
Know-Nothings,  strengthened  the  adherence  to  the  Democratic 
party.  It  happened  in  1853  that  some  zealots  of  the  Know-Nothing 
party  under  the  lead  of  one  nicknamed  "Ned  Buntlein,"  raided  the 
first  ward  of  St.  Louis ;  burned  down  one  house  near  Park  avenue  and 
Seventh  street,  but  were  beaten  back  by  the  German  residents.  Such 
incidents  served  to  unify  the  foreign  element,  but  when  later  the 
Slavery  question  came  to  the  foreground,  the  immigrants  dropped 
everv  other  consideration  and  rose  in  arms  for  the  Union. 


I 

J^»^  _^A        1 


HENRY  T.  FLAD. 
Private  3d  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Missouri  Volunteers. 


CHAPTER  III. 
UNION  POLITICS. 


THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTION  OF  1860. 

The  canvass  and  election  of  1856  created  in  the  Proslavery  men 
of  Missouri  also  the  gravest  apprehensions  and  a  bitterness  of  feeling 
which  led  to  disturbances  at  political  meetings.  The  mantle  of  Ben- 
ton's  leadership  fell  upon  the  shoulders  of  Frank  P.  Blair,  who, 
although  slaveholder,  became  an  able,  bold  and  eloquent  leader  of 
the  Republican  cause.  He  was  born  in  Washington,  D.  C.,  in  1821, 
graduated  at  Princeton  College  in  1841  and  commenced  the  practice 
of  law  in  St.  Louis.  Blair  went  through  the  Mexican  war  as  a  Private, 
and  returning  in  1848  to  St.  Louis,  supported  the  Free  Soil  move- 
ment, was  elected  to  the  Legislature  of  Missouri  in  1852  and  re-elected 
in  1854.  He  was  sent  to  Congress  in  1856,  defeated  for  the  same 
place  in  1858  by  Richard  Barrett,  but  seated  for  the  same  term  by 
a  successful  contest.  In  1860  he  was  defeated  for  the  short  term 
and  elected  for  the  long  term.  Blair's  strong  convictions,  fearless 
utterance  and  oratorical  power  brought  him  to  the  front  among  a 
number  of  able  men  in  his  party,  and  his  family  connections  in 
Washington  and  the  East  gave  him  a  far  reaching  influence  in  shap- 
ing the  Union  movement  in  St.  Louis,  although  the  very  great  ma- 
jority of  Republicans  in  St.  Louis  were  naturalized  citizens,  chiefly 
Germans,  who  lifted  him  on  their  shoulders  in  the  commencement  of 
his  political  career. 

A  convention  was  called  to  meet  May  10,  1860,  in  the  small  hall 
of  the  Mercantile  Library  for  the  purpose  of  selecting  delegates  to  the 
Republican  National  Convention,  which  was  to  meet  at  Chicago.  The 
call  was  signed  by  B.  Gratz  Brown,  Henry  Boernstein,  0.  D.  Filley. 
Carl  Daenzer,  James  0.  Broadhead,  Wm.  D'Oench,  Henry  T.  Blow, 
Sam  T.  Glover,  John  H.  Fisse,  Ben  Farrar,  and  other  representative 
men.  B.  Gratz  Brown  was  elected  president  of  that  Convention  in 
recognition  of  his  services,  as  an  eminent  political  writer,  whose 
genius  greatly  aided  the  successful  Union  movement  in  1861.  The 
convention  instructed  its  delegates  to  vote  at  Chicago  for  Edward 
Bates,  born  in  Virginia  in  1793,  a  lawyer  of  high-standing,  who  had 
held  many  prominent  positions  in  Missouri.  Judge  Bates  was  a 

(105) 


106  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

Whig  in  politics  and  though  a  slaveholder  believed  in  free  soil.  A 
member  of  the  Missouri  State  Convention  of  1820,  he,  like  Benton, 
failed  to  keep  Slavery  out  of  the  State  at  the  time,  but  was  strongly 
opposed  to  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  to  which  he  was 
indirectly  a  party.  The  proposition  of  the  name  of  Edward  Bates 
seems  to  indicate  an  inclination  for  a  compromise  policy,  notwith- 
standing that  the  earnestness  of  the  situation,  and  the  certainty  of 
the  irrepressible  conflict,  called  for  a  resolute,  energetic,  radical  leader, 
whose  deep  convictions  were  not  biased  by  the  rules  of  an  out  of  date 
conventional  law,  the  obligations  of  which  were  scouted  by  a  large 
number  of  States,  fast  rising  in  arms. 

The  Democratic  National  Convention  assembled  at  Charleston, 
S.  C.,  April  23,  1860,  and  adopted  a  squatter  sovereignty  platform, 
referring  every  question  upon  which  an  issue  may  be  raised,  to  the 
decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States:  upon  which 
nearly  all  Slave  State  delegations  withdrew,  holding  that  Congress 
must  protect  Slavery  in  the  Territories,  and  that  the  citizens  thereof 
may  prohibit  or  recognize  Slavery,  only  at  the  time  of  entering  State- 
hood. On  this  apparently  not  very  material  difference,  ostensibly, 
the  two  factions  of  the  Democracy  separated.  The  real  cause  was 
that  the  Ultra  Proslavery  delegates  did  not  want  Douglas,  whom  they 
distrusted,  nor  did  they  care  for  squatter  sovereignty,  after  they  found 
out  in  Kansas,  that  the  North  could  colonize  faster  than  the  South. 

The  Regular  or  Squatter  Sovereignty  Democracy  reassembled 
subsequently  at  Baltimore  and  nominated  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  after 
a  number  of  additional  withdrawals  of  delegates,  among  which  Ben 
F.  Butler,  with  the  Massachusetts  delegation  gave  for  a  reason  that  a 
withdrawal  in  part  of  a  majority  of  States  had  taken  place,  and  per- 
sonally to  himself  he  said:  "I  will  not  sit  in  a  convention,  where  the 
African  slave  trade,  which  is  piracy  by  the  laws  of  my  country,  is 
approvingly  advocated."  The  delegates  who  had  seceded  at  Charles- 
ton convened  at  Baltimore  and  nominated  John  C.  Breckinridge,  with 
an  Ultra  Southern  platform. 

The  Republican  National  Convention  met  at  Chicago,  adopted  a 
Free  Soil  platform,  claiming  for  Congress  not  only  the  right,  but 
also  charging  it  with  the  duty  of  prohibiting  Slavery  in  all  Territo- 
ries, but  it  also  said  with  regard  to  its  status  in  the  States : 

"That  the  maintenance  inviolate  of  the  rights  of  the  States, 
and  especially  the  right  of  each  State,  to  order  and  control  its  own 
domestic  institutions,  according  to  its  own  judgment,  exclusively,  is 


Union  Politics.  107 

essential  to  that  balance  of  power,  on  which  the  perfection  and  en- 
durance of  our  political  fabric  depends,  and  we  denounce  the  lawless 
invasion  by  armed  force  of  the  soil  of  any  State  or  Territory,  no  mat- 
ter under  what  party,  as  among  the  gravest  of  crimes." 

The  lirst  part  of  this  resolution  secures  to  the  States  exclusive  juris- 
diction respecting  Slavery,  the  second  part  which  is  not  quite  germane 
to  the  first,  condemns  lawless  incursions  into  States  and  Territories 
and  fits  John  Brown's  raid  into  Virginia,  and  the  raids  of  Missouri 
border  people  into  Kansas.  All  three  platforms  dealt  with  many 
question-  which  have  no  direct  bearing  on  the  issue. 

A  fourth  national  ticket  was  started  at  Baltimore  on  May  19,  1860, 
under  the  name  of  "Constitutional  Union/'  nominating  John  Bell 
of  Tennessee.  Its  platform  was  purely  negative,  opposed  to  the  crea- 
tion of  sectional  parties  and  recognizing  no  political  principle  except 
the  Constitution  of  the  country,  the  Union  of  States,  and  the  enforce- 
ment of  the  laws,  terms  to  which  all  parties  could  subscribe  before 
actual  St-eessiou.  Although  there  were  four  parties  in  the  field,  prac- 
tically they  had  only  t\vo  issues:  Free  Soil  or  Slave  Soil.  The  Con- 
stitutional Union  men.  who  had  no  program  of  their  own,  and  the 
Squatter  Sovereignty  votaries,  who  of  late  represented  only  a  dis- 
tinction without  a  difference,  were  after  the  election,  lost  in  the  con- 
test of  the  two  ^reat  parties. 

The  Presidential  election  of  the  most  weighty  consequences  took 
place  November  6.  1860.  Of  the  4,645,390  votes  cast,  over  72  per 
cent  came  from  the  Free  States  and  less  than  28  per  cent  came  from 
the  Slave  States,  outside  of  South  Carolina,  which  chooses  by  the 
Legislature.  The  electoral  vote  again  widely  differed  from  the 
popular  vote,  which  frequent  result  is  caused  by  the  manner  of  ap- 
portionment. By  grouping  all  the  Free  States  and  all  the  Slave 
States  together,  the  very  sectional  character  of  the  political  parties 
is  manifest.  According  to  a  table  compiled  in  the  "American  Con- 
flict." by  Horace  Greeley,  the  following  was  the  vote: 


Free 
State. 

Slave 

State. 

Total 
Vote. 

Per 

Cent. 

Elec- 
toral 
Vote. 

No. 
of 
States. 

Lincoln  

1,831,180 

26,430 

1,857,610 

40 

180 

17 

Douglas  

1,128,049 

163,525 

1  291,574 

28 

12 

2 

Breckinridge  .  .  . 
Bell  

279,211 
.  .1       130,151 

570,871 
515,973 

850,082 
646  124 

18 
14 

72 
39 

11 
3 

Total 3,368,591        1,276,799        4,645,390      100%       303 


108  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

Nine  Slave  States  had  no  Lincoln  ticket  at  all,. and  of  the  26,430 
votes  cast  for  Lincoln  in  Slave  States,  Missouri  alone  cast  over  17,028, 
and  the  balance  of  9,402  was  divided  between  Delaware,  Maryland, 
Virginia  and  Kentucky.  Of  the  popular  vote  in  the  Free  States, 
Lincoln  received  54  per  cent,  Douglas  34  per  cent,  Breckinridge  8  per 
cent,  and  Bell  4  per  cent.  These  figures  speak  volumes  in  condem- 
nation of  a  policy,  which  in  the  past  had  tolerated  the  growth  of 
Slavery.  It  was  rather  inconvenient  for  Ultra  State  Rights  poli- 
ticians that  Lincoln  carried  a  clear  majority  of  the  total  number  of 
States. 

The  vote  in  Missouri  stood : 

Douglas,  Squatter  Sovereign,  Democrat.  .58,361=  36% 

Bell,  Compromise 57,762=  35% 

Breckinridge,  Secessionist 30,297=  19% 

Lincoln,  Free  Soil  Republican 17,017=  10% 


Total    163,437=100% 

In  St.  Louis,  Blair  was  elected  to  Congress  by  a  plurality  of  1,486 
votes,  but  was  short  of  a  majority  by  3,056  votes,  in  a  total  of  25.962 
cast  for  all  candidates. 

The  vote  for  Governor  of  Missouri  was  : 

Gardenhire,   Republican 6,124 

C.  T.  Jackson,  Douglas  Democrat 73,372 

H.  Jackson,  Secessionist 11,091 

Orr,  Compromise 65,991 


Total    156,578 

This  shows  a  strong  Conservative  and  Compromise  vote,  for  at  that 
time  C.  T.  Jackson  posed  as  a  Conservative  Democrat,  who  even  after 
the  election,  in  a  speech  at  Boonville,  claimed  to  be  opposed  to  Seces- 
sion. The  small  Republican  vote  in  the  State  was  chiefly  owing  to 
intimidation,  which  was  not  always  successful.  It  happened  on 
election  day  a  party  of  St.  Louis  hunters  visited  F.  Kennett's  castle 
at  Selma,  and  after  a  successful  hunt,  started  out  for  the  next  polling 
place.  B.  G.  Farrar,  who  afterwards  became  a  General  in  the  Union 
service,  was  the  only  Republican  in  the  party,  and  arrived  at  the 
polling  place  at  a  store  in  the  woods,  was  warned  by  a  countryman 
not  to  dare  to  cast  a  Black  Republican  vote.  Farrar  answered  he 


Union  Politics.  109 

will  vote  as  he  pleases  and  by  way  of  caution  and  in  full  view  of  the 
countryman  loaded  his  double-barrelled  gun  with  a  full  complement 
of  buckshot,  cast  his  vote  for  Lincoln  and  was  not  molested,  owing 
his  immunity  partly  to  his  shotgun  argument  and  partly  to  the  pres- 
ence of  his  educated  friends,  who  would  not  have  tolerated  any  - 
fair  action.  But  even  in  St.  Louis  the  animosity  between  the  parties 
was  steadily  growing.  At  a  ratification  meeting  for  Lincoln  and 
Hamlin,  held  on  Lucas  Market  (Twelfth  and  Olive),  the  speakers 
were  frequently  interrupted  with  taunts  and  missiles  and  the  meeting 
was  broken  up.  To  guard  against  such  impositions  a  Republican 
campaign  organization  was  formed  under  the  name  of  "Wide 
Awakes,"  in  which  James  Peckham,  later  on  author  of  the  valuable 
work.  ''Gen.  N.  Lyon  and  Missouri  in  1861,"  was  the  leading  spirit. 
Although  the  "Wide  Awakes"  were  not  an  armed  organization,  their 
prompt  sendees,  orderly  marches  and  united  action  were  a  practical 
example  for  the  powerful  military  organizations  which  sprung  into 
life  in  the  spring  of  1861,  the  ge.rms  of  which,  however,  lay  much 
deeper  than  the  Republican  "Wide  Awakes"  or  Democrat  "Broom 
Rangers."  The  time  for  these  campaign  exertions  could  be  well 
spared,  even  by  steady  men,  for  business  was  slack,  merchants  and 
manufacturers  had  to  contend  with  financial  difficulties ;  heavy  losses 
were  imminent  on  all  sides;  scarcity  of  money,  heavy  discounts  and 
poor  prospects  ahead;  but  all  this  did  not  hinder  the  good  citizens 
of  St.  Louis  to  attend  to  their  political  duties. 

The  result  of  the  election  was  the  end  of  a  most  animated  cam- 
paign, in  which  the  ablest  statesmen  and  speakers  of  the  North  and 
the  South  addressed  large  enthusiastic  meetings,  as  the  Free  Soil 
orators  spoke  almost  exclusively  to  Northern  audiences  and  the  Ultra 
Pro-Slavery  Democrats  to  Southern  gatherings,  this  was  no  more  a 
campaign  for  an  intellectual  victory  by  shaping  opinion,  but  it  was 
one  of  animating  the  followers  of  two  different  and  antagonistic 
camps,  and  of  firing  the  Northern  and  the  Southern  heart.  That 
which  had  been  mooted  in  the  Kentucky  and  Virginia  resolutions, 
and  had  been  often  threatened  by  speakers  in  and  out  of  Congress, 
and  had  been  boldly  proclaimed  and  brought  to  the  verge  of  execu- 
tion by  the  nullifying  proceedings  in  South  Carolina,  should  now 
become  an  accomplished  fact  of  the  gravest  consequences.  Already 
in  October,  1856,  the  Governors  of  Southern  States  met  at  Raleigh, 
N.  C.,  and  consulted  on  common  measures  to  be  taken  by  their 
people  in  case  of  Fremont's  election,  and  Governor  Wise  of  Virginia 


110  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

volunteered  in  that  event  to  march  to  Washington  with  20.000 
men,  take  possession  of  the  Capitol  and  prevent  Fremont's  inaugura- 
tion. Unfortunately,  Fremont  was  not  elected  and  the  Anti-Free 
Soil  Seceders,  not  hindered  by  the  irresolute  and  incapable  adminis- 
tration of  Buchanan,  gained  four  more  years  to  stock  Southern 
Arsenals  with  arms  and  ammunition;  to  disperse  the  United  States 
Navy  to  all  points  of  the  compass;  to  bring  faithless  officers  into 
command  of  troops  located  in  the  South;  and  to  work  up  to  fever 
heat  race  prejudice  and  apprehensions  of  possession  in  a  Southern 
population,  which  was  always  more  inclined  to  bold  action,  than  to 
cool  reflecting  reasoning. 

CAUSES  OF  THE   CIVIL  WAR. 

The  immense  moral  power  in  this  gigantic  contest,  both  North 
and  South,  was  based  on  the  two  diametrically  opposed  interpreta- 
tions of  implied  rights,  which  were  derived  and  claimed  from  cir- 
cumstances, but  nowhere  clearly  defined  or  concisely  expressed,  nor 
vested  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  in  any  authority ;  the 
South  claiming  State  sovereignty  and  the  North  the  sovereignty  of 
the  Union.  Incidental  causes  were  assigned,  as  the  Fugitive  Slave 
law  and  the  Personal  Liberty  bills;  the  making  and  the  repeal  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise;  the  Protective  Tariff;  the  ethical  verdict 
of  the  world ;  abolition  fanaticism ;  the  servility  of  ministers  of  the 
Gospel;  the  different  systems  of  labor  creating  divergent  interests 
and  disposition ;  estrangement  on  account  of  contrary  views  on  the 
liberty  of  conscience,  of  speech,  of  the  press,  of  education  and  inalien- 
able human  rights;  the  injustice  in  the  representation;  the  inven- 
tion of  the  cotton  gin ;  Squatter  Sovereignty ;  the  Louisiana  Pur- 
chase; the  Mexican  War;  the  admission  of  Territories  as  States  and 
other  minor  causes;  but  all  these  are  only  stages  or  incidents  of  the 
gradual  development  from  the  original  great  cause:  the  permanent 
admission  of  the  institution  of  Slavery  by  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  of  America.  State  rights  and  the  maxim  of  an  equal 
number  of  Northern  and  Southern  States ;  a  rigorous  Fugitive  Slave 
Law;  the  muzzling  of  free  speech,  prohibition  of  education ;  lynch 
law  and  rnob  violence  were  advocated  and  practiced  almost  exclu- 
sively in  defense  of  Slavery  only;  the  representation  of  three-fifths 
of  all  other  persons  (meaning  slaves)  was  in  the  same  interest,  and 


Union  Politics.  Ill 

its  injustice  is  flagrant.  According  to  the  census  of  1860,  six  slave- 
holding  (lulf  States  with  a  population  of  2,311,260  white  citizens, 
had  28  Representatives  and  12  Senators,  or  40  in  all,  while  the  State 
of  Ohio,  with  a  population  of  2,339,599  white  citizens,  had  only  a 
representation  in  Congress  of  18  members  in  th£  house  and  2  Sen- 
ators, or  20  in  all — just  one-halt'  the  representation  for  a  larger  uum- 
IK-]'  of  citi/ens 

,  The  invention  of  the  cotton  gin  by  Kli  Whitney  of  Massachusetts 
added  one  thousand  millions  of  dollars  to  Southern  wealth;  it  made 
slave  labor  more  remunerative,  but  not  more  just.  However,  when 
the  South  .-et  up  its  bill  of  grievances  against  the  North,  and  espe- 
cially against  Massachur-etts.  it  should  have  credited  the  same  with 
the  thousand  millions  gained  by  the  invention  of  Eli  Whitney  from 
.Massachusetts.  The  State  sovereignty  doctrine  was  illogically  de- 
rived from  the  constitutional  limitations  of  Congress,  which  were 
enacted  with  the  evident  intention  of  counterbalancing  Federal  cen- 
tralization, advocated  by  Hamilton  and  the  Federalists,  and  it  was 
this  interest  for  which  Jefferson  and  Madison  proposed  the  Ken- 
tucky and  Virginia  resolutions,  for  both  were  decided  anti-Slavery 
men.  During  later  developments  it  was  found  that  State  rights 
were  the  best  shield  for  Slavery;  but  when  the  Northern  States  tried 
to  neutralize  some  effects  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  act  through  Personal 
Liberty  bills  brought  by  their  State  Legislatures  the  Southern  states- 
men charged  ill  faith  and  appealed  to  the  Federal  Government  to 
vindicate  the  supremacy  of  the  Union,  which  was  done,  as  the  case  of 
Anthony  l>urns.  a  fugitive  slave,  proved,  who  in  1855  was  returned 
from  Massachusetts  and  marched  through  the  streets  of  Boston  under 
the  protection  of  United  States  Marines  and  State  militia,  in  spite  of 
an  outraged  population. 

The  Presidential  vote  of  1860  terminated  Slavery  extension  to  new 
territory,  but  the  Republican  party  reaffirmed  the  obligation  of  non- 
interference with  Slavery  in  the  States.  There  is  no  doubt  that,  later 
a  gradual  emancipation  would  be  sought  and  realized  in  every  State. 
But  this  could  only  be  done  with  the  consent  of  each  State,  and  in  a 
manner  subservient  to  the  interests  of  the  slaveholders.  At  present 
every  one  comprehends  that  this  would  have  been  an  immense  sav- 
ing in  life,  health,  happiness,  treasure  and  chances  of  development. 
Why  was  it  not  done?  It  was  not  done  because  the  slaveholders  of 
the  South,  barely  one-lift h  of  its  population,  were  also  the  large  land- 
owners, formed  an  aristocracy  and  became  the  rulers  in  politics 


1]2  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

through  educational  facilities  and  a  high  property  qualification  for 
office  holding.  Standing  intellectually  and  materially  above  their 
white  fellow  citizens,  the  slave  barons  directed  them  to  vote,  work 
and  fight  for  the  "peculiar  institution."  The  habit  of  commanding 
slaves  made  the  planters  domineering,  haughty,  overbearing  and  un- 
fitted for  a  representative  government,  and  the  moment  their  selfish 
arguments  did  not  prevail,  their  very  nature  prompted  them  to  vio- 
lence. Alike  with  every  other  aristocracy  in  the  world,  its  status  was 
fortified  by  laws  made  at  the  expense  of  outclassed  neighbors. 

The  South  was  by  nature  an  agricultural  country ;  a  rich  soil  and 
genial  climate  favored  this  condition,  but  the  climate  was  also  ener- 
vating, ill  adapted  to  manufactures,  nay,  even  unfavorable  to  mer- 
cantile pursuits,  which  demand  a  higher  bodily  and  mental  alacrity. 
This  circumstance  often  entailed  a  dependence  of  the  planter  antici- 
pating the  price  of  his  crops  from  the  trader,  who  advanced  the 
means  for  maintaining  the  slaves.  Planters  and  traders  were  the 
most  efficient  church  members,  and  many  preachers  avoided  those 
ethical  questions  which  endangered  their  pulpits,  while  others,  true 
to  their  vocation,  served  the  cause  of  religion  under  great  difficulties. 
As  to  the  Southern  poor  people,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  satis- 
faction in  life  largely  depends  upon  comparative  conditions,  and  that 
people  felt  somewhat  dignified  to  have  others  not  only  poor,  but  also 
black  and  enslaved. 

The  unrestrained  rule  and  license  toward  slaves,  as  they  had  no 
rights  which  a  white  man  was  ''bound  to  respect,"  reacted  fearfully 
upon  the  white  population ;  for  if  a  man  does  not  respect  the  rights 
of  one  set  of  men,  why  should  he  respect  the  rights  of  .another?  Ne- 
gro Slavery  was  the  substratum  of  Southern  aristocracy,  but  every 
other  slavery  and  aristocracy  produced  the  same  effects.  The  aristoc- 
racies of  the  old  world  all  led  to  corruption  and  their  own  overthrow ; 
for  if  the  common  people  had  sunk  too  low,  these  aristocracies  led  to 
empires,  and  where  the  common  people  had  sufficient  moral  strength 
left,  they  regenerated  in  republics.  That  the  breeder  of  slaves  for 
the  market  of  the  Cotton  States  was  a  willing  tool  of  the  planter  is 
self-evident. 

It  must  be  admitted  that  the  South  could  not  well  tolerate  the 
preaching  of  abolition  doctrines ;  that  any  measure  of  immediate  and 
unconditional  emancipation  would  have  been  wrong,  both  for  the 
slaveowner  and  the  slave;  but  such  extreme  doctrines  had  hardly 
any  following,  and  its  votaries  were  persecuted  at  the  North.  Edu- 


I' ii  inn    /'nfificx.  113 

cation  df  the  Negro  could  only  conic  with  the  prospective  liberty  of 
the  -lave,  which  would  have  removed  the  incentive  for  Negro  insur- 
rections and  the  apprehension  for  the  safety  of  slavelmlding  fami- 
lies, probably  the  greatest  cause  of  Southern  irritation  and  of  the 
desire  to  suppress  the  discussion  of  the  Slavery  question. 

Tyrannical.  oppre»ive  and  vicious  as  Slavery  was  to  the  Negro,  it 
was  a  by  far  greater  curse  to  the  White  man  who  practiced  it  and  to 
the  one  who  tolerated  it.  Figuratively  speaking,  the  whole  American 
Nation  was  put  to  the  cross  before  it  could  redeem  the  commonwealth 
from  tli is  terrible  evil. 

SECESSION. 

When  Lincoln's  election  became  most  probable  meetings  of 
prominent  representative  men  were  held  in  South  Carolina  and  the 
other  Southern  States,  to  prepare  measures  for  Secession.  Such  states- 
men had  nearly  all  died  out  in  the  South,  who  would  have  said  with 
the  lamented  Henry  Clay:  "If  Kentucky  to-morrow  unfurls  the  ban- 
ner of  resistance,  I  never  will  fight  under  that  banner.  I  owe  a  para- 
mount allegiance  to  the  whole  I'nion.  a  subordinate  one  to  my  State." 
Different  sentiments  prevailed  now.  which  were  voiced  on  the  eve  of 
election  in  a  speech  by  N.  \V.  Boyce  of  South  Carolina,  when  he  said: 
"I  think  the  only  policy  for  us  is  to  arm  as  soon  as  we  receive  au- 
thentic intelligence  of  the  election  of  Lincoln.  It  is  for  South  Caro- 
lina in  the  quickest  manner  and  by  the  most  direct  means  to  with- 
draw from  the  Tnion."  This  advice  was  promptly  followed.  The 
news  of  Lincoln's  election  was  received  in  Charleston  with  enthusi- 
astic cheers  for  the  Southern  Confederacy.  On  November  7th  the 
(lovernor  of  South  Carolina  recommended  to  the  Legislature  Seces- 
sion, and  the  arming  of  aH  men  from  the  18th  to  the  4oth  year  of 
age:  also  that  the  Legislature  call  a  Convention,  to  meet  at  Columbia, 
December  17.  1860.  This  latter  body  met,  and  on  the  20th  of  De- 
cember passed  by  a  unanimous  vote  the  following  Secession  ordi- 
nance: 

"An  Ordinance  to  dissolve  the  Union  between  the  State  of  South  Caro- 
lina and  other  States,  united  with  her  under  the  compact  entitled  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

"We.  the  people  of  the  State  of  South  Carolina,  in  convention  assem- 
bled, do  declare,  and  ordain  and  it  is  hereby  declared  and  ordained,  that 
the  Ordinance  adopted  by  us  in  Convention  on  the  23d  day  of  May,  in 
the  year  of  our  Lord  1788,  whereby  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  of 
America  was  ratified,  and  also  all  Acts  and  parts  of  Acts  of  the  General 


114 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


Assembly  of  this  State,  ratifying  the  amendments  of  the  said  Constitu- 
tion, are  hereby  repealed;  and  that  the  Union  now  subsisting  between 
South  Carolina  and  other  States,  under  the  name  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  is  hereby  dissolved." 

After  giving  as  a  cause  for  this  action,  the  shortcomings  of  the 
Free  States  in  their  obligations  with  regard  to  Slavery  and  the  Fugi- 
tive Slave  law,  and  stating  that  the  failure  of  one  of  the  contracting 
parties  to  perform  a  material  part  of  the  agreement  entirely  releases 
the  obligation  of  the  other,  they  conclude  by  appealing  to  the  "Su-. 
preme  Judge  of  the  world  for  the  rectitude  of  our  intentions/''  and 
state  "that  the  State  of  South  Carolina  has  resumed  her  posit i<>;i 
among  the  nations  of  the  world  as  a  separate  and  independent  State, 
with  full  power  to  levy  war,  conclude  peace,  contract  alliances,  estab- 
lish commerce,  and  to  do  all  other  acts  and  things  wrhich  independent 
States  may  of  right  do." 

There  are  several  incorrections  in  this  document,  the  most  obvious 
lies  in  the  words :  "South  Carolina  has  resumed  her  position  among 
the  nations  of  the  world,"  for  she  never  held  that  position,  being  a 
British  Province  before  her  people  joined  the  Union,  and  being  only 
part  of  a  nation  after  they  joined  the  Union.  Although  this  attempt 
at  legitimacy  may  have  no  intrinsic  value,  it  shows  that  the  people 
of  South  Carolina  were  desirous  of  placing  their  action  upon  a  legal 
basis.  It  was  not  this  effort  at  legitimacy  which  then  prevented  the 
expression  of  Union  sentiments  in  the  South,  but  the  wild,  excited 
crowds  with  Secession  cockades  and  Secession  flags,  threatening  vio- 
lence to  dissenters. 

A-  anticipated  by  Southern  statesmen,  the  Secession  lead  of  South 
Carolina  was  quickly  followed  by  the  other  States,  which  adopted 
Secession  ordinances  in  the  following  order : 


Date  of  Secession. 

State. 

Free  men. 

Slaves. 

Total 

1860    Dec   20 

South  Carolina      .... 

301,271 

402,541 

703,812 

1861    Jan'y  9 

Mississippi 

354,700 

436,696 

791,396 

1861    Jan'y  10 

Florida  

78,686 

61,753 

140,439 

1861    Jan'y  11 

Alabama    

529,164 

435,132 

964,296 

1861    Jan'y  18 

Georgia    

595,097 

462,232 

1,057,329 

1861    Jan'y  26 

Louisiana  

376,280 

333,010 

709,290 

ISfil     Fphr'v  1  .  . 

Texas  .  . 

421.750 

180.682 

602.432 

Total... 2,656,948        2,312,046        4,968,994 


Union  Politics. 


115 


SLAVE  STATES  WHICH  SECEDED  LATER. 


Date  of  Secession. 

State. 

Free  Men. 

Slaves. 

Total. 

1861.  May.. 

Arkansas  

324,323 
661,586 
1,105,192 

111,104 
331,081 
490,887 

435,427 
992,667 
1,596,079 

1861.  May  

North  Carolina  

1861.  May  

Virginia  

Total  

2,091,101 

933,072 

|    3,024,173 

Aerereeate  of  Secedine  States..  . 

4.748.049         3.245.118 

7.993.167 

SLAVE   STATES   REMAINING   IN   THE   UNION. 


Delaware  

110,420 

1,798 

112,218 

Kentucky  

930,223 

225,490 

1,155,713 

Maryland  

599,846 

87,188 

687,034 

Missouri  

1,067,352 

114,965 

1,182,317 

Tennessee  

834,063 

275,784 

1,109,847 

District  of  Columbia  

71,895 

3,181 

75,076 

Total 3,613,799 


708,406        4,322,205 


Of  the  population  of  the  States  which  seceded  immediately  after 
the  election,  47%  were  slaves;  in  the  group  of  States  which  deferred 
Secession  the  slave  population  was  only  31%,  and  in  the  Slavo  States 
which  did  not  secede  the  slave  population  was  only  16%  of  their  in- 
habitants. As  the  large  plantations  were  in  South  Carolina.  Georgia 
and  the  Gulf  States,  which  first  rushed  into  Secession,  it  is  evident 
that  the  slave  oligarchs  forced  the  issue  in  the  supposed  interest  of 
their  large  possessions.  The  Secessionists  had  hardly  a  bare  majority 
in  any  of  the  Southern  States,  but  by  acting  a  couple  of  months  be- 
fore the  inauguration  of  President  Lincoln  the  seceders  gained  a  very 
valuable  time  for  organization,  without  risking  any  interference  from 
President  Buchanan's  pusillanimous  administration.  Another  rea- 
son prompted  immediate  action  on  their  part:  jhe  members  of  a 
defeated  party  always  feel  bitter  after  the  election;  passion?  are 
worked  up  to  a  high  pitch,  and  the  people  are  inclined  to  redress  by 
violence  their  shortcomings  in  judgment  or  management.  This  dis- 
position would  have  cooled  off  shortly  afterwards,  and  the  judicious, 
conciliating,  yet  firm  and  energetic  action  which  could  be  expected 
from  President  Lincoln  would  have  restricted  Secession  to  a  very  few 
States.  As  it  were,  all  the  Slave  States  that  did  not  secede  disa,r 


116  Tin-  I'nion  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

proved  this  measure,  either  through  their  Governors  or  through  votes 
by  the  people.  It  would  be  'erroneous,  however,  to  estimate  the  re- 
xMirees  in  men  and  material  by  taking  only  the  seceded  States  into 
account.  There  was  a  large  population  in  the  Border  States  which 
furnished  a  considerable  contingent  to  the  Southern  armies,  and 
there  were  in  the  ranks  of  the  Democratic  party  at  the  North  a  num- 
ber of  Southern  sympathizers,  who  often  hindered  energetic  action, 
and  even  threatened  riot  and  violence. 

Several  Northern  publicists  of  great  influence,  like  Horace  Gree- 
ley,  Wendell  Phillips  and  others,  would  permit  Secession,  notwith- 
standing the  necessity  that,  if  the  Secessionists  were  not  immediately 
conquered  as  insurgents,  they  would  have  to  be  conquered  soon  after- 
wards as  aliens.  Southern  statesmen,  with  few  exceptions,  did  not 
deem  either  contingency  probable,  for  they  counted  upon  the  greater 
martial  spirit  of  the  Southerners  and  upon  the  ability  and  greater 
number  of  the  West  Pointers  hailing  from  their  section.  No  doubt 
the  great  extent  of  Southern  territory,  its  large  wooded  portion  cut  up 
by  great  rivers,  bays  and  bayous,  its  poor  roads  and  means  of  trans- 
portation, were  favorable  to  a  defensive  war.  They  placed  also  some 
reliance  upon  European,  chiefly  British,  intervention,  as  one-eighth 
of  the  population  of  England  depended  for  a  living  upon  the  cotton 
factories,  drawing  their  raw  material  almost  entirely  from  the  Cotton 
States.  This  hope  proved  futile,  for  England  did  not  receive  the 
Southern  Commissioners  in  December,  1860,  nor  did  they  fare  bet- 
ter in  France,  whose  disposition  was  reflected  by  the  "Opinion-Na- 
tionale,"  which  denounced  the  application  for  aid  made  by  the  Con- 
federate Commissioners,  stating: 

"In  the  Nineteenth  Century,  •  men  are  found  so  destitute  of  all  moral 
sense,  as  to  ret/el,  to  revolutionize  the  country,  expose  it  to  ruin  and 
civil  war,  in  the  name  of  that  social  leprosy  called  Slavery.  O  shame! 
These  men,  without  heart,  dare  address  an  appeal  to  France  to  aid  them, 
and  rend  herself  an  accomplice  in  their  criminal  projects.  No!  The 
France  of  79-30-48  can  never  take  under  her  protection  traders  in  human 
flesh." 

At  home  matters  of  public  opinion  were  more  favorable.  The  con- 
servative element  of  all  parties  was  for  compromise  and  peace,  even 
at  a  sacrifice.  Possessive  and  business  interests  favored  a  procrastina- 
tion of  the  issue,  either  not  knowing  that  time  only  increased  the 
magnitude  of  the  evil,  or  from  the  usual  policy  of  habitual  selfish- 
ness. "After  us  the  deluge.''  It  is  true  that  the  Regular  army  of  the 
Federal  Government  was  small,  and  the  available  Militia  at  first  of 


Union  Politics.  117 

little  value  in  the  field.  But  there  were  nineteen  million  people 
North  to  eight  million  whites  and  four  million  slaves  in  the  South. 
and  in  a  last  emergency  these  four  million  slaves  could  be  turned 
into  four  million  allies,  which  was  partly  done  when,  towards  the 
end  of  the  war.  Negro  liegiments  were  organized.  Besides  this,  the 
North  vastly  outstripped  the  South  in  industrial  capacity,  skilled  arti- 
zans.  machinery,  military  outfit  and  provisions.  One  advantage  of 
the  South  was  real,  even  if  not  quite  obvious  at  first  sight:  the  niea>- 
n re-  of  the  North  were  limited  by  the  Con-titntion  of  the  United 
State>.  whose  validity  it  tried  to  enforce,  while  the  Confederacy 
framed  it.-  Constitution  to  >uit  the  exigencies  of  the  hour. 

VAIN  COMPROMISE  PLANS. 

I'])""  the  heels  of  the  election  of  the  Republican  candidate  cam.' 
the  news  of  the  immediate  Secession  movement  in  the  South.  The 
excitement  of  the  canvass  had  not  quite  >nl»ided  when  the  attention 
of  patriots  was  directed  to  the  threatened  danger.  There  was  hardly 
time  for  opinions,  to  crystallize  into  measures,  yet  the  emergency  was 
pres-ing  and  many  and  various  propositions  were  advanced  to  meet 
tin  difficulties.  The  New  York  Tribune,  a  leading  Republican  paper, 
advised.  Noveml.er  9,  1860:  "If  the  Cotton  States  shall  decide  that 
they  can  do  better  out  of  the  Union  than  in  it,  we  insist  on  letting 
them  go  in  peace."  Other  influential  papers,  in  trying  to  avoid  civil 
war,  suggested  a  convention  of  the  people,  counselling  moderation 
and  agreement  on  mutual  interests.  December  10,  1860,  a  Union 
meeting  was  held  at  Philadelphia  in  which  the  Mayor  of  the  town 
favored  another  compromise  and  yielding  to  Southern  aggression  in 
order  to  prevent  the  loss  of  the  Southern  trade.  To  prove  how  cir- 
cumstances alter  cases,  one  speaker  called  Slavery  the  moth  in  the 
eyes  of  the  South,  and  Free-Soil  notions  the  beam  in  the  eyes  of  the 
North.  The  resolutions  of  that  meeting  called  for  the  repeal  of  of- 
fensive State  laws:  for  a  cheerful  submission  to  the  Fugitive  Slave 
law.  and  for  muzzling  the  public  North  and  South  upon  the  Slavery 
question.  It  was  an  expression  of  conservative  cowardice,  stimulated 
by  selfish  greed.  There  were  some  good  grounds  for  despondency  in 
the  face  of  the  three  months'  continuance  of  the  administration  of 
Buchanan,  who  announced  his  helplessness  in  his  last  message  to 
Congress,  in  which  he  said  ''that  intemperate  interference  of  the 
Northern  people  with  the  question  of  Slavery  in  the  Southern  States 


118  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

has  at  length  produced  its  natural  effect" ;  but  in  this  President 
Buchanan  was  not  correct,  for  the  avowed  object  of  the  Republican 
party  was  to  prevent  the  extension  of  Slavery  into  the  Territories, 
wrhile  it  disavowed  either  the  intention  or  the  right  to  interfere  with 
Slavery  in  the  States  where  it  existed.  Theodore  Roosevelt,  in  his 
book  on  Benton,  says:  "The  national  government,  even  under  Re- 
publican rule,  would  never  have  meddled  with  Slavery  in  the  vari- 
ous States  unless  as  a  war  measure."  This  was  correct  at  the  time, 
but  would  have  changed  after  new  acts  of  violence  had  broken  down 
all  considerations  of  amity  and  fellowship. 

President  Buchanan  justly  blamed  some  States  for  trying  to  de- 
feat the  Fugitive  Slave  law,  but  in  referring  to  apprehensions  of 
slave  insurrections  he  omitted  to  state  that  none  of  any  consequence 
took  place,  and  that  a  policy  of  gradual  emancipation  upon  good  be- 
havior, financially  guaranteed  by  the  United  States,  would  prevent 
any  possible  slave  insurrection.  He  also  said  it  was  his  duty  and  de- 
termination to  protect  the  public  property  and  to  enforce  the  laws 
in  all  the  States,  but  he  had  no  officers  in  the  South  (they  had  re- 
signed). He  could  not  execute  the  laws,  and,  under  the  circum- 
stances, there  was  no  power  of  coercion  granted  to  Congress,  the  Judi- 
ciary or  the  President. 

With  regard  to  this  message  of  the  President,  the  reflection  readily 
suggests  itself  that  excuses  are  always  near  at  hand  where  the  good 
will  is  wanting,  and  President  Buchanan  found  them  without  diffi- 
culty, as  he  was  not  inclined  to  act  as  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  but  only  as  the  President  of  a  political  party — a  misconcep- 
tion of  "duty  which  necessarily  must  lower  the  dignity  and  authority 
of  that  high  office.  The  conservative,  even  reactionary,  manifesta- 
tions of  the  public  naturally  found  a  reflection  in  the  old  Congress 
assembling  December  3,  1860,  and  whose  time  only  expired  March  3, 
1861,  and  whose  many  members  still  cherished  the  hope  of  a  peace- 
ful solution.  With  the  pressing  emergency  grew  the  exertion  for 
devising  measures  to  allay  the  coming  storm.  Desirous  of  finding  a 
just  mean  betwreen  the  opposing  factions,  statesmen  of  ability  and 
patriotic  intentions  strained  every  nerve  to  find  the  correct  remedies. 
Among  the  suggestions  were:  the  immediate  apportionment  of  all 
the  territory  into  future  States ;  the  re-establishment  of  the  division 
line  of  36°  30' ;  the  subdivision  of  the  Union  into  four  political  bodies 
called  sections,  the  North,  the  West,  the  Pacific  and  the  South,  a  ma- 
jority in  each  section  to  be  requisite  for  the  passage  of  an  act.  This 


Union  Politics.  119 

would  have  given  any  section  an  absolute  veto  power ;  the  abolition  of 
the  Presidency;  the  establishment  of  an  equilibrium  between  Free 
and  Slave  States,  and  a  Convention  of  all  States  was  also  suggested. 
All  these  various  propositions  were  referred  to  a  grand  select  commit- 
tee in  the  House,  and  a  similar  committee  took  up  all  propositions 
offered  in  the  Senate,  among  which  those  offered  by  J.  J.  Crittenden 
of  Kentucky  were  most  prominent,  bearing  the  authority  and  weight 
of  a  highly  esteemed  Senator,  coming  from  a  Slave  State  offering 
great  strategical  advantages  in  case  of  war.  The  leading  features  of 
the  Crittenden  compromise  were : 

In  Territories  north  of  36°  30'  north  latitude  Slavery  is  prohibited ; 
in  Territories  south  of  that  line  it  is  to  be  admitted  and  protected  by 
Congress.  The  Territories  North  and  South  of  that  line  may  elect  to 
come  into  the  Union  as  Free  or  as  Slave  States  at  the  time  of  making 
their  application  for  admission ;  Congress  shall  not  abolish  Slavery  on 
places  where  the  United  States  have  exclusive  jurisdiction  within  the 
limits  <>f  Slave  States,  nor  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  as  long  as 
Slavery  exists  in  Virginia  and  Maryland ;  the  transportation  of  slaves 
shall  not  be  hindered  and  Congress  shall  pay  for  rescued  slaves ;  the 
Fugitive  Slave  law  shall  be  made  more  efficient,  and  State  laws  con- 
Ilicting  with  it  shall  be  repealed. 

The  above  conditions  mostly  favored  the  views  and  objects  of  the 
Slavery  power,  while  some  minor  conditions  proposed  with  regard  to 
fees  of  officers,  nugatory  features  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  act,  and  upon 
the  African  slave  trade,  made  the  proposed  compromise  more  accep- 
table to  Northern  views.  Article  6,  however,  of  the  Crittenden  Com- 
promise contained  the  most  extraordinary  provision,  forbidding  any 
future  amendment  to  the  United  States  Constitution  with  regard  to 
some  of  the  amendments  just  proposed,  and  also  with  regard  to  some 
which  were  already  in  the  Constitution.  Mr.  Crittenden  forgot  that 
there  is  only  one  power  which  makes  immutable  laws.  Moreover, 
the  above  condition  tended  to  change  the  United  States  Constitution 
to  a  compact,  the  very  contrivance  upon  which  the  doctrine  of  Seces- 
sion was  based  and  which  sooner  or  later  would  have  led  to  civil  war. 

A  SQUARE  ISSUE. 

The  above  terms  were  probably  the  best  that  had  a  chance  to  be 
accepted  by  the  Southern  States  with  the  exception  of  South  Carolina ; 
Northern  Democrats  sustained  them  and  President  Buchanan  urged 


120  Tin-  I' it  in  n  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

their  adoption  :  Imt  as  they  sacrificed  the  Free  Soil  principle  and  their 
sanction  by  constitutional  amendments  was  slow  and  uncertain,  they 
were  opposed  by  most  Republicans,  of  whom  Th.  L.  Snead,  a  South- 
ern writer,  in  his  valuable  work,  "A  Fight  for  Missouri,"  says : 

"They  would  not  abandon,  in  the  hour  of  victory,  the  principles  fo/ 
which  they  had  manfully  contended  through  forty  years  of  defeat  and 
disaster,  nor  would  they  let  those  whom  they  had  just  vanquished,  destroy 
the  Union,  in  the  very  hour  that  it  was  about  to  be  dedicated,  as  they 
believed,  to  a  wider  freedom  and  higher  humanity." 

Senator  B.  F.  Wade  of  Ohio  represented  the  Republican  sentiment 
when  he  frankly  declared  that  every  civilized  nation  on  the  globe  has 
the  same  opinion  of  Slavery  as  the  Republican  party,  and  if  it  had 
the  power,  not  another  inch  of  Free  Soil  of  this  government  should  be 
invaded  by  Slavery;  at  the  same  time  it  repudiates  the  idea  of  inter- 
fering with  the  institution  in  the  States ;  the  day  of  compromise  was 
gone;  they  were  not  kept.  The  honest  verdict  of  the  people  by  a  fair 
election  cannot  be  set  aside  by  a  compromise;  a  majority  fairly  given 
must  rule.  This  spirit  evidenced  by  B.  F.  Wade  carried  a  substitute 
for  the  Crittenden  resolutions,  offered  by  Clark  of  New  Hampshire : 

"Resolved,  That  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution  are  ample  for  the 
preservation  of  the  Union,  and  the  protection  of  all  the  material  interests 
of  the  country;  that  it  needs  to  be  obeyed  rather  than  amended;  and  that 
an  extrication  from  our  present  dangers  is  to  be  looked  for  in  strenuous 
efforts  to  'preserve  the  peace,  protect  the  public  property,  and  enforce  the 
laws,  rather  than  in  new  guarantees  for  peculiar  interests,  compromises 
for  particular  difficulties,  or  concessions  to  unreasonable  demands. 

"Resolved,  That  all  attempts  to  dissolve  the  present  Union,  or  over- 
throw or  abandon  the  present  Constitution,  with  the  hope  or  expectation 
of  constructing  a  new  one,  are  dangerous,  illusory  and  destructive;  that, 
in  the  opinion  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  no  such  reconstruction 
is  practicable;  and,  therefore,  to  the  maintenance  of  the  existing  Union 
and  Constitution  should  be  directed  all  the  energies  of  all  the  depart- 
ments of  the  Government,  and  the  efforts  of  all  good  citizens." 

This  was  carried  by  25  Republican  votes,  and  opposed  by  21  Demo- 
crats and  2  Conservatives,  23  votes  in  all.  Subsequently  a  direct 
vote  was  had  on  the  Crittenden  resolutions.  They  were  defeated  by 
the  majority  of  one,  all  Republicans  voting  against  them  and  all 
Democrats  and  Conservatives  for  them.  The  House  of  Representa- 
tives also  defeated  the  Crittenden  Compromise  by  a  decided  vote,  and. 
upon  recommendation  of  the  Committee  of  Thirty-three,  adopted 


Union  Politif*.  121 

Thomas  Corwin's  resolutions,  which  made  concessions  to  the  South 
relative  to  hostile  legislation  by  Northern  States,  the  Fugitive  Slave 
law  and  migration  with  slaves,  but  made  no  concession  to  Slavery  in 
the  Territories.  It  is  claimed  that  these  resolutions  would  have  been 
also  adopted  by  the  Senate  if  any  disposition  whatever  would  have 
l»een  shown  that  they  are  acceptable  to  the  South.  The  Senate's 
"Clark"  resolution  was  brought  into  the  House  as  a  substitute  to  Cor- 
win's,  but  not  acted  upon,  as  the  latter  covered  the  same  ground,  in 
addition  to  some  compromise  measures,  and  their  wording  was 
milder,  yet  fully  as  decided  on  the  question  of  maintaining  the 
Union. 

While  these  unavailing  attempts  at  a  Compromise  were  made, 
events  steadily  drifted  towards  a  hostile  conflict.  Howell  Cobb, 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  anticipating  the  final  breakdown,  resigned 
on  December  8th  and  left  for  Georgia.  December  loth  General  Scott 
suggested  the  reinforcement  of  Major  Anderson  at  Charleston  with 
:!()(>  men.  and.  though  Secretary  Cass  also  strongly  urged  this  meas- 
ure, President  Muchanau  refused  his  consent,  whereupon  Cas~  r<- 
sigued  and  .Judge  Black  became  Secretary  of  State.  Major  Anderson, 
deserted  by  the  administration,  finding  it  impossible  to  defend  Fort 
Moultrie  and  Fort  Sumter  with  two  weak  companies  of  Artillery, 
abandoned  Moiiltrie  and  removed  all  his  forces  to  Fort  Sumter. 
Floyd,  hearing  the  news,  wrote  to  the  President:  "One  remedy  is 
left,  and  that  is  to  withdraw  the  garrison  from  the  harbor  of  Charles- 
ton. I  hope  the  President  will  allow  me  to  make  the  order  at  once. 
This  order,  in  my  judgment,  can  alone  prevent  bloodshed  and  civil 
war."  The  President  declined  to  act  upon  his  advice  and  Floyd  re- 
signed:  he  evidently  knew  what  was  coming,  for  on  the  20th  the  Se- 
eessisonists  seized  Fort  Moultrie,  Castle  Pinkney  and  the  Custom- 
house and  all  United  States  officers  in  South  Carolina  resigned.  On 
the  :>0th  the  United  States  Arsenal  of  that  State,  with  munitions  of 
war  to  the  value  of  $500,000  was  seized.  In  the  face  of  such  facts 
Buchanan's  declaration  made  on  the  last  of  the  year  that  he  will 
defend  Fort  Sumter  was  of  very  little  consequence.  The  very  same 
day  the  Senate  committee  reported  that  they  cannot  agree  upon  any 
plan  of  settlement  between  the  North  and  the  South. 

A  Democratic  State  Convention  was  held  at  Albany,  N.  Y.,  Janu- 
ary 1,  1861,  in  which  the  most  prominent  men  of  the  party  and 
oilier  conservatives  took  part.  The  tenor  of  the  speeches  and  resolu- 
tions were  chiefly  criticisms  of  the  Republican  party:  warnings 


122  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

against  coercion ;  prayers  for  compromise ;  abuse  of  Congress ;  threats 
of  the  guillotine  for  those  who  propose  to  maintain  the  Union  by 
force;  indorsement  of  the  Crittenden  resolutions  and  a  Convention  by 
States ;  also  the  appointment  of  alternates  to  the  Peace  Conference 
which,  pursuant  to  a  call  of  the  Virginia  Legislature,  was  to  assem- 
ble at  Washington  February  4,  1861.  At  this  Peace  Conference 
nearly  all  the  Free  States  wrere  represented;  of  the  Slave  States  only 
seven,  namely,  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Ken- 
tucky, Tennessee  and  Missouri.  This  conference,  through  its  chair- 
man, John  Tyler,  ex-President  of  the  United  States,  proposed  as  an 
amendment  to  the  Constitution :  to  exclude  Slavery  in  all  Territories 
north  of  36°  30'  north  latitude,  but  to  admit  States  North  or  South  of 
that  line  with  or  without  Slavery ;  only  conditional  acquisition  of  new 
territory  by  consent  of  a  majority  of  the  Northern  and  a  majority  of 
the  Southern  Representatives;  restrictions  regarding  Slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia ;  enforcement  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  law ;  reim- 
bursement for  fugitives;  regulation  of  slave  trade;  consent  of  all 
States  to  certain  constitutional  amendments.  These  and  other  com- 
promise measures  wrere  offered  before  the  close  of  the  session,  but 
without  any  result.  As  a  further  concession  to  the  South  may  be 
considered  the  passage  by  Congress  of  separate  acts  organizing  the 
Territories  of  Colorado,  Nevada  and  Dakotah  without  any  condition 
relative  to  Slavery.  This  left  the  status  of  those  Territories  only 
subject  to  past  laws  and  their  interpretation  by  the  Supreme  Court; 
practically,  however,  Slavery  was  out  of  the  question  in  any  of  those 
Territories,  and  the  result  proved  that  the  South  paid  little  heed  to 
such  advances. 

A  Texas  Senator,  referring  to  the  free  debates  which  similar  propo- 
sitions might  elicit  at  home,  remarked:  "A  great  many  of  the  free 
debaters  were  hanging  from  the  trees  of  that  country,"  and  a  Georgia 
Senator,  while  discussing  Texas  politics,  apostrophized  Sam  Houston 
for  his  Union  fealty  by  expressing  the  wish:  "Some  Texas  Brutus 
may  arise  to  rid  his  country  of  this  old  hoary-headed  traitor."  When 
such  sentiments  prevail  among  the  Senators  of  a  great  party,  all  con- 
cessions and  peace  offerings  would  appear  to  be  idle  waste.;  If  any 
one  doubted  this  proposition,  the  general  rejoicing,  booming  of  can- 
non and  festive  celebration  which  took  place  in  all  the  larger  cities 
of  the  South  upon  the  news  of  the  Secession  of  South  Carolina,  De- 
cember 20,  1860,  ought  to  have  convinced  him  of  the  error  of  his 
wavs. 


Union  Politics.  123 


TREASON  IN  THE  CABINET. 

A  demand  made  on  President  Buchanan  to  rid  his  Cabinet  from 
unreliable  and  even  hostile  elements  was  fully  justified  by  circum- 
stances. During  1860  Secretary  Floyd  had  transferred  from  the 
Springfield  Armory  and  Watervliet  Arsenal,  by  order  of  December 
29,  1859,  115,000  stands  of  arms  and  had  sent  them  to  the  several 
arsenals  at  the  South.  A  few  days  before  Floyd  resigned,  towards 
the  end  of  December,  an  order  arrived  from  him  at  the  Alleghany 
Arsenal,  near  Pittsburgh,  to  send  46  pieces  of  heavy  ordnance  to 
Ship  Island.  Louisiana,  and  78  similar  cannon  to  Galveston,  Texas. 
An  indignation  meeting  of  citizens  at  Pittsburg  secured  a  counter- 
manding order  from  Washington  which  stopped  this  treasonable  out- 
rage. Secretary  of  War  Floyd  sold  between  the  first  of  January, 
1860,  and  the  first  of  January,  1861,  31,610  percussion  muskets  at 
$2.50  apiece,  on  which  the  officers  appointed  for  scrutiny  disagreed 
as  to  their  warranted  condemnation.  He  wanted  to  send  to  Southern 
forts  not  ready  for  armament  over  100  columbiads  and  a  large  num- 
ber of  3'2 -pounders,  but  the  order  was  countermanded  by  Secretary 
Holt  before  it  was  fully  executed.  On  November  21,  1860,  a  Mr. 
Belknap  made  application  to  buy  from  100,000  to  250,000  United 
States  muskets  at  $2.15.  The  Secretary  claimed  that  this  application 
was  granted  under  the  misapprehension  that  the  price  was  to  be 
$2.50,  and  Secretary  Holt  refused  to  recognize  this  contract.  General 
Scott  stated  that  Virginia,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Florida,  Ala- 
bama. Mississippi  and  Kansas  were  supplied  with  their  full  quotas  of 
arms  for  1861  in  advance.  Thus  it  seems  that  all  the  seceding  States 
anticipated  the  war  in  1860.  In  Texas  the  Union  Governor,  Sam 
Houston,  prevented  this,  while  a  strong  drift  of  Union  sentiment  did 
the  same  in  Tennessee  and  Arkansas. 

After  Floyd  left  he  was  indicted  by  the  United  States  Grand  Jury 
for  a  defalcation  of  a  quarter  million  of  dollars.  He  had  systemati- 
cally stocked  the  Southern  forts  and  arsenals  with  arms,  ammunition 
and  war  material.  Howell  Cobb,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  Jacob 
Thompson,  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  slaveholders  and  Secessionists, 
acted  in  a  similar  way,  sending  good  arms  to  the  South  and  the  war 
vessels  to  distant  ports,  leaving  for  home  service,  from  a  total  of  90 
vessels  with  2,418  guns,  one  vessel,  the  steamer  "Brooklyn,"  with  25 
guns,  and  the  storeship  "Relief,"  with  2  guns.  A  report  upon  the 
condition  of  the  navy,  made  to  Congress  in  February,  1861,  shows 


124  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

that  the  same  had  been  as  treacherously  handled  as  the  army.  Octo- 
ber 13,  1860,  the  "Richmond"  was  sent  to  the  Mediterranean  squad- 
ron ;  December  21  the  "Vandalia"  to  East  India,  the  "Saratoga"  to 
join  the  African  squadron,  and  other  vessels  to  Yera  Cruz.  February 
21,  1861,  Dawes  reports  there  are  28  dismantled  ships  with  874  guns, 
none  of  which  could  be  repaired  under  several  weeks,  while  many 
would  require  six  months.  No  orders  had  been  issued  to  put  any  of 
them  in  readiness.  The  whole  Atlantic  Coast  wTas  left  without  de- 
fense and  the  "Brooklyn"  was  too  large  to  enter  the  harbor  of  Charles- 
ton. But  for  this  treacherous  disposition  of  vessels  there  would  have 
been  an  ample  force  to  protect  the  United  States  forts,  arsenals,  cus- 
tom-houses and  navy  yards,  and  to  prevent  any  possible  powerful 
organization  of  the  Secession  forces.  Resignations  of  navy  officers 
were  accepted  after  the  date  on  which  they  had  betrayed  their  trust, 
some  by  telegraph  and  some  even  made  retrospective.  It  was  report- 
ed later  that  when  the  "Star  of  the  West"  was  sent  with  supplies  to 
the  starving  garrison  of  Fort  Sumter,  Secretary  Thompson  betrayed 
her  mission  to  the  South  Carolina  authorities  and  subsequently  even 
bragged  of  this  treason  in  a  speech  at  Oxford,  Mississippi.  "I  sent  a 
dispatch  to  Judge  Longstreth  that  the  'Star  of  the  West'  was  coming 
with  reinforcements.  The  troops  were  then  put  on  their  guard,  and 
when  the  'Star  of  the  West'  arrived  she  received  a  warm  welcome 
from  booming  cannon,  and  beat  a  hasty  retreat."  The  report  of  a 
select  committee  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  appointed  Febru- 
ary 21,  1861,  is  quoted  as  the  authority  for  the  above  statements. 

With  the  Secession  hand  in  hand  went  the  seizure  of  arsenals  and 
forts,  until  in  the  course  of  a  few  weeks  the  arsenals  of  Charleston, 
S.  C.,  Augusta,  Ga.,  Fayetteville,  N.  C.,  Mobile,  Ala.,  Baton  Rouge, 
La.,  and  the  forts  in  South  Carolina,  Pulaski  and  Jackson  in  Georgia, 
Fort  Mason  and  others  in  North  Carolina,  Forts  Jackson,  St.  Philip 
and  Pike  in  Louisiana,  Fort  Barancas  and  the  navy  yard  in  Pensa- 
cola,  Fla.,  were  seized.  To  complete  this  spoliation,  about  the  end  of 
February,  1861,  Brigadier  General  Twiggs  surrendered  nearly  one- 
half  of  the  United  States  army,  with  all  forts  and  war  material,  to 
the  State  authorities  of  Texas.  A  number  of  revenue  cutters  were 
lost  in  this  wyay.  Of  the  Southern  fortified  defenses  all  that  was  left 
to  the  United  States  were  Fortress  Monroe,  Fort  Sumter,  Fort  Pick- 
ens,  the  fortresses  on  Key  West,  the  Tortugas,  and  the  Arsenal  at  St. 
Louis,  Mo.  It  was  estimated  that  5000  cannon,  over  200,000  stand 
of  arms  and  an  immense  war  material  amounting  in  all  to  over  forty 


Union  Politics.  125 

million.-  of  dollars  \\ere  taken  from  the  United  States  even  before 
1 'resident  Buchanan's  term  expired.  Towards  the  end  the  Cabinet 
of  that  most  ill-advised  of  all  Presidents  went  to  pieces;  some  mem- 
bers resigned  because  he  admitted  interference  in  the  South;  others 
Uccausc  he  did  riot  interfere  enough,  and  some  left  to  avoid  the  con- 
sequences of  their  criminal  act-. 


CHAPTER    IV. 
MISSOURI   EVENTS. 


THE  SOUTHWEST  CAMPAIGN. 

North  of  Texas  and  west  of  the  Mississippi  River  to  the  Rocky 
Mountains  extended  the  Department  of  the  West,  to  whose  command 
General  Harney  was  assigned,  who  arrived  at  St.  Louis  November 
18,  1860.  Harney,  born  in  Louisiana,  was  a  slaveholder,  though 
credited  to  be  a  Union  man.  Although  he  had  a  national  reputation 
as  a  great  Indian  fighter,  his  assignment  to  St.  Louis  was  made  for 
political  reasons.  Having  married  a  Mullanphy  heiress,  he  was  in- 
timately connected  with  the  largest  landed  estate  and  its  many  repre- 
sentatives in  St.  Louis,  and  could  be  expected  to  harmonize  with  the 
leading  political  party  of  the  State.  The  Kansas-Nebraska  difficulty 
was  not  yet  finally  adjusted,  and  a  strong  disciplinarian  might  have 
awed  the  Jayhawker  (Free  State  man)  and  the  Border  Ruffian  (Pro- 
slavery  Democrat).  Harney  was  barely  three  days  in  command 
when  news  came  that  Montgomery  and  his  band  had  invaded  Fort 
Scott.  General  Frost's  Brigade  of  Missouri  Militia,  550  men,  was 
called  out  to  march  to  Fort  Scott,  and  military  companies  were  or- 
ganized all  over  the  State  to  assist  Frost.  General  Harney  left  St. 
Louis  November  24  and  hastened  to  the  somewhat  indefinite  seat  of 
war.  The  Governor  of  Kansas  also  issued  a  proclamation  against 
mob  law,  and  an  armed  band  under  the  leadership  of  "one  James 
Montgomery."  The  trouble  seems  to  have  originated  by  Free  State 
men  settling  upon  what  was  claimed  to  be  Cherokee  neutral  land. 
These  settlers  were  forcibly  ejected  by  an  agent  of  the  Indian  Bu- 
reau and  some  fifteen  of  their  shanties  burned,  upon  which  their  own- 
ers banded  together  and  retaliated  upon  Proslavery  men.  Some  kid- 
napers of  Negroes  in  the  Territory  were  killed,  in  keeping  with  Mont- 
gomery's "higher  law"  notions,  which  enjoined  that  "any  man  con- 
victed of  kidnaping  a  human  being  in  the  Territory  shall  die."  Ac- 
cording to  the  "Missouri  Democrat,"  Montgomery  took  up  arms  to 
avenge,  the  quarrel  of  parties  who  had  been  expelled  from  lands  re- 

(126) 


Missouri  Events.  127 

served  for  the  use  of  Indian  tribes.  Even  Leavenworth  Republicans 
IM— <•<!  resolutions  condemning  Montgomery's  raid,  although  the 
charge  that  the  invasion  was  made  to  liberate  slaves  in  Missouri  was 
false.  Sixteen  of  Montgomery's  men  approached  Fort  Scott,  but  no 
one  was  molested,  least  of  all  the  United  States  Court.  The  lynching 
of  three  men  hung  and  two  shot  was  done  in  the  Territory,  and, 
although  frankly  owned  up  by  Montgomery's  men,  was  as  much  to 
l>e  condemned  as  all  lynch  outrages.  But  for  the  exaggerated  reports 
from  Fort  Scott.  Frost's  Brigade  would  never  have  been  ordered  out, 
and  as  the  whole  difficulty  occurred  in  the  Territory,  the  resort  to 
Missouri  Militia  was  as  impolitic  as  it  was  improper.1  Frost's  Brigade 
returned  to  St.  Louis  already  on  December  18.  Its  being  called  out 
for  this  service,  however,  has  this  peculiar  bearing  on  the  St.  Louis 
events  of  1861,  that  this  Brigade  formed  the  bulk  of  the  State  Militia 
force  which  the  next  May  was  concentrated  at  Camp  Jackson.  It 
was  mooted  that  this  excursion  was  made  with  the  design  of  a  later 
resistance  to  Federal  authority.  State-right  badges  were  worn  by 
troopers  in  this  campaign,  and  a  detachment  of  all  three  arms  was 
left  on  the  border  under  the  command  of  a  determined  Secessionist. 
Robert  Stewart,  the  outgoing  Governor,  was  not  wittingly  a  party  to 
such  a  scheme,  which  might  be  readily  credited  to  the  incoming  of- 
lierrs  of  Secession  proclivities. 

THE  ST.  LOUIS  TURNVEREIN. 

The  last  days  of  1860  found  the  State  of  Missouri  with  a  heteroge- 
neous population  of  1,200,000  people,  with  100,000  slaves,  while  St._ 
Louis  had  then  200,000  inhabitants  and  120  slaves.  The  State  was 
Democratic,  the  city  Republican.  In  detail  the  city  voters  were: 
Republicans,  Conservatives  and  Secessionists;  the  State  voters,  Con- 
servatives. Sccosionists.  Republicans,  approximating  in  strength 
the  order  in  which  they  are  here  named.  The  citizens  of  foreign  ex- 
traction, mostly  Germans,  were,  with  few  exceptions,  decided  Union 
men,  and  even  the  Irishmen,  though  leaning  politically  strongly 
towards  the  Democratic  South,  wheeled  into  the  Union  ranks  after 


1  Of  this  South  West  expedition,  Uriel  Wright,  a  very  able  attorney,  State- 
Rights  man,  and  later  on  officer  in  the  Confederate  Army,  made  the  state- 
ment in  the  Missouri  State  Convention:  "The  only  reason  why  an  army  was 
sent  to  the  frontier  to  put  down  a  Montgomery  raid,  was  that  there  was  no 
Montgomery  raid  to  put  down." 


128  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

the  first  few  months  of  1861  and  formed  some  excellent  Regiments. 
The  convivial  habits  of  the  Germans,  their  common  interests,  tastes, 
progressive  views  upon  human  rights,  spread  through  numerous  sing- 
ing and  other  societies  a  strong  spirit  of  fellowship,  which  found  its 
most  advanced  expression  in  the  St.  Louis  Turuverein.  The  immi- 
grants of  1830,  with  more  academic  views,  had  become  somewhat 
conservative  and  habituated  to  existing  institutions  and  relations, 
while  those  of  1848  were  more  radical  and  uncompromising;  still. 
when  it  came  to  questions  of  leading  humanitarian  principles,  both 
immigrations  stood  shoulder  to  shoulder  for  all  progressive  measures. 
The  St.  Louis  Turn  Society  was  a  branch  of  the  national  organiza- 
tion;  it  became  a  center  of  social  amusement  and  rational  develop- 
ment, seeking  to  verify  the  time-honored  adage,  "A  healthy  mind  in 
a  healthy  body."  The  society  was  organized  May  12,  1850,  by 
Charles  Speck.  Fred  Roever,  C.  B.  Dickriede,  W.  Moll,  George  Meyer, 
Theodore  Hildenbraiidt,  John  Bolland,  William  Grahl,  L.  A.  Bennet, 
Louis  Barthels  and  William  Meyer.  It  was  incorporated  on  February 
24,  1855,  with  the  aid  of  Attorney  D.  M.  Frost,  .who  on  the  day  of  the 
capture  of  Camp  Jackson  may  have  felt  remorse  for  this  act  of  cour- 
tesy. The  "St.  Louis  Turnverein"  soon  united  several  hundred  able- 
bodied  and  clear-headed  young  men,  who  without  interfering  with 
others  claimed  the  privilege  of  living  up  to  their  own  convictions. 
Soon  after  the  organization  of  the  society  a  rifle  section  was  formed 
with  about  fifty  members,  who  wrere  pledged  to  military  obedience 
when  in  service ;  they  elected  their  officers  arid  instructors  and  bought 
their  own  rifles ;  took  up  regular  weekly  drills,  arranged  target  prac- 
tices and  trial  marches  to  neighboring  cities.  Already  in  February, 
1860,  General  Francis  Sigel  lectured  before  this  section.  At  that- 
time  the  Prussian  tactics,  published  by  the  Cincinnati  Turner  Society. 
were  in  practice.  Among  the  instructors  were  Louis  Duestrow,  Theo- 
dore Fischbach,  Hugo  Gollmer,  Francis  Sigel,  Constantin  Rlandovski. 
April  4,  1860,  a  keg  of  powder  was  bought,  and  in  May  a  now  target 
practice  place  selected  and  drill  twice  a  week  ordered ;  in  July  target 
practice  was  held  every  week;  in  September,  upon  the  advice  of  Gen- 
eral Sigel,  Scott's  tactics  were  adopted.  On  November  8  the  rifles  and 
armament  were  transferred  to  the  mother  society,  which,  pursuant 
to  its  new  constitution,  ordered  all  members  to  regular  military  drill 
as  part  of  the  gymnastic  exercises.  This  was  certainly  a  quick  and 
significant  answer  to  all  threats  of  Secession,  uttered  on  account  of 
Lincoln's  election.  The  rifles  were  to  be  kept  at  Turner  Hall,  on 


ST.   LOUIS  TURNER    HALL. 

10th  and  Walnut  Streets. 

Where  the  first  companies  of  the  First  Regiment,  Missouri  Volunteers 
were  organized  in  1861. 


i  Events.  129 


Tenth  and  Walnut,  and  their  price  was  credited  to  their  owners  on 
their  dues  maturing.  January  10  ,1861,  bayonet  fencing  was  taken 
up  under  Captain  Blandovski,  and  those  who  wished  to  join  the  rifle 
company  after  February  7  had  to  report  to  J.  Tiemeyer,  who  would 
furnish  them  with  rifles.  Among  the  three  to  four  hundred  mem- 
ber- of  the  society  were  many  prominent  business  men,  merchants, 
manufacturers,  lawyers,  doctors;  in  fact,  the  St.  Louis  Turnverein 
was  a  good  representation  of  the  solid  Teutonic  element  in  the  com- 
munity. 

Throats  l>y  the  ultra  Southern  press  were  so  frequent  and  violent 
ihat  towards  the  end  of  1860,  even  a  local  conflict  was  anticipated  by 
many,  and  they  deemed  it  advisable  to  prepare  for  it.  A  consider- 
able portion  of  the  people  of  St.  Louis  'came  from  Southern  States. 
shared  in  the  fiery  spirit  of  that  section,  was  leaning  to  Know  Noth- 
in.ni-m  and  had  national  and  religious  prejudices.  All  these  sources  of 
antagonism  were  unfortunately  fostered  by  the  circumstance  that  the 
different  elements  of  population  occupied  also  different  and  pretty 
well  defined  sections  of  the  city.  The  Americans  lived  nearly  all  in 
the  central  and  western  part  of  town,  the  foreign-born  citizens,  main- 
ly (iermaiis  and  their  descendants,  lived  mostly  south  of  Market 
street.  with  a  strong  colony  on  Franklin  avenue  and  also  an  even 
stronger  contingent  north  of  Cass  avenue.  Between  these  last  two 
localities,  on  Wash,  Can*.  Biddle,  Mullanphy  and  Cass  avenue,  were 
the  habitations  of  most  Irishmen.  While  all  men  of  common  sense 
or  culture  vindicate  the  liberty  of  conscience  to  everybody,  those  who 
are  unfortunately  limited  when  born  and  those  whose  education  is 
neglected  often  cherish  sentiments  of  jealousy  and  even  of  hatred 
toward-  people  who  differ  from  them.  In  this  sense  there  was  consid- 
erable animosity  felt  in  St.  Louis  between  different  elements  of  the 
population.  It  does  not  improve  matters  that  the  latter  disposition 
wa.-  often  nursed  for  selfish  purposes. 

THE  ST.  LOUIS  PRESS. 

The  German  newspapers  of  St.  Louis  were  ably  edited  in  the  past 
l>y  Theodore  Olshausen,  Emil  Preetorius,  Henry  Boernstein,  George 
Hillgaertner,  Charles  L.  Bernays,  D.  Hertel,  with  most  valuable  con- 
tributions from  Fred  Muench,  Gustave  Koerner,  Fred  Hecker,  Carl 
Schurz,  Carl  Luedeking  and  others,  who  animated  their  readers  to 
aid  with  their  votes  and  actions  the  country  of  their  adoption.  The 


130  Tin'-   1'ition   t'liiixc  in  ,SV.   Lnnis  ni    ISI',1 . 

publications  in  the  German  language  were  able  exponent*  of  the 
views  of  the  readers  and  of  their  progressive  disposition.  While  not 
extreme  on  the  Slavery  question,  they  were  firm  and  uncompromising 
with  regard  to  the  inalienable  rights  of  men  and  most  determined  for 
the  maintenance  of  the  Union  of  all  States.  The  Missouri  Democrat, 
the  leading  Republican  paper  of  the  West,  exercised  a  great  influence 
during  the  past  decades  and  fearlessly  spread  the  gospel  of  human  lib- 
erty. It  was  the  medium  of  information  between  Congress  and  the 
West,  and  its  editors,  proprietors  and  coworkers  formed  the  center  of 
Western  American  liberalism.  Robinson,  in  his  "Kansas  Conflict.," 
writes  of  the  "Missouri  Democrat":  "It  is  doubtful  if  Kansas  could 
have  been  saved  from  the  grasp  of  the  invaders  but  for  the  hot  shot 
poured  into  Atchison,  String-fellow  &  Co.  by  this  paper.  James  Rid- 
path  was  its  regular  correspondent.  The  leading  Democratic  paper, 
the  "St.  Louis  Republic,"  did  not  permit  its  conservative  proclivities 
to  drag  it  into  the  disunion  camp.  In  fact,  it  seemed  at  times  as  if  the 
spirit  of  its  founder,  Joseph  Charless,  the  Irish  patriot,  the  man  who 
opposed  the  brutal  lynching  of  the  negro  Macintosh  and  who  be- 
friended E.  P.  Love  joy,  was  still  permeating  the  columns  of  that 
paper.  Editorially  and  by  correspondents  the  paper  contended  for 
the  legality  of  Lincoln's  election  and  was  opposed  to  the  folly  of  Se- 
cession. 

On  November  10  Henry  Clay  Dean,  an  Iowa  Democrat,  published 
through  the  columns  of  the  "St.  Louis  Republic"  these  words.  "Mr. 
Lincoln  is  elected.  He  is  the  constitutional  President.  Every  North- 
ern State  has  voted  for  him.  We  have  no  discretion  but  to  yield  obe- 
dience. Resistance  is  revolution,  and  civil  war  must  follow  revolu- 
tion." A  couple  days  later  C.  R.  Wickliffe  write.-  in  the  same  paper: 
"Let  us  all  unite  upon  this  one  question,  that  the  disunionists  may 
know  they  have  no  allies  or  sympathizers  among  the  citizens  of  Ken- 
tucky." The  same  paper  quotes  on  November  12  the  proceedings  of 
a  former  Mississippi  State  Convention  which  condemned  Secession. 
Its  columns,  however,  were  open  to  the  following  advertisement : 

"Runaway  Slave.  Was  committed  to  the  jail  of  Cape  Girardeau  County, 
in  the  State  of  Missouri,  on  the  15th  of  September,  1860,  as  a  runaway 
slave,  a  negro  man  who  calls  himself  Henry  Williams,  and  says  he  is  free, 
and  lived  on  the  island  of  Hayti;  he  is  of  copper  color,  5  feet  41-_,  inches 
high,  weighs  about  150  pounds,  supposed  to  be  22  years  old,  has  three  upper 
jaw  teeth  out.  whiskers  on  his  chin,  heavy  head  of  hair,  no  scars  about  his 
person,  except  his  ears  have  been  pierced;  says  he  got  off  a  steamboat  at 
Mound  City  about  the  10th  inst;  had  on  when  taken  a  pair  of  new  pants  of 


i  I:' rents.  131 

dark  grey  cashmere,  red  flannel  drawers,  black  color  frock  coat,  striped 
cashmere  vest,  a  brown  hat,  three  white  shirts  with  linen  bosoms,  and  an 
old  pair  of  gaiter  shoes. 

"The  owner  of  said  negro  is  hereby  notified  to  come  forward  and  prove 
said  Slave  and  pay  charges,  otherwise  said  Slave  will  be  sold  at  public 
auction  to  the  highest  bidder,  for  cash  on  hand,  at  the  Court  House  door, 
in  the  town  of  Jackson,  in  Cape  Girardeau  County,  Mo.,  on  Tuesday,  the 
1st  day  of  January,  A.  D.  1861." 

What  right  did  the  Sheriff  have  to  sell  that  man,  when  he  did  not 
even  know  that  lie  was  a  slave  and  had  an  owner? 

Other  slave  sale  advertisements  were  made  for  January  1,  1861,  to 
take  place  at  the  east  door  of  the  St.  Louis  Courthouse,  and  B.  M. 
Lynch  advertised  his  large,  airy,  new  quarters,  No.  57  South  Fifth 
(now  Broadway),  corner  of  Myrtle,  and  will  pay  highest  price  for 
Negroes  suited  to  the  Southern  market.  "Negroes  on  hand  and  for 
sale  at  all  times."  From  this  it  would  appear  that  the  Xegro  breeding 
for  the  Southern  market  was  not  restricted  to  the  Eastern  Border 
Stan-. 

On  the  14th  of  Novemher  the  "St.  Loni>  Republic"  deemed  a 
stronger  dose  of  I  nionism  necessary  to  the  failing  patriots,  and  it 
published  in  full  President  Jackson's  proclamation  against  the  Se- 
cessionists of  South  Carolina,  issued  December  11,  1832.  The  inten- 
tion was  good  and  locally  had  a  wholesome  effect,  as  later  on  the  vote 
for  the  members  of  the  Missouri  State  Convention  proved.  As  to  the 
Cotton  States,  they  were  then  already  past  redemption;  to  their  senti- 
mental disposition  the  words  of  Schiller  fully  applied: 

"Man   fears  the  lion's  kingly  tread, 

.Man   fears  the  tiger's  fangs  of  terror, 
But  Man   himself  is  most  to  dread 

When  mad   with  social   error!" 

Carlyle's  translation  of: 

"Gefaehrlich  ists  den  Leu  zu  wecken, 

Verderblich  ist  des  Tigers  Zahn, 
Doch  ach  der  schreklichste  der  Schreken 

Das  ist  der  Mensch  in  seinem  Wahn." 

On  the  other  hand,  there  were  powerful  influences  which  made 
St.  Louis  a  veritable  commonwealth  for  both  sections.  The  North- 
ern and  Southern  trade  of  the  Mississippi  Valley  centered  here,  it  was 


132  The  Union-Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

the  distributing  point  for  the  Eastern  wholesale  trade.  Large  mills, 
foundries,  machine  shops  and  factories  combined  the  interests  of  the 
capitalist,  the  engineer,  the  laborer,  and  with  a  hostile  South  and  a 
hostile  immediate  West  all  this  was  doomed  to  destruction.  Although 
the  directive  capital  was  chiefly  in  the  hands  of  Southerners,  their 
very  great  possessions  pleaded  most  eloquently  for  the  maintenance 
of  peace.  These  considerations  guided  the  conservative  element  of 
the  city  and  State  and  remained  a  powerful  factor  until  the  furies  of 
war  stamped  out  every  peaceful  disposition  in  the  Union.  Events 
strongly  pointed  in  that  direction  when  on  December  13,  I860, 
Southern  members  of  Congress  recommended  to  their  constituencies 
speedy  Secession. 

THE   LAST   DAYS   OF   1860. 

The  Commissioners  of  the  seceded  State  of  South  Carolina  called 
on  President  Buchanan  December  28,  1860,  and  proposed  to  treat 
with  him  as  with  the  representative  of  a  foreign  power,  which  he  de- 
clined, referring  them  to  Congress.  This  was  useless,  for  December 
31  the  committee  of  thirteen  Republican  and  thirteen  Senators  from 
all  other  parties,  forming  two  classes  with  equal  rights,  reported  that, 
after  considering  many  propositions,  they  could  not  agree  upon  any. 
general  plan  of  adjustment.  So  far  only  South  Carolina  had  seceded, 
but  Conventions  for  that  purpose  had  been  called  by  Georgia,  Missis- 
sippi, Florida,  Louisiana  and  Alabama;  the  Governors  of  Missouri, 
Tennessee,  Arkansas  and  Virginia  favored  Secession,  and  the  calling 
of  a  Convention,  while  Governor  Hicks  of  Maryland  and  Sam  Hous- 
ton of  Texas  were  opposed  to  any  such  measure.  Houston  even  said 
he  would  hang  every  Secessionist  as  a  traitor  if  he  had  the  power. 

End  of  November,  1860,  a  company  of  Constitutional  Guards  was 
formed  under  Colonel  Thornton  Grimsley,  a  declaration  of  principles 
was  issued  for  them  by  which  they  claimed  fealty  to  the  Union  and 
to  the  State  of  Missouri ;  also  claimed  that  the  Republican  party  and 
the  Personal  Liberty  laws  should  be  put  down  as  well  as  all  traitors 
to  the  supreme  Federal  Government,  as  long  as  the  latter  acts  within 
the  sphere  of  its  constitutional  duties.  They  enjoined  that  every 
State  should  "contend  for  its  right  and  equality  within  the  Union  so 
long  as  its  protective  powers  remain  unexhausted,  and  any  one  De- 
partment of  that  government  is  able  to  uphold  its  true  spirit  and  in- 
tegrity," and  "that  all  should  rally  behind  the  remaining  bulwarks  of 
the  Constitution." 


Events.  133 

Verbose  and  confused  in  its  original  text  as  this  declaration  was,  it 
shows  that  there  must  have  existed  a  strong  Union  feeling  among 
those  who  were  expected  to  join  the  organization.  Still,  the  many 
conditions  ornamenting  this  Unionism  were  so  many  loopholes  to 
slip  from  it  to  outright  Secessionism.  Far  less  moderate  was  the  antag- 
onism against  the  incoming  Federal  administration  further  South.  In 
New  Orleans  men  were  beaten  and  almost  lynched  for  selling  medals 
of  Lincoln  and  shouting  "Hurrah  for  Lincoln !"  In  South  Caro- 
lina the  President  elect  was  burned  in  effigy,  and  the  Southern  army 
and  navy  officers  were  called  upon  "to  renounce  at  once  the  sword  and 
rations  of  the  vulgar  oppressor  and  to  hasten  at  once  to  the  homes 
that  gave  them  birth."  Good  many  could  not  do  this,  for,  having 
emigrated  to  Western  States,  they  had  to  shift  their  State  Rights  pa- 
triotism to  the  new  basis  of  settlement.  General  Pillow  called  Lin- 
coln's election  "the  death  knell  of  the  Union."  More  characteristic 
is  an  extract  from  a  letter  of  Paul  J.  Semmes,  a  graduate  of  West 
Point,  made  Brigadier  General  in  Georgia  and  subsequently  made 
famous  by  his  cruises  and  blockade  running,  which  shows  the  bitter 
resentment  of  Southern  people  and  the  great  chasm  which  separated 
them  from  the  friends  of  the  Union : 

"Southerners  have  a  high  and  sacred  duty  to  perform;  they  know  well 
how  to  perform  that  duty.  He  who  dallies  is  a  dastard,  he  who  doubts 
is  damned,  and  he  who  cries  peace,  peace,  Union,  Union,  when  there 
is  no  peace,  no  Union,  and  never  can  be,  with  a  fanatic  and  infidel  people, 
who,  repudiating  God  and  the  Bible,  have  proclaimed  themselves  in  favor 
of  an  Anti-Slavery  Bible  and  an  Anti-Slavery  God,  deserves  everlasting 
execration."  Characterizing  the  financial  policy  of  the  Union  as  a  robbery, 
Semmes  goes  on:  "Their  votes,  their  hands  (in  our  pockets)  we  dread, 
Their  bayonets  themselves  we  despise.  Let  a  TJnited  South  rally  and 
strike  down  this  God-forsaken  Union  with  robbers,  fanatics,  incen- 
diaries, infidels." 

It  is  strange  that  a  brave  man  like  Semmes  should  have  indulged 
in  such  blustering  talk,  for  true  heroism  is  generally  paired  with 
modesty.  At  that  time  there  were  considerate  men  who  had  not  yet 
given  up  all  hope  for  an  adjustment.  Governor  Johnson  of  Georgia 
answered  men  who  consulted  him  that  the  election  of  Lincoln  was 
no  cause  for  dissolving  the  Union ;  that  the  majority  of  Congress  was 
still  Democratic,  and  that-  Lincoln  cannot  even  organize  his  Cabinet 
without  the  consent  of  the  Senate.  The  possible  failure  to  execute 
the  Fugitive  Slave  act  Governor  Johnson  considered  a  more  serious 
grievance. 


134  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

In  the  meantime  a  wavering  policy  was  continued  at  Washington, 
where  on  December  4  President  Buchanan  took  the  position  that  coer- 
cion is  unconstitutional,  and  recommended: 

1.  An  amendment  to  the  Constitution  which  shall  plainly  acknowl- 
edge the  legality  of  Slavery  in  the  States. 

2.  Protect  Slavery  in  all  Territories  until  they  become  States. 

3.  Enforce  the  Fugitive  Slave  law. 

Attorney  General  Black  gave  his  opinion  to  the  President  that  the 
Government  had  a  right  to  defend  its  property  and  also  to  retake  it 
when  invaded,  and  further  claimed  that  the  President  has  a  right  to 
call  out  the  Militia  when  the  execution  of  the  law  is  obstructed  by 
combinations  too  powerful  to  be  suppressed  by  the  ordinary  course  of 
judicial  proceedings.  But  the  military  must  be  used  in  support  of 
the  civil  officers,  and  if  no  civil  officers  are  found  the  use  of  the  mili- 
tary is  illegal  because,  as  Judge  Black  said,  it  would  be  levying  war 
upon  such  State.  According  to  this  reasoning,  South  Carolina  was 
in  the  Union  far  enough  to  claim  the  protection  of  the  Constitution, 
but  otherwise  sufficiently  out  of  the  Union  to  void  all  her  obligations 
and  connections  with  it.  Judge  Black  said,  further,  the  President 
must  remain  strictly  on  the  defensive;  if  the  means  to  collect  the 
revenue  are  insufficient,  Congress  may  make  them  more  effective. 
Even  under  Black's  opinion,  the  President  had  the  right  and  duty  to 
defend  the  forts  of  the  United  States.  He  should  have  reinforced 
them  in  time,  and  Robert  Anderson  should  have  broken  up  the  bat- 
teries raised  to  subdue  him.  President  Buchanan  never  asked  Con- 
gress for  additional  power  to  aid  Fort  Sumter,  and  a  fort  cannot  be 
defended  without  breaking  up  the  batteries  which  were  erected  to 
reduce  it.  It  seems  that  none  of  the  conservative  politicians  under- 
stood the  question  of  the  hour,  which  was:  Shall  the  Union  perish,  or 
shall  the  South  be  subdued  by  war? 

Stephen  A.  Douglas  spoke  towards  the  end  of  1860  at  different 
places  of  the  South,  denying  the  right  of  Secession  and  strengthen- 
ing the  Union  sentiment;  but  no  little  and  no  big  giant  could  stay 
any  more  the  tide  of  coming  events,  of  which  one  able  writer  prophet- 
ically said:  "When  we  see  such  men  at  the  South  as  Stephens  and 
Johnson  of  Georgia,  Forsyth  and  Winston  of  Alabama,  Foote  of  Ten- 
nessee, Soule  and  Wickliff  of  Louisiana.  Houston  of  Texas  and  hosts 
of  other  distinguished  statesmen  of  the  South  borne  down  by  the  re- 
sistless tide,  we  cannot,  if  we  would,  shut  our  eyes  to  the  danger  which 
menaces  the  safety  and  perpetuity  of  the  Union." 


.1//.V.NV,  ;//•/'    Emit*.  135 


Grave  care.-  oppressed  all  thoughtful  men,  for  most  ominous  "were 
l  lie  forebodings  of  tlie  last  days  of  1860. 

1861. 
THE  MISSOURI  STATE  LEGISLATURE 

met  on  the  last  day  of  1860,  and  organized  January  2,  by  electing 
avowed  Secessionists  as  officers.  Governor  Stewart  in  his  farewell 
message  denied  the  right  of  Secession,  as  .Mi--oiiri  belonged  to  the 
I'nion  by  right  of  purchase.  and  said: 

"So  long  as  there  Is  hope  of  success,  she  (Missouri)  will  seek  for  justice 
within  the  Union.  She  cannot  be  frightened  from  her  propriety  by  the 
past  unfriendly  legislation  from  the  North,  nor  be  dragooned  into  Seces- 
sion 'by  the  extreme  South.  Missouri  will  rather  take  the  high  position 
of  armed  neutrality."  Governor  Stewart  also  makes  use  of  these  words- 
"Missouri,  with  scarcely  a  disunionist  per  se  to  be  found  in  her  borders," 
and  closes  with  the  words:  "I  would  here,  in  my  last  public  official  act 
as  Governor  of  Missouri,  record  my  solemn  protest  against  unwise  and 
hasty  action,  and  my  unalterable  devotion  to  the  Union,  as  long  as  it  can 
be  made  the  protector  of  equal  rights." 

This  is  strong  evidence  that  the  majority  of  Missonnau-  \vere  Union 
men.  Governor  Stewart's  remarks  of  an  "armed  neutrality"  gave 
probably  the  keynote  to  some  subsequent  threats  of  the  same  nature. 

The  idea  of  an  armed  neutrality  was  mooted  in  the  Border  Sfates 
and  Indian  Territory  early  in  the  course  of  hostile  development. 
Strategically  it  was  a  genial  conception  in  favor  of  Secession,  and  if 
carried  out  would  have  secured  to  the  seceded  State.-,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  their  seacoast.  immunity  against  ho^tilo  aggression  from 
the  North.  Such  a  neutral  belt,  resulting  from  the  dissolution  of  the 
I'nion.  would  have  served  also  as  a  buffer  zone  between  the  Northern 
and  >outhern  confederation.  Under  "equal  rights."  upon  which 
Governor  Stewart  based  his  "unaltered  devotion  to  the  Union/'  he 
must  have  meant  equal  State  Rights  respecting  Slavery  in  the  Terri- 
tories.  tor  in  the  South  at  that  time  equal  rights  were  on  a  level  with 
the  planners'  conception:  "This  i«  a  free  country;  this  man  is  mine." 
Governor  Clayborn  F.  Jackson,  born  in  Kentucky  in  1807.  was  a 
decided  pro-Slavery  man.  who  in  the  Missouri  Legislature  of  1848-49 
reported  the  resolutions  instructing  Benton  and  his  colleague  in  the 
to  support  that  tendency. 


136  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

The  qualifying  words  in  these  resolutions  were:  '''Any  organization 
of  the  Territorial  Government  excluding  the  citizens  of  any  part  of 
the  Union  from  removing  to  such  Territories  with  their  property 
would  alienate  one  portion  of  the  Union  from  another  and  tend  ulti- 
mately to  disunion."  Benton's  opposition  to  these  resolutions  defeat- 
ed him  for  re-election  to  the  Senate  and  eliminated  him  from  becom- 
ing a  possible  President,  who,  like  Andrew  Jackson,  might  have 
.•stamped  out  Secession  in  its  very  inception.  Clayborne  F.  Jackson 
said  in  his  inaugural :  "Missouri  and  Kentucky  should  stand  by  the 
South  and  preserve  her  equilibrium;"  also  that  he  will  defend  the 
honor  and  interests  of  Missouri  against  all  assailants  whatever. 

Hy  Governor  Jackson's  statement  that  "if  the  Northern  StaU-s.  have 
resolved  to  admit  no  more  Slaveholding  States  into  the  Union"  they 
have  practically  abandoned  the  Union,  and  will  not  expect  our  sub- 
mission to  a  Government  on  terms  of  inequality  and  subordination," 
he  practically  announces  his  hostility  to  the  Union,  which  by  a  ma- 
jority of  votes  had  decided  to  admit  no  more  Slave  States.  Governor 
Jackson's  demand  for  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  asked  for  very  obvious  reasons,  an  impossibility  at 
the  time.  He  concluded  by  recommending  the  immediate  call  of  a 
State  Convention,  saying:  "In  this  way  the  whole  subject  will  be 
brought  directly  before  the  people  at  large,  who  will  determine  for 
themselves  what  is  to  be  the  ultimate  action  of  the  State."  It  seem-, 
however,  that  the  Governor  himself  had  little  faith  in  his  peaceful 
remedy,  as  at  the  end  of  his  message  he  recommends  "a  thorough  or- 
ganization of  our  Militia."  Governor  Jackson  must  have  seen  that, 
while  the  pro-Slavery  disposition  wras  clear  and  emphatic  in  the  Cot- 
ton States,  the  anti-Slavery  disposition  was  by  no  means  such  in  the 
Northern  States;  for  the  great  enthusiasm  for  the  war  in  the  North 
and  the  great  sacrifices  brought  later  on  by  the  Northern  States  were 
chiefly  made  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union  of  States,  and  not  for 
the  destruction  of  Slavery.  Even  if  Governor  Jackson  was  convinced 
that  the  once-roused  conscience  of  the  Nation  would  not  stop  short  of 
the  complete  extinction  of  Slavery,  he  had  every  reason  to  believe 
that  emancipation  would  be  gradual  and  with  an  equitable  compensa- 
tion. But  for  him  and  the  leaders  in  the  Secession  movement  the 
question,  pure  and  simple,  was :  "Slavery  in  the  Union  or  Slavery  out 
of  the  Union." 

Governor  Jackson  recommended  the  holding  of  a  State  Convention, 
for  which  a  bill  passed  on  January  18,  in  order  to  consider  whether 


/  Events.  137 

Missouri  should  secede ;  also  for  the  purpose  of  vindicating  the  sover- 
eignty of  the  State  and  the  protection  of  her  institutions.  With  the 
exception  of  the  St.  Louis  delegation  nearly  all  members  voted  for 
this  measure.  The  known  disposition  of  the  Governor,  Lieutenant 
Governor  and  Legislators  justify  the  supposition  that  the  call  was 
made  under  the  false  impression  that  the  Convention  would  vote  for 
Sr<-i->sii »n.  This  belief  was  caused  by  the  more  passionate  and  demon- 
strative  nature  of  the  ultra  Southerners,  which  made  them  appear 
much  stronger  in  numbers  than  they  actually  were.  It  was  not  the 
first  time  in  history  that  appearances  deceived. 

It  can  1)0  safely  assumed  that  in  every  community  the  great  ma- 
jority of  people  are  well-intended  persons,  and  their  differences, 
though  intensified  by  prejudices,  are  rooted  in  deep  elementary  con- 
victions. AVhile  in  ordinary  times  party  affiliations  are  formed  often 
without  much  reflection,  in  consequence  of  association,  derivation, 
local  pride,  self-interest  and  inheritance,  yet  when  an  actual  recourse 
to  the  arbitrament  of  arms  is  imminent  a  great  many  people  are  in 
doubt  which  side  to  choose.  The  hope  to  influence  this  portion  of  the 
population  dictated  in  the  Border  States  that  temporizing,  vacillating, 
procrastinating  policy  which  deferred  success  and  caused  great  loss  of 
life  and  treasure.  Neither  the  Free  Soil  Republicans,  nor  the  Slavery 
and  State  Rights  defenders  in  St.  Louis  were  guilty  of  the  above  fault ; 
they  knew  that  war  was  the  only  alternative  left,  and  they  proceeded 
to  organize  and  arm. 

On  the  4th  of  January.,  D.  R.  Russell,  Commissioner  of  the  State 
of  Mississippi,  was  received  by  the  joint  session  of  the  Legislature  at 
Jefferson  City.  He  came  to  ask  the  cooperation  of  Missouri  in  the 
common  defense  of  the  Slaveholding  States.  A  special  committee 
was  appointed  to  conduct  Russell  to  the  hall,  and  Lieutenant  Gov- 
ernor Reynolds,  presiding,  ordered:  "When  the  Commissioner  from 
the  State  of  Mississippi  is  announced  the  members  of  the  General  As- 
sembly will  rise  to  receive  him."  J.  D.  Stevenson,  from  St.  Louis, 
objected  to  this  demand,  which  was  qualified  by  Reynolds  with  the 
rather  rude  remark:  "I  will  change  it  to  a  request,  and  I  hope  no 
member  of  this  General  Assembly  will  have  the  indecency  to  refuse 
to  rise."  Stevenson  did  not  dream  then  that  in  1863  he,  as  General, 
will  command  the  leading  attack  against  Vicksburg  and  effectually 
help  to  conquer  the  very  State  of  that  Commissioner.  Russell  spoke, 
as  might  have  been  expected,  from  a  representative  of  a  seceded  State. 

Lieutenant  Governor  Reynolds  was  very  prominent  in  the  Seces- 
sion movement  in  Missouri;  he  claimed  to  be  a  native  of  South  Caro- 


138  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

linn.  \v;i>  well  versed  in  politics  and  diplomacy,  had  a  very  good  edu- 
cation and  was  energetic  and  fearless.  Early  in  December.  1860.  he 
sought  the  councils  of  the  Southern  leaders  in  Washington,  and  it  is 
more  than  probable  that  there  and  then  plans  were  adopted  and  meas- 
ures resolved  upon  which  should  guide  the  Secession  policy  in  Mis- 
souri. It  was  hardly  in  keeping  with  his  usual  sen.-e  of  tact  and  pro- 
priety that  he  anticipated  both  the  messages  of  the  outgoing  and  of 
the  incoming  Governor  by  publishing  on  the  first  legislative  day  a 
letter  indicating  his  personal  views  upon  the  course  Missouri' should 
pursue.  He  advised  the  General  Assembly  to  resist  all  attempts  at 
coercion  or  for  collecting  United  States  revenues  or  for  enforcing  Fed- 
eral laws  in  seceded  States,  and  urged  the  speedy  organization  of  the 
State  Militia.  He  also  advised  Missouri  to  call  a  Convention  of  all  the 
States  for  the  settlement  of  their  differences,  and  held  that  if  no  such 
adjustment  could  be  secured  before  March  4.  Missouri  should  not  per- 
mit Mr.  Lincoln  to  exercise  any  functions  of  government  within  her 
limits.  It  is  also  more  than  probable  that  the  heated  political  de- 
bates during  the  election  campaign  of  1860  led  Governor  Reynolds 
from  step  to  step,  as  it  did  so  many  others,  until  sentiments  of  local 
patriotism,"  pride  and  falsely  conceived  honor  made  it  impossible  for 
him  to  retrace  his  steps.  How  bitter  the  political  controversies  of  pre- 
ceding days  were  may  be  judged  by  the  fact  that  in  consequence  of 
them  Reynolds  fought  two  duels  with  B.  Gratz  Borwn.  in  the  second 
of  which  the  latter  was  wounded. 

Measures  hostile  to  St.  Louis  and  the  Union  were  now  rushed 
through  at  Jefferson  City.  Bills  were  introduced  for  the  call  of  a 
State  Convention,  which  was  to  consider  the  relations  between  Mis- 
souri, the  Union  and  the  different  State-  of  the  Union  and  for  the 
vindication  of  Missouri's  State  sovereignty  and  the  protection  of  her 
institutions.  There  were  al.-o  acts  introduced  to  arm  and  equip  the 
Militia:  to  curtail  the  powers  of  the  Mayor  of  St.  Louis;  to  increa.-e 
the  powers  of  the  Governor;  to  create  a  new  Police  Board  for  the  city, 
which  the  Governor  was  to  appoint.  Of  the  tendency  of  these  bills 
Thomas  S.  Snead,  himself  a  Secessionist  and  Secretary  of  Governor 
Jackson,  in  his  eminent  work.  "A  Fight  for  Missouri."  says: 

"The  prompt  and  almost  unanimous  favor  with  which  the  General 
Assembly  received  these  measures,  shows  the  strength  of  the  feeling 
which  was  then  forcing  Missouri  onward  towards  Secession.  To  the 
casual  observer  it  seemed  to  be  irresistible,  and  the  Southern  Rights  People 
were  exultant,  and  even  defiant." 


139 

The  Military  hill  introduced  by  Monroe  Parsons  January  5,  appro- 
priated t<>  the  disposal  of  the  Governor  $150,000;  it  placed  the  whole 
population  of  the  State  at  his  mercy:  it  punished  disrespectful  lan- 
guage towards  Governor  or  Legislature  and  superseded  the  allegiance 
to  the  Federal  Government.  The  Militia  law  passed,  gave  the  Gov- 
ernor all  power:  the  money  of  the  schools,  the  Blind  and  Insane  Asy- 
lum were  diverted  to  pay  the  expenses  of  the  Militia.  It  was  prohib- 
ited to  teach  slaves  to  read  or  write,  and  running  away  slaves  was 
punished  by  death.  To  popularize  this  last  measure  the  same  penalty 
was  decreed  tor  horse  stealing. 

In  consideration  of  a  larger  tixed  contribution  to  the  Democratic 
campaign  fund  the  Missouri  Legislature  passed  a  bill  which  made  it 
obligatory  that  all  legal  advertisements  and  notices  in  St.  Louis  Coun- 
ty (  which  at  that  time  included  the  city  of  St.  Louis)  should  be  made 
in  the  "State  .Journal."  published  by  Morit/  Niedner.  This  indirect 
extortion  of  money  from  the  public,  to  be  passed  temporarily  to  M. 
Niedner  in  order  to  be  squeezed  out  of  him  for  the  Democratic  cam- 
paign fund,  was  an  outrage,  and  as  all  St.  Louis  newspapers  lost 
through  the  same  valuable  advertisements,  their  ardor  in  denouncing 
the  measure  knew  no  bounds,  and  Niedner  for  a  time  at  least  was  the 
best-abused  man  in  St.  Louis  and  even  threatened  to  be  lynched.  His 
defense  that  he  was  only  a  printer  and  could  not  secure  the  publica- 
tion of  the  Legal  Record  without  submitting  to  the  extortion  was 
ignored  by  the  local  press.  This  indirect  corruption,  which  was  to 
furnish  the  sinews  of  war  for  the  Secession  campaign,  greatly  aided 
the  Union  cause  in  St.  Louis,  for  the  Legislature,  known  to  be  hostile 
to  the  Union,  added  injury  to  insult  by  curtailing  the  revenue  of  all 
newspapers. 

FFAKS  AND  DOUBTS  IN  ST.  LOUIS. 

Brigadier  <  ieneral  Frost  of  the  Missouri  State  militia,  issued  ofder 
No.  4  on  .January  <S.  which  commanded  all  troops  to  assemble  as  soon 
as  the  bells  of  the  churches  sound  continued  peals  with  five-minute 
intermission,  and  to  await  further  orders.  Archbishop  Kendrick,  an 
eminent  church  dignitary,  promptly  stopped  this  abuse  of  church 
bells  under  his  control.  The  measure  of  church  bells  was  of  doubtful 
utility,  for  it  would  have  roused  the  Union  men  and  organizations 
as  well  as  the  .Secessionists. 

The  measure  of  suddenly  assembling  the  State  Militia  through 
alarm  bells  was  believed  to  be  intended  for  the  capture  of  the  Arsenal. 


140  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

of  which  the  Confederate  writer,  J.  C.  Moore,  states:  "It  could  have 
been  taken  at  any  time  for  months  with  the  tacit  consent  of  its  com- 
mandant if  the  State  authorities  had  possessed  the  courage  to  take  it." 
"Volunteers  were  ready  to  act  at  an  hour's  notice." 

It  was  now  deemed  opportune  in  St.  Louis  to  neutralize  the  animos- 
ity which  the  last  presidential  campaign  had  created  between  Union 
Democrats  and  Republicans.  On  January  11  a  meeting  was  called  at 
Washington  Hall  for  the  organization  of  Union  clubs,  irrespective  of 
previous  party  affiliations.  This  helped  to  consolidate  the  Union  ele- 
ment to  some  extent,  and  by  bringing  the  men  in  different  localities 
more  in  contact  with  each  other  materially  aided  the  formation  of  the 
first  ten  Regiments  enlisting  in  the  United  States  service. 

Another  Union  meeting  was  called  for  January  12  by  N.  Paschal, 
Hamilton  R.  Gamble.  James  E.  Yeatman  and  Robert  Campbell,  ask- 
ing among  other  things  for  the  protection  of  slave  property  by  the 
Federal  Government  and  threatening  that  "if  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment shall  fail  and  refuse  this  right  *  *  *  Missouri  will  share 
the  common  duties  and  common  dangers  of  the  South."  The  meet- 
ing also  took  strong  grounds  agains.t  coercion,  approved  the  Critten- 
den  Compromise  and  a  State  Convention  for  Missouri. 

This  meeting  represented  conservative  and  conditional  Union  men 
but  neither  the  mass  of  Republicans  nor  the  active  working  Union 
men  of  St.  Louis,  who  were  warned  by  posters  not  to  participate  in 
this  conservative  move.  The  "St.  Louis  Republic'''  strongly  advocated 
a  similar  conservative  policy  in  its  issue  of  January  14,  stating  that 
six  States  had  already  seceded,  and  one-half  of  the  others  would  resist 
a  policy  of  coercion,  and  Kentucky  and  Tennessee  would  again  be- 
come the  "Dark  and  Bloody  Ground." 

A  Bill  calling  a  Convention  of  the  State  of  Missouri  passed  both 
houses  of  the  Legislature,  with  only  20  dissenting  votes,  and  the  date 
for  the  election  of  members  to  the  Convention  was  set  for  February 
18.  Besides  this,  another  care  beset  the  minds  of  the  Union  people  in 
whose  eyes  General  Harney's  loyalty  was  an  unknown  quantity  and 
beyond  their  mental  computation ;  another  circumstance  greatly  ag- 
gravated the  situation,  namely,  the  commander  of  the  Arsenal,  which 
held  60,000  stand  of  arms,  large  quantities  of  ammunition  and  war 
material,  was  at  that  time  William  H.  Bell,  from  North  Carolina,  a 
man  known  to  have  strong  Southern  sympathies.  Matters  looked 
very  unsafe  in  and  around  St.  Louis,  and  induced  Isaac  H.  Sturgeon, 
United  States  Assistant  Treasurer,  to  write  to  President  Buchanan 


Missouri  Events.  141 

that  "both  parties  had  their  eyes  fixed  upon  those  two  points,"  mean- 
ing the  Arsenal  and  the  Subtreasury  with  $400,000  cash  in  its  vaults. 
Sturgeon  suggested  to  the  President  to  concentrate  troops  at  the  Ar- 
senal tor  the  protection  of  the  property  in  both  places.  In  response 
to  this  General  Scott  wired  on  February  13  to  Harney :  "Have  you 
in  St.  Louis  Arsenal  troops  enough  to  defend  it?  Ought  you  not  send 
up  all  the  men  from  Jefferson  Barracks?"  to  which  Harney  answered: 

"The  Secession  party  is  in  a  minority  in  St.  Louis,  and  there  is 
every  reason  to  suppose,  that  in  the  event  of  a  movement  from  any 
quarter  upon  the  Arsenal,  its  garrisons  would  be  promptly  succored 
by  an  overwhelming  force  from  the  city."  General  Scott  neverthe- 
less ordered  fifty  men  to  St.  Louis  to  be  placed  by  the  Department 
Commander  at  the  disposal  of  the  Assistant  Treasurer.  The  men 
were  stationed  at  the  Custom  House,  until  the  treasure  was  removed. 
This  transaction '  created  an  immense  excitement  in  the  city  and 
gathered  great  crowds  on  the  streets:  which,  however,  is  not  unusual 
even  on  very  trivial  occasions.  Governor  Jackson  called  the  atten- 
tion of  the  General  Assembly  to  the  event,  and  Senator  Parsons 
vindicated  the  honor  of  Missouri  by  offering  the  following  resolution : 
"That  we  view  the  act  of  the  Administration  as  insulting  to  the 
dignity  and  patriotism  of  the  State,  and  calculated  to  arouse  sus- 
picion and  distrust  on  the  part  of  her  people  towards  the  Federal 
Govern  ment.': 

"Resolved,  That  the  Governor  be  requested  to  inquire  of  the  Presi- 
dent, what  had  induced  him  to  place  the  property  of  the  United 
States  within  the  State,  in  charge  of  an  armed  Federal  force."  With 
due  recollection  and  appreciation  of  the  recent  seizure  of  the  Sub- 
Treasury  at  New  Orleans,  the  inquiry  was  dropped.  Strangely 
enough  the  argument  was  used  later,  that  this  apparent  distrust 
of  the  Federal  authorities  advanced  the  Secession  disposition  in  Mis- 
souri, while  it  would  appear  that  the  inducement  for  Secession  could 
not  possibly  be  increased  by  the  removal  of  these  funds,  which 
lessened  the  opportunities  to  secure  the  sinews  of  war. 

While  these  measures  were  carried  out,  the  overcharged  imagina- 
tion of  some  "Fire-eaters"  urged  Governor  Jackson  to  "do  and  dare" 
and  take  the  Arsenal  with  its  60,000  stand  of  arms,  great  store  of 
powder  and  Avar  material.  Governor  Jackson  wisely  thought  "discre-' 
tion  the  better  part  of  valor"  and  deferred  an  attack  upon  the  Arsenal 
until  he  had  a  force  to  insure  success,  which,  however,  never  hap- 
pened. The  St.  Louis  Arsenal  could  be  defended  against  great  odds; 


142  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  18<>  I . 

it-  main  strength,  however,  was  its  location,  surrounded  by  a  loyal 
population.  The  St.  Louis  ward  lines  run  at  that  time  from  the 
river  west  to  the  city  limits,  the  numbers  commencing  at  the  south 
end  with  the  First  Ward.  The  wards  south  of  Market  street,  peo- 
pled mainly  by  Germans  and  other  immigrants,  were  so  strongly 
imbued  by  Union  sentiments,  that  besides  furnishing  the  bulk  of 
the  first  four  Volunteer  Regiments,  they  also  raised  three  Regiments 
of  Reserves  or  Home  Guards,  and  all  of  this  before  the  sun  set  on 
the  8th  of  May. 

In  January  and  February,  1861,  the  Arsenal  at  St.  Louis  was 
also  comparatively  safe,  because  actual  hostilities  against  the  Union 
had  not  commenced  and  the  Secessionists  of  Missouri  trusted  to  the 
State  Convention  to  give  them  a  kind  of  a  legal  standing  by  passing 
a  Secession  Ordinance;  besides  this  they  relied  upon  the  State  Rights 
proclivities  of  Major  Bell,  the  Commander  of  the  Arsenal,  as  the 
following  highly  interesting  letter  of  General  D.  M.  Frost  shows: 

A  TELL  TALE  LETTER. 

"ST.  Louis.  January  24.  1861. 
"To  C.  T.  JACKSON,  Governor  of  Missouri: 

"Dear  Sir — I  have  just  returned  from  the  Arsenal,  where  I  have  had 
an  interview  with  Major  Bell,  the  commanding  officer  of  that  place.  I 
found  the  Major  everything  that  you  or  I  could  desire.  He  assured  me  that 
he  considered  that  Missouri  had,  whenever  the  time  came,  a  right  to  claim 
it  as  being  on  her  soil.  He  asserted  his  determination  to  defend  it  against 
any  and  all  irresponsible  mobs,  come  from  whence  they  might,  but  at  the 
same  time  gave  me  to  understand  that  he  would  not  attempt  any  defense 
against  the  proper  State  authorities. 

"He  promised  me,  upon  the  honor  of  an  officer  and  a  gentleman,  that  he 
would  not  suffer  any  arms  to  be  removed  from  the  place  without  first 
giving  me  timely  information,  and  I,  in  return,  promised  him  that  I  would 
use  all  the  force  at  my  command  to  prevent  him  being  annoyed  by  irrespon- 
sible persons. 

"I  at  the  same  time  gave  him  notice  that  if  affairs  assumed  so  threaten- 
ing a  character  as  to  render  it  unsafe,  to  leave  the  place  in  its  compara- 
tively unprotected  condition,  that  I  might  come  down  and  quarter  a  proper 
force  there,  to  protect  it  from  the  assaults  of  any  persons  whatsoever,  to 
which  he  assented.  In  a  word,  the  Major  is  with  us,  where  he  ought  to  be, 
for  all  his  worldly  wealth  lies  here  in  St.  Louis  (and  it  is  very  large);  and 
then,  again,  his  sympathies  are  with  us. 

"I  shall  therefore  rest  perfectly  easy  and  use  all  my  influence  to  stop 
the  sensationists  from  attracting  the  particular  attention  of  the  Govern- 
ment to  this  particular  spot.  The  telegrams  you  received  were  the  sheerest 
"canards"  of  persons  who,  without  discretion,  are  extremely  anxious  to 


i  I',  i  <  nt*.  \4->> 

show  their  zeal.  I  shall  be  thoroughly  prepared  with  the  proper  force,  to 
act  as  emergency  may  require.  The  use  of  force  will  only  be  resorted  to 
when  nothing  else  will  avail,  to  prevent  the  shipment  or  removal  of  arms. 
The  Major  informed  me  that  he  had  arms  for  40,000  men,  with  all  the  ap- 
pliances to  manufacture  munitions  of  almost  every  kind. 

"This  Arsenal,  if  properly  looked  after,  will  be  everything  to  our  State, 
and  I  intend  to  look  after  It,  very  quietly,  however.  I  have  every  con- 
fidence in  the  word  of  honor  pledged  to  me  by  the  Major,  and  would  as  soon 
think  of  doubting  the  oath  of  the  best  man  in  the  community. 

"His  idea  is  that  it  would  be  disgraceful  to  him  as  a  military  man  to 
surrender  to  a  mob,  whilst  he  could  do  so,  without  compromising  his  dig- 
nity to  the  State  authorities.  Of  course.  I  did  not  show  him  your  order, 
but  I  informed  him  that  you  authorized  me  to  act  as  I  might  think  proper, 
to  protect  the  public  property.  He  desired  that  I  would  not  divulge  his 
peculiar  views,  which  I  promised  not  to  do,  except  to  yourself.  I  beg, 
therefore,  that  you  will  say  nothing  that  might  compromise  him  eventually 
with  the  General  Government,  for  thereby  I  would  be  placed  in  an  awkward 
position,  while  he  probably  would  be  removed,  which  would  be  unpleasant 
to  our  interests.  .  .  .  McLaren  and  George  made  the  mistake  of  tele- 
graphing a  falsehood  to  you. 

"I  should  be  pleased  to  hear  whether  you  approve  of  the  course  I  have 
adopted,  and  if  not.  I  am  ready  to  take  any  other  that  you,  as  my  com- 
mander, may  suggest.  I  am,  etc., 

D.  M.  PROS  i.' 


(Jeneral  D.  M.  Frost.  born  in  New  York  in  1<S'J.">.  graduated  at 
\Ve-t  Point  in  1.S44:  took  part  in  the  Mexican  war  and  wa-  ln-eveied 
Fir-t  Lieutenant  by  General  Ilarney  after  the  Battle  of  Cerro  Gordo. 
His  connections  in  St.  Louis  were  with  Southern  families,  and  he 
roigned  his  coi  .....  ission  in  the  army  already  in  1853;  he  wa>  a 
member  of  the  Missouri  Legislature  and  became  General  of  the 
Brigade  .-ent  to  the  Southwest  frontier,  ostensibly  to  protect  Mis- 
sonrians  from  an  invasion  of  Kansas  people  under  Captain  Mont- 
gomery. Front's  Brigade  comprised  Infantry.  Cavalry  and  Artillery, 
and  numbered  near  l)0(l  men.  which  was  less  than  one-third  of 
its  full  complement,  hut  which  in  case  of  an  emergency,  could  have 
been  recruited  up  on  short  notice.  It  is  dim'cult  to  understand  the 
whole  course  of  General  Frost.  Born  and  educated  in  a  Northern 
State,  of  independent  fortune,  his  Missouri  Southern  connections  led 
him  to  espouse  the  cause  of  Secession:  no  doubt  that  wounded  pride. 
on  account  of  the  surrender  of  Camp  Jackson,  affected  his  course: 
after  being  exchanged,  he  immediately  joined  the  Confederate  serv- 
ice. but  left  this  already  in  1863  and  went  to  Canada.  His.  also,  was 
one  of  those  cases  where  sentiment  obliterated  sound  judgment.  T. 
S.  Snead  states  that  General  Frost  made  the  necessity  of  seizing  the 


144  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

Arsenal,  manifest  to  the  Governor,  ''and  was  by  him  authorized  to 
seize  the  Arsenal,"  whenever  the  occasion  might  require  such  de- 
cisive action ;  and  thereby  proves,  that  those  who  anticipated  such  a 
probable  event,  showed  eminent  good  sense.  It  also  proves  that  the 
State  authorities,  made  plans  for  the  seizure  of  the  Arsenal  as  early 
as  January,  1861. 

Colonel  Broadhead  in  a  short  treatise  upon  the  war  in  St.  Louis 
quotes  an  interview  of  Governor  Jackson  with  Isaac  H.  Sturgeon. 
President  of  the  North  Missouri  Railroad,  at  the  latter's  office,  in 
which  Jackson  said:  "That  if  his  advice  had  been  taken,  the  Ar- 
senal would  have  been  seized,  when  he  could  have  walked  in  with 
ten  armed  men  and  taken  it,  as  it  had  no  protection ;  but  to  do  so  now 
would  cost  the  lives  of  great  many  men,  and  the  probable  destruction 
of  the  city."  These  sentiments  do  not  tally  with  the  expressions 
of  General  Frost  in  his  letter  to  the  Governor,  of  January  26th,  and 
the  most  charitable  construction  that  can  be  placed  upon  this  in- 
cident, is,  that  the  Governor's  mind  was  unsettled,  for  his  subse- 
quent behavior  did  not  bear  out  his  above  quoted  expressions.  All 
subsequent  professions  of  pacific  intentions  uttered  by  Governor 
Jackson  or  General  Frost  must  appear  in  the  light  of  being  at  first 
a  veil  and  later  on  a  palliation  of  "constructive  treason"  to  the  United 
States.  On  the  same  day  on  which  General  Frost  wrote  to  Governor 
Jackson  a  telegram  was  sent  from  Washington  to  the  New  York 
Evening  Post,  stating  that  General  Scott  had  information  of  a  plot 
for  the  seizure  of  the  St.  Louis  Arsenal ;  was  this  caused  by  General 
Frost's  visit  to  the  Arsenal?  So  much  is  certain,  that  this  informa- 
tion and  the  earnest  and  repeated  demands  of  Frank  P.  Blair  and 
other  decided  Union  men,  at  last  prevailed  upon  the  administra- 
tion at  Washington.  Major  Bell  was  superseded  in  command  of 
the  Arsenal  by  Major  Hagner.  This  frustrated  all  chances  of  a 
peaceful  occupation  of  the  U.  S.  Arsenal  by  Secessionists  in  the 
guise  of  State  Militia. 

On  January  26  Captain  Sweeney  was  ordered  from  Jefferson  Bar- 
racks, to  take  command  of  the  troops  at  the  Arsenal ;  but  Major  Hag- 
ner remained  Commander  of  the  Arsenal,  and  was  his  superior  offi- 
cer, and  while  Sweeney  had  the  de  facto  power  to  assume  authority, 
he  could  do  so  only  at  the  risk  of  a  court  martial,  for  evidently  the 
final  authority  vested  in  Major  Hagner.  An  anecdote  reveals  the 
peculiar  service  relations  of  that  period.  An  old  fellow  officer  of 
Sweeney,  named  Croghan,  called  on  him  at  the  Arsenal,  revealed  his 


i  K  rents.  145 

ui ii form  and  rank  as  a  Confederate  field  oflicer  and  advised  Sweeney 
to  Lid  out  of  the  Arsenal,  because  he  said:  "We  intend  to  take  it." 
Sweeney  peremptorily  declared  he  would  blow  up  the  Arsenal  be- 
fore surrendering  it.  and  warned  Croghan  of  his  danger  of  being  in 
a  Confederate  uniform  at  the  Arsenal. 

Rumor,  which  a  Latin  poet  1,900  years  ago,  designated,  as  a  hor- 
ril»lc.  immense,  blind  monster,  was  now  as  ever  busily  at  work. 
Union  leaders  and  men  were  alarmed  and  cautioned  to  defend  the 
Arsenal  against  secretly  planned  attacks  by  the  Secessionist,  for 
which  even  specific  date.-  wen-  designated,  but  no  clearly  formulated 
plan  is  thus  far  on  record,  no  such  attack  was  ever  made  and  all 
such  schemes  appear  to  have  remained  in  the  embryo  condition 
of  mere  evil  intentions. 

THE  MISSOURI  STATE  CONVENTION. 

Towards  the  end  of  January,  a  number  of  Union  men  met  at  the 
Mercantile  Library  and  appointed  a  committee  to  propose  candi- 
dates for  the  State  Convention.  An  adjourned  meeting  at  Verandah 
Hall  adopted  the  following  ticket:  Ferd.  Meyer,  T.  T.  Gantt,  Dr. 
M.  L.  Linton,  H.  R.  Gamble,  Hudson  E.  Bridge,  John  F.  Long,  Sol. 
Smith.  J.  H.  Shakelford,  Uriel  Wright,  Samuel  Breckenridge,  Rob- 
ert Holmes.  Jas.  O.  Broadhead,  Isidore  Bush,  John  How,  Henry 
Hitchcock,  which  were  classified  as  seven  Douglas  Democrats,  four 
Lincoln  Republicans,  three  Union  men  from  the  Bell  and  Everett 
following,  and  one  was  not  classified.  Strong  Union  resolutions  in- 
dorsed these  candidates.  The  names  on  the  ticket  were  not  selected 
in  proportion  to  the  Union  vote  in  St.  Louis,  which  was  chiefly 
German,  and  in  its  great  majority  for  Lincoln,  but  the  object  was 
to  .-ecure  the  undecided  vote  and  the  favorable  result,  fully  justified 
the  selection. 

With  regard  to  the  political  complexion  as  far  as  the  voters  of  the 
whole  State  arc  concerned,  the  classification  of  T.  L.  Snead,  Secre- 
tary to  Governor  Jackson,  may  be  safely  assumed  as  reliable;  he 
states  that  the  Governor,  Lieutenant  Governor,  a  majority  of  the 
General  Assembly,  both  United  States  Senators,  Jas.  L.  Green  and 
Trust  en  Polk;  also  General  David  Atchison,  were  Secessionists  in  so 
far  that  they  would  have  Missouri  eventually  side  with  the  seceded 
States,  which,  in  their  opinion,  would  include  all  slaveholding 
States;  their  faction  represented  about  19  per  cent  of  the  voters.  He 
classifies  as  conditional  Union  men  :  H.  R.  Gamble,  A.  W.  Doniphan, 
10 


146  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

Jas.  R.  Collins,  W.  A.  Hall,  J.  S.  Ph.-l^..  Robert  SU-wait.  Su-rling 
Price,  N.  Paschall,  editor  of  the  St.  Louis  Republic,  and  states  that 
their  influence  was  chiefly  with  men  who  sympathized  with  the 
South,  but  saw  that  the  business  and  geographical  relations  made-  it 
the  interest  of  the  State  to  remain  with  the  Northern  States  in  the 
Union;  many  men  of  this  faction  had  still  a  latent  hope  for  a  com- 
promise. They  recruited  from  the  Douglas  and  Bell  men  and 
jointly  cast  about  71  per  cent  in  the  last  election.  The  unconditional 
Union  men  were  immigrants  from  Europe,  chiefly  (n-niiany.  with 
comparatively  few  Americans  from  the  Middle  and  Eastern  States 
and  mountaineers  from  the  border  States;  they  were  mostly  inhabi- 
tants of  cities  and  cast  only  10  per  cent  of  the  votes  at  the  last 
presidential  election.  However,  that  was  not  their  real  strength; 
for  in  the  interior  of  the  State,  great  many  did  not  vote  for  pruden- 
tial reasons,  others  voted  for  Douglas  believing  in  squatter  sover- 
eignty, and  again  others  for  Bell  on  general  principle  of  conserva- 
tion, indecision  and  doubt. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  Virginia  had  asked  all  States  to  >end 
Commissioners  to  Washington  for  a  Convention  on  February  4  to 
consider  and  if  practicable  to  agree  upon  some  suitable  adjustment 
between  the  North  and  the  South.  Although  Congress  treated  the 
proposition  with  indifference,  most  Northern  and  all  border  States. 
Tennessee  and  North  Carolina,  sent  delegates.  There  was  a  hope 
that  this  Peace  Convention  would  result  in  a  compromise,  for  abso- 
lute yielding  either  at  the  North  or  at  the  South  was  entirely 
out  of  the  question.  This  hope  was  used  to  great  advantage  by  the 
conditional  Union  men  during  the  campaign  for  the  election  of 
Convention  members.  The  brilliant  eloquence  of  James  S.  Rollins. 
himself  a  large  slaveholder,  a  Union  man,  though  opposed  to 
coercion ;  the  convincing  logic  of  W.  A.  Hall,  who  pointed  out  the 
hopeless  strategical  position  of  Missouri  as  a  Secession  State,  wedged 
in  between  the  three  energetic  and  blooming  Free  States  of  Illinois, 
Iowa  and  Kansas ;  the  uselessness  in  case  of  isolation  of  her  splendid 
communicational  means  of  the  greatest  navigable  river  net  of  the 
world ;  the  certainty  of  the  loss  of  all  slaves  in  case  of  Secession  and 
the  danger  to  the  families  and  possessions  of  the  seceders  in  the 
State;  all  these  were  so  weighty  that  they  largely  overcame  the  more 
sentimental  influence  of  derivation,  habit  and  past  association. 

The  members  of  the  Missouri  State  Convention  were  elected  on 
February  18,  upon  the  presumption  that  they  had  the  right  to 


'i   l\  rents.  147 

submit  a  Secession  Ordinance  to  the  voters  of  the  State.  It  is  a 
memorable  fact,  that  out  of  the  104  members  elected  for  the  Con- 
vention 81  were  born  in  Slave  States,  19  in  Free  States,  3  in  Ger- 
many ami  1  in  Ireland.  Contrary  to  the  anticipations  of  the  Gov- 
ernor, the  election  passed  off  quietly  and  resulted  in  a  great  Union 
victory.  In  St.  Louis  city  and  county,  the  Union  men  received  over 
5,000,  and  in  the  State  over  80,000  majority,  and  not  a  single 
avowed  Secessionist  was  elected.  This  was  a  terrible  defeat  for  the 
Governor  and  the  Secessionists  in  the  Legislature  and  a  damper 
on  their  military  schemes. 

As  far  as  ascertained  from  Oi)  members  of  the  Convention,  only 
27  were  under  and  ~'l  above  forty  years  of  age;  with  regard  to  the 
same  number.  .V2  were  lawyers  (!)  of  whom  had  been  judges),  26 
farmers,  11  merchants  and  "10  other  professions;  certainly  a  very 
conservative  body,  regarding  both  ;ige  and  occupation,  and  as  far 
as  experience  in  life  is  concerned  it  was  entitled  to  the  highest 
consideration.  \V.  L.  Webb,  a  Confederate  writer,  classified  the 
members  of  the  Missouri  State  Convention  as  52  unconditional 
Union  men  and  47  who  believed  in  Secession  under  circumstances 
of  sufficient  provocation:  but  with  regard  to  the  latter  number,  due 
allowance  must  be  made,  between  avowed  intention  and  practical 
execution,  winch  both  are  influenced  by  developing  circumstances, 
lie  this  as  it  may.  so  much  is  certain,  that  this  Convention  was  a 
very  strong  representative  body,  and  while  it  could  not  quite  save 
Missouri  from  the  ravages  of  civil  war,  it  imparted  a  knowledge 
of  the  true  interests  of  the  State,  which  kept  many  Missourians  from 
unnecessary  sacrifices.  The  thanks  of  the  State  are  due  to  all  its 
members,  even  to  those  whose  better  judgment  was  afterwards  over- 
come by  sentiment,  local  pride  and  chivalrous  notions  which  had  no 
solid  foundation  in  facts. 

LIST  OF  MEMBERS  OF  THE   STATE  CONVENTION  OF  MISSOURI, 

MARCH   31,   1861. 
Name.  Born.  Representing. 

Sterling  Price,  President Virginia Brunswick,  Chariton  Co. 

Sam  A.  Lowe,  Secretary Maryland Georgetown,  Pettis  Co. 

R.  A.  Campbell,  Asst.  Secretary..  .Missouri Bowling  Green,  Pike  Co. 

C.  P.  Anderson,  Doorkeeper Tennessee California. 

B.   W.  Grover,   Sergeant-at-Arms Ohio Warrensburg. 

And.  Monroe,  Chaplain Virginia.. Fayette. 

Allen,  J.  S Tennessee Bethany,  Harrison  Co. 

Bartlet,  Orson Virginia Bloomfleld,   Stoddard  Co. 


148  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

Name.  Born.  Representing. 

Bass,  L.  E Tennessee Ashland,  Boone  Co. 

Bast,  Geo.  Y Kentucky Rhineland,  Montgomery  Co. 

Birch,  Jas.  H Virginia Plattsburg,  Clinton  Co. 

Bogy,  Joseph Missouri St.  Mary,  St.  Genevieve  Co. 

Breckinridge,  Sam Kentucky St.  Louis. 

Broadhead,  Jas.  O Virginia St.  Louis. 

Bridge,  Hudson  E New  Hampshire St.  Louis. 

Brown,   R.  A Tennessee Cass  County. 

Bush,  Isidor  Bohemia ......St.  Louis. 

Calhoun,  Robert ^Ireland Callaway  County. 

Cayce,  Milton  P Virginia Farmington,  St.  Francis  Co. 

Chenault,  Jno.  R Kentucky Carthage,  Jasper  Co. 

Collier,  Sam Missouri Fredericktown,  Madison  Co. 

Comingo,  A Kentucky Independence. 

Crawford,    Robt.    W Virginia Mt.  Vernon,  Lawrence  Co. 

Doniphan,  A.  W Kentucky Liberty,  Clay  Co. 

Donnell,  R.   W North  Carolina St.  Joseph. 

Douglass,    Wm Virginia Boonville. 

Drake,  Chas Kentucky California. 

Dunn,  Geo.  W Kentucky Richmond. 

Eitzen,  Chas.  D Germany Hermann. 

Frayser,    Robt.    B Virginia St.  Charles  Co. 

Flood,  Jos :...Kentucky Callaway  County. 

Foster,  John   D Kentucky Kirksville. 

Gamble,  Hamilton  R '. Virginia St.  Louis. 

Gantt,  Thos.  T Dist.  Columbia St.  Louis. 

Givens,  N.  F Kentucky Clark  County. 

Gorin,    Hy.    M Kentucky Scotland   County. 

Gravely,   J.   J Virginia Cedar  County. 

Hall,  Willard  P Virginia St.  Joseph. 

Hall,  William  A Maine Randolph  County. 

Harbin,  A.  S North  Carolina Barry  County. 

Hatcher,  Robt.  A „ Virginia New  Madrid. 

Henderson,   John   B Virginia Pike  County. 

Hendrick,  Littleberry Virginia Springfield. 

Hill,  V.  B Kentucky Pulaski  County. 

Hitchcock,  Hy Alabama St.  Louis. 

Holmes,  Robt Pennsylvania St.  Louis. 

Holf,   John Kentucky Dent  County. 

Hough,   Harrison Kentucky... Mississippi  County. 

How,  John Pennsylvania St.  Louis. 

Howell,  Wm.  J Kentucky Monroe  County. 

Hudgins,  Prince  L Kentucky Andrew  County. 

Irwin,  Jos.  M Virginia Shelby  County. 

Isbell,  Z Virginia Osage  County. 

Jackson,  Wm Tennessee Putnam  County. 

Jameson,  Robt.   W Kentucky Webster  County. 

Johnson,  Jas.  W Virginia Bolivar. 


Missouri  Events.  149 

Name.  Born.  Representing. 

Kidd,  Christ.  G Kentucky Henry  County. 

Knott,  J.  Proctor Kentucky Jefferson  City. 

Leper,  Wm.  T Tennessee Wayne  County. 

Linton,   M.   L Kentucky St.  Louis. 

Long,  John  F Missouri St.  Louis. 

Marmaduke,    Vincent Missouri Saline  County. 

Marvin,  Asa  C New  Hampshire Henry  County. 

Matson,   Jas.   T Missouri Rails  County. 

Maupin,  A.  W Missouri Franklin  County. 

McClurg,  J.  W Missouri Linn  Creek. 

McCormack,  Jas.   R Missouri Perry  County. 

McDowell,  Nelson  Illinois  ^. Dade  County. 

McFerran,    Jas Maine Daviess  County. 

Meyer,    Ferdinand Prussia St.  Louis. 

Morrow,  W.  L Tennessee Dallas  County. 

Moss,  Jas.  H Missouri Clay  County. 

Noell,  Jas.  C Virginia Bellinger  County. 

Norton,  E.  H Kentucky Platte  City. 

Orr,  Sample  Tennessee Springfield. 

Phillips,  John  F Missouri Pettis  County. 

Pipkin,  Phil Tennessee Iron  County. 

Pomeroy,  Wm.  G New  York Crawford  County. 

Rankin,  Chas.  G Missouri Jefferson  County. 

Ray,  Robt.  D Kentucky Carrolton. 

Redd,  John  T Kentucky Palmyra. 

Ritchey,  M.  H Tennessee Newton  County. 

Ross,  Jas.  P Maryland Morgan  County. 

Rowland,  Fred North  Carolina Macon  City. 

Sawyer,  Sam  L New  Hampshire Lexington. 

Sayre,  E.  K New  Jersey Lewis  County. 

Scott,    Thomas Kentucky Tuscumbia. 

Shackelford,   Thomas Missouri Glasgow. 

Shackelford,  J.  H Kentucky St.  Louis  County. 

Sheehey,  Jas.  K Kentucky Independence. 

Smith,  Jacob Kentucky Linn  County. 

Smith,  Sol New  York St.  Louis. 

Stewart,  Robt  M™. New  York St.  Joseph. 

Tindall,  Jacob  T Kentucky Grundy  County. 

Turner,  W.  W Illinois Lebanon. 

Waller,  Jos.  G Virginia Warren  County. 

Watkins,  N.  W Kentucky Cape  Girardeau  County. 

Welch,  Aikman Missouri Warrensburg. 

Wilson,  Robt Virginia. St.  Joseph. 

Woodson,  Warren Virginia Columbia. 

Woolfolk,    Alex.   M Kentucky Chillicothe. 

Wright,  Uriel Virginia St.  Louis. 

Vanbuskirk,  Elery Ohio Holt  County. 

Zimmerman,  Geo Virginia New   Hope. 


150  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

The  members  of  the  Convention  met  at  Jefferson  City  on  February 
28th  and  organized,  by  all  members  taking  the  oath  of  office  to 
support  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  and  "of  the  State  of 
Mi-xiuri."  They  adopted  the  rules  of  a  previous  convention ;  elected, 
on  motion  of  Jas.  O.  Broadhead,  Gen.  Sterling  Price  permanent 
chairman ;  resolved  to  continue  their  sessions  at  St.  Louis,  and  made 
their  resolutions,  taken  thus  far  final,  by  laying  a  motion  for  recon- 
sideration on  the  table ;  this  latter  was  carried  by  a  vote  of  65  to  30, 
showing  the  ruling  tendency  of  the  convention.  After  this,  the  con- 
vention adjourned  to  St.  Louis,  into  an  atmosphere  more  favorable  to 
the  Union  cause.  Shortly  before,  on  Friday,  February  15th,  the 
Legislature  tried  to  tune  the  convention  by  passing  Mr.  Vest's  anti- 
coercion  bill,  which  emphatically  stated  that,  upon  the  invasion  of 
any  State,  "tlie  people  of  Missouri  will  instantly  rally  on  the  side  of 
their  Southern  brethren,  to  resist  the  invaders  at  all  hazards  and  to 
the  last  extremity."  This  resolution  may  to  some  extent  have  in- 
fluenced public  opinion,  but  had  no  binding  force  upon  any  one 
member  of  the  convention,  nor  its  decisions,  which  upon  the  ques- 
tions at  issue  were  the  supreme  law  of  the  State.  However,  events 
must  be  related  now  which  exercised  an  influence  upon  the  transac- 
tions of  the  convention. 

NATHANIEL  LYON. 

During  the  Kansas  troubles,  a  military  officer  stationed  in  that 
Territory  called  at  the  Mixxoiii-i  1)< moa-ut  ollicc.  to  settle  his  sub- 
scription. Daniel  M.  Houser,  one  of  the  proprietors,  met  him  and 
expressed  his  gratification  to  find  among  the  very  conservative  ele- 
ment of  the  army  an  officer  who  would  support  the  radical  tendency 
of  the  Missouri  Democrat,  to  which  remark  the  officer  replied  with 
great  earnestness:  "Every  possible  means  should  be  exhausted  be- 
fore another  Slave  State  is  admitted  into  the  Union."  This  man 
was  Captain  Nathaniel  Lyon.  When  it  became  evident  that  a 
change  in  the  command  at  the  St.  Louis  Arsenal  was  absolutely 
in -rosary,  D.  M.  Houser  suggested  to  a  conference  of  Union  men 
Captain  Lyon,  whose  appointment  wras  secured,  and  who  arrived  at 
the  St.  Louis  Arsenal  with  eighty  men,  Infantry,  not  as  a  stranger, 
but  as  a  well-known,  resolute,  uncompromising  Union  man  and  a 
Free  Soiler,  notwithstanding  that  he  had  been  a  Democrat,  favoring 
free  trade. 


E rents.  151 

Lynn  \\-a>  horn  .July  14.  1818,  at  Ashford,  Conn.;  graduated 
at  \Ve-t  Point  in  1S41  :  distinguished  himself  in  the  Mexican  War 
and  was  breveted  Captain  August.  1847,  and  afterwards  served  with 
distinction  against  the  Indians  in.  California.  The  picture  he  makes 
of  himself  at  the  time  is  highly  interesting:  "Growing  old,  but  not 
ashaint -d  of  it :  proud,  perhaps,  but  not  haughty;  prudent,  it  may  be, 
in  worldly  affairs,  yet  not  crafty  for  wealth;  desirous  enough  for 
fame,  but  not  infuriated  with  blind  ambition;  and  in  general,  taking 
the  world  as  it  comes,  enjoying  richly  its  many  blessings,  sympa- 
thixing  with  the  unfortunate,  and  laughing  with  the  indifference 
of  cool  philoHiphy  at  the  sore  disappointments  with  which  selfishness 
and  cupidity  are  ever  torturing  their  victims." 

In  1X.VJ  Lyon  was  a  Democrat  and  a  supporter  of  Franklin  Pierce, 
and.  while  on  leave,  spoke  in  favor  of  his  election.  While  at  Wash- 
ington he  took  great  interest  in  the  debates  of  Congress  upon  the 
Kansa>-Nehra>ka  issue,  and  these  debates  crystalized  his  opinion  and 
strongly  enlisted  his  sympathies  in  favor  of  the  oppressed  race.  Sent 
to  Kort  Kiley  in  ls.~i4.  during  the  animated  discussion  sprung  upon 
('onuie--  by  the  Kansas  and  Nebraska  Act,  he  espoused  the  cause  of 
tin  Kivc  Soil  party  with  all  the  fervor  of  an  earnest  soul.  A  few 
extracts  from  his  letters  will  show  his"  disposition.  He  writes  on 
March  2d,  1855:  "It  is  fully  apprehended  that  the  aggressions 
of  the  pro-Slavery  men  will  not  be  checked  till  a  lesson  has  been 
taught  them  in  letters  of  fire  and  blood."  In  December  of  the  same 
year  Lyon  writes:  "I  have  seen  so  much  of  the  overbearing  domina- 
tion of  the  pro-Slavery  people  in  Kansas  toward  the  Free  State  men, 
that  I  am  persuaded  that  the  latter  have  either  to  fight  in  self-de- 
fen -e  or  Mibmit  ignobly  to  the  demands  of  their  aggressors."  .  .  . 
"I  despair  of  living  peaceably  with  our  Southern  brethren,  without 
ma  king  disgraceful  concessions,  but  rest  assured  that  this  will  not 
always  he.  and  in  this  view  I  foresee  ultimate  sectional  strife,  which 
I  do  not  care  to  delay."  In  another  letter  he  names  Jefferson  Davis, 
at  the  time  Secretary  of  War,  a  heartless  villain. 

The  partiality  of  Buchanan's  administration  for  the  pro-Slavery 
party  in  Kansas  disgusted  Lyon  to  an  extent  that  he  seriously 
considered  his  resignation  from  the  army  rather  than  to  enforce 
the  laws  of  the  United  States  in  Kansas,  arguing  that  he  "could  not 
submit  to  the  self-debasement  and  humiliation  of  being  employed  as 
a  tool  in  the  hands  of  evil  rulers  for  the  accomplishment  of  evil 
end-. 


152  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

Lyon  writes  from  Fort  Scott,  to  which  place  he  was  sent  by  Gen. 
Harney  to  head  off  Montgomery  with  the  aid  of  Frost's  Missouri 
Militia:  ''January  27th,  1861. — I  do  not  consider  troops  at  all  nec- 
essary here,  and  should  much  prefer  to  be  employed  in  the  legitimate 
and  appropriate  service  of  contributing  to  stay  the  idiotic  fratricidal 
hands  now  at  work  to  destroy  our  Government.  ...  It  is  no 
longer  useful  to  appeal  to  reason,  but  to  the  sword,  and  trifle  no 
longer  in  senseless  wrangling.  I  shall  not  hesitate  to  rejoice  at  the 
triumph  of  my  principles,  though  this  triumph  may  involve  an 
issue  in  which  I  certainly  expect  to  expose  and  very  likely  shall  lose 
my  life.  I  would  a  thousand  times  rather  incur  this  than  recall  the 
result  of  our  presidential  election.  We  shall  rejoice,  though,  in  mar- 
tyrdom if  need  be." 

It  was  an  "Ave  libertas,  moriturus  te  salutam"  (Hail  liberty! 
fated  to  die,  I  greet  thee!").  A  few  days  later  Lyon's  company  was 
ordered  to  St.  Louis. 

Snead  describes  Lyon  as  43  years  old,  less  than  medium  height, 
slender  and  angular,  with  abundant  sandy  hair,  reddish-brown 
beard,  deep-set  blue  eyes,  rough  and  homely  features,  and  weather- 
beaten  aspect;  while  Peckham  describes  Lyon's  disposition  serious, 
his  bearing  modest,  stature  slender  and  proportionally  well  built, 
with  large  forehead  spreading  above,  clear  deep-blue  eyes,  face  nar- 
row, hair  and  beard  sandy.  Both  descriptions  are  correct.  There 
may  be  added  to  them  that  Lyon's  features  had  a  thoughtful  and 
keen  cast  and  made  the  impression  of  a  nervous  disposition.  He 
was  a  diligent  student  of  classical  literature  and  history,  and  an  ad- 
mirer of  the  deeds  of  great  men.  Personal  experience  and  past  events 
shaped  Lyon's  convictions,  which  were  to  serve  the  highest  aims  of 
humanity.  For  him  the  flag  of  the  United  States  was  the  symbol 
of  that  tendency,  and  his  determination  was  that  it  should  wave  in 
triumph  over  the  North  American  Continent.  How  clear  Lyon's 
mind  was  upon  the  great  issues  of  the  day,  his  own  words  show: 
"I  do  not  see  how  war  is  to  be  avoided.  Under  quack  management 
it  may  be  long  and  bloody;  yet  I  have  no  apprehension  about  the 
final  triumph  of  Almighty  Truth,  though  at  the  cost  of  many  un- 
necessary sacrifices.  I  would  rather  see  the  country  lighted  up  with 
flames,  from  its  center  to  its  remotest  borders,  than  that  the  great 
rights  and  hopes  of  the  human  race  should  expire  before  the  arro- 
gance of  the  Secessionists.  Of  this,  however,  there  is  no  danger. 


NATHANIEL   LYON. 
Captain  U.  S.  A.,  Brigadier-General  of  Volunteers. 


Missouri  Events.  153 

They  (the  Soceaaiaaigte)  are  at  war  with  nature  and  the  human 
1 1 cart,  and  cannot  succeed." 

Arrived  at  St.  Louis  Arsenal  February  6th,  1861,  Lyon  asserted 
his  right  to  command,  being  an  older  Captain  than  Hagner.  The 
latter  was  su.Maiued,  however,  by  Harney  and  the  President,  because 
Hagner  had  been  breveted  Major.  It  was  said  that  Lyon  made  the 
claim  because  he  distrusted  Hagner,  who  associated  with  Southern 
sympathizers,  and  whose  wife  was  a  slave-holder's  daughter.  Lyon 
certainly  was  convinced  of  the  justice  of  his  own  claim,  or  he 
never  would  have  made  it.  He  established  the  closest  relations  with 
Blair  and  other  influential  Union  men,  who  said  that  he  had  been 
sent  to  them,  as  it  were,  by  Providence."  His  clear  intellect  and 
great  energy  mastered  all  phases  of  the  local  situation.  A  life- 
long officer  of  the  regular  army,  with  its  strict  discipline  and 
punctilious  system  of  order,  it  was  no  easy  task  to  be  called  to  the 
head  of  many  organizations  of  a  heterogeneous  nature,  which  on  all 
sides  were  rapidly  springing  into  life;  nor  could  he  have  done  it 
without  the  efficient  aid  of  many  able,  experienced  and  cultured  men 
of  St.  Louis,  nor  without  the  devotion  of  the  Union  population,  which 
stands  without  a  parallel  in  the  annals  of  our  History. 

On  February  16th  the  garrison  at  the  Arsenal  was  reinforced  by 
203  men,  to  which,  a  few  days  later,  102  were  added,  bringing  the 
force  stationed  there  to  484  men.  Harney  had  reported  East 
that  there  never  was  a  danger  of  an  attack  upon  the  Arsenal,  and  if 
an  attack  should  be  made,  the  garrison  would  be  promptly  rescued 
by  an  overwhelming  force  from  the  city.  This  latter  conclusion 
of  Harney  was  correct,  but  not  the  premises,  for  the  Secessionists 
certainly  had  the  intention  and  would  have  improved  any  chance 
to  capture  the  Arsenal,  but  great  vigilance  prevented  such  a  chance, 
and  the  vote  on  members  of  the  Missouri  State  Convention  on  Feb- 
ruary 18th,  defeating  every  Secession  candidate,  destroyed  all  hope 
of  support  from  the  irresolute,  noncommittal  portion  of  the  com- 
munity, which  at  best  was  an  unknown  quantity.  The  vote  on  the 
Convention  members  had  a  depressing  influence  upon  the  Seces- 
sionists, but  neither  they  nor  the  Union  men  did  for  a  moment 
relent  in  their  efforts  to  prepare  by  all  possible  means  for  the  coming 
conflict. 

To  remedy  the  unsatisfactory  condition  of  affairs  at  the  Arsenal, 
F.  P.  Blair  went  to  Washington,  stopping  off  on  his  way  at  Spring- 


154  The  Union  ('nnse  in  St.  Louis  in  1801. 

field,  Illinois,  to  see  the  incoming  President.  Lyon  wrote  to  Blair 
on  February  '_Mth  a  long  letter,  specifying  all  grievances,  which. 
among  other  things,  is  also  memorable  for  the  latitude  of  expression 
which  an  American  officer  used  about  his  superior  officer.  Part  of 
the  words  referred  to  are:  ''The  announcement  of  General  Scott 
that  the  command  belongs  to  Major  Hagner,  is  his  own  decision 
and  done  in  his  usual  sordid  spirit  of  partisanship  and  favoritism 
to  pets  and  personal  associates  and  toadies.''  Lyon  states  in  this 
letter  that  the  fine  stone  wall  surrounding  the  Arsenal  should  be 
used  for  defense  by  preparing  scaffoldings  from  which  to  fire,  hav- 
ing sand  bags  ready  to  protect  artillery  pieces,  which  would  sweep 
the  outside  faces  of  the  walls;  also  to  put  up  traverses  inside,  and 
place  a  batterv  to  clear  out  intruders  inside  the  walls:  further,  to 

IT  «-  *  7 

mine  the  buildings  for  blowing  them  up  if  they  could  not  be  de- 
fended ;  to  form  a  battery  towards  the  Mississippi,  or  Arsenal  Island, 
and  the  opposite  shore.  Major  Hagner  objected  to  all  these  prepara- 
tions, wanted  to  admit  the  enemy  unopposed  inside  the  wall,  and 
only  to  defend  the  main  buildings.  Captain  Lyon  in  his  letter 
designates  Hagner  s  plan  in  his  terse  diction:  "This  is  either  im- 
becility or  villainy."  He  ends  the  letter  with  the  words:  "If  I 
should  have  command,  I  would  have  no  trouble  to  arm  any  assisting 
party,  and  perhaps,  by  becoming  responsible  for  the  arms,  etc.,  I 
might  fit  out  the  Regiment  we  saw  in  the  garden  the  other  day;  but 
most  I  concern  myself  with  a  view  to  sustain  the  Government  here, 
and  trust  to  such  measures  as  may  be  found  available.  Yours  truly, 
X.  Lyon." 

Two  days  before  this  letter,  an  article  appeared  in  the  Missouri 
Democrat,  representing  the  defenses  of  the  Arsenal  much  stronger 
than  they  actually  were,  with  the  evident  intention  of  deterring 
^<  < ,  ssionists  from  attacking  the  same. 

A  few  days  later,  on  March  1st,  the  Commissioner  of  Georgia, 
Luther  J.  Glenn,  arrived  at  Jefferson  City  to  invite  Missouri  into 
the  Southern  Confederacy.  Notwithstanding  the  overwhelming 
I'll  ion  vote  of  the  State,  Governor  Jackson  introduced  him  to  a 
meeting,  and  reiterated  that  the  honor  of  Missouri  required  her  to 
stand  with  the  Confederate  States  and  to  join  them,  should  Lincoln 
make  war  on  the  South.  Both  Houses  invited  Mr.  Glenn  to  address 
the  members  of  the  Legislature,  but  his  speech  did  not  elicit  any 
specific  action  of  that  body.  Glenn  had  the  satisfaction  of  a  serenade 


Missouri  Event*.  155 

and  of  witnessing  that  some  members  of  the  Legislature  habitually 
saluted  a  Secession  flag,  which  was  hoisted  opposite  the  Post  Office. 
The  St.  Louis  State  Convention  met  at  the  St.  Louis  Mercantile 
Library  hall  on  March  4  and  organized  by  electing  Sterling  Price 
President,  with  75  out  of  99  votes.  On  May  :!  the  Minute  Men  raised 
the  flag  of  Missouri  on  the  Courthouse  dome,  which,  being  unauthor- 
ized, was  taken  down  by  the  Custodian.  The  same  parties  raised  a 
Secession  flag  on  Berthold's  building,  Fifth  and  Pine,  the  Minute 
Men's  Headquarters.  A  Union  flag  was  raised  on  the  opposite  build- 
ing by  Tony  Niederwieser,  his  brother  and  other  Union  men. 
Crowds  gathering  in  the  street,  commenced  to  cheer  their  respective 
flags,  and  a  chance  shot  might  have  precipitated  a  fearful  street 
fight :  but  passions  had  not  reached  that  fever  heat,  which  disregards 
all  danger  and  all  consequences.  The^  Union  men  in  the  street  were 
prevailed  upon  to  defer  action  to  a  more  propitious  time.  Rumor 
bron.uht  this  excitement  in  connection  with  a  very  improbable 
scheme  to  capture  the  Arsenal.  On  the  4th  of  March  the  spirit  of 
the  Secessionists  was  at  its  lowest  ebb;  their  number  was  too  small 
for  such  an  enterprise,  and  the  chances  could  not  be  improved  by 
starting  a  street  fight  two  and  one-half  miles  away. 


CHAPTER     V. 
THE   APPROACHING   STORM. 


DRIFTING  TOWARDS  WAR. 

In  the  meantime,  seizures  of  United  States  property  went  on 
lustily  in  the  South.  On  the  3d  of  January  Fort  Pulaski,  near 
Savannah;  on  the  4th,  the  Arsenal;  near  Mount  Vernon,  Alabama; 
on  the  5th,  Fort  Morgan  and  Gaines,  guarding  the  approaches  to 
Mobile;  on  the  6th,  the  Arsenal  at  Apalachicola ;  on  the  7th.  Fort 
Marion,  near  St.  Augustin,  was  seized1;  it  was  also  officially  stated 
that  Virginia  was  already  then  prepared  to  arm  25,000  troops.  A 
day  of  national  humiliation,  fasting  and  prayer  was  proclaimed  at 
Washington,  but  a  less  peaceful  spirit  prevailed  next  day  at  many 
places  in  the  North,  where  salutes  were  fired  in  approval  of  Major 
Anderson's  removal  to  Fort  Sumter,  which,  in  fact,  was  an  act  of  the 
plainest  military  duty.  Delegates  from  South  Carolina  now  called 
upon  President  Buchanan,  who  said  he  could  receive  them  only  as 
private  citizens,  and  also  informed  them  that  he  would  defend  Fort 
Sumter.  Upon  this  information,  the  delegation  of  private  citizens 
left  unceremoniously  for  home.  On  January  5  the  "Star  of  the  West" 
left  New  York  harbor  with  men  and  munitions  of  war  for  Fort  Sum- 
ter; the  same  day  the  Senators  from  Georgia,  Florida,  Alabama, 
Mississippi,  Louisiana,  Texas  and  Arkansas  met  at  Washington  and 
advised  their  States  to  .secede,  and  to  organize  a  Slave-holding  Con- 
federacy. This  action  was  incorrectly  attributed  to  the  President's 
answer  to  the  citizens  of  South  Carolina,  likewise  to  the  sailing  of 
the  "Star  of  the  West."  The  Senators,  as  part  of  the  Government, 
were  in  daily  and  direct  communication  with  the  President,  and  did 
not  need  any  outside  information.  It  may  be  taken  as  a  self-evident 
axiom  in  History  that  great  events  have  great  causes.  The  probability 
is  that  the  South  Carolina  delegation  was  sent  to  Washington  to 
hasten  the  call  for  the  Slave-holding  Confederation,  a  measure  which 
had  been  preconsidered  long  before. 

(156) 


The  Approaching  Storm.  157 

On  the  last  of  December,  an  anticoercion  resolution  was  tabled  in 
the  House  of  Congress  by  a  vote  of  98  to  55,  and  later  a  resolution 
was  passed,  approving  Major  Anderson's  removal  to  Fort  Sumter  and 
promising  support  to  the  President  for  all  his  constitutional  meas- 
ures for  the  preservation  of  the  Union.  A  bill  introduced  by  Bing- 
ham  of  Ohio  in  the  House,  empowering  the  President  to  transfer  the 
Collector's  office,  if  need  be,  on  board  of  a  war  vessel,  was  supported 
l»y  103  votes  against  62,  which,  not  being  the  two-third  vote  requisite 
under  the  rules,  had  to  lay  over  and  was  never  reached.  There  was 
no  use  in  President  Buchanan's  asking  Congress  to  enact  laws,  which 
would  give  him  power  to  perform  his  duty,  when  the  votes  of  his 
party  friends  and  Southern  sympathizers  could  block  such  legisla- 
tion. The  compromise  measures  still  pending  were  probably  the 
greatest  hindrance  to  energetic  action. 

In  times  of  general  excitement  men  may  be  led  to  odd  notions. 
Fernando  Wood,  Mayor  of  New  York,  stung  by  some  legislation 
which  curtailed  the  corporate  rights  of  New  York  City,  recom- 
mended to  the  Common  Council,  early  in  January,  to  consider  the 
advisability  of  seceding  from  the  State  and  the  Union.  As  he 
stated  himself,  this  step  may  not  be  necessary  if  the  Legislature  and 
Congress  will  bring  the  desired  relief  by  the  repeal  of  objectionable 
laws  and  the  restoration  of  corporate  rights.  It  is  not  recorded 
whether  the  steel-nerved  and  clear-headed  business  men  of  New 
York  only  smiled  at  this  odd  suggestion  or  laughed  outright.  This 
exceeded  even  the  dreams  of  those  political  visionaries  that  hinted  at 
the  possibility  of  a  separate  Northwestern,  Pacific  or  Western  Union, 
in  addition  to  the  Southern  Confederacy. 

When  the  "Star  of  the  West"  arrived  before  Charleston  harbor  it 
was  fired  upon  from  the  Batteries  of  the  Secessionists,  which  had 
been  erected  to  reduce  Fort  Sumter  and  to  defend  Charleston.  The 
surmise  that  the  mission  of  the  "Star  of  the  West"  had  precipitated 
the  war,  had  no  foundation  in  fact,  for  the  Cotton  States  were  bent 
on  Secession,  unless  the  principle  of  Slavery  extension  was  granted, 
and,  besides,  it  was  the  solemn  duty  of  the  President  to  maintain  the 
Arsenals  and  Forts  of  the  United  States  in  a  defensible  condition. 
Nor  was  it  very  material  who  commenced  hostilities;  for,  with  the 
disposition  of  the  people  of  both  sections  of  the  Union,  war  was 
inevitable.  The.  shot  fired  at  the  "Star  of  the  West"  was  only  the 
last  drop,  which  made  the  bucket  overflow.  The  response  from  the 


158  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  180 1 . 

North  came  quick,  in  accents  which  could  not  be  misunderstood. 
Already,  on  the  llth  of  January,  the  Legislature  of  New  York 
passed  a  preamble  recounting  all  treasonable  acts  in  the  Cotton 
States,  specifying  the  "firing  into  a  Government  vessel,  ordered  by 
the  Government  to  convey  troops  and  provisions  to  Fort  Sumu T." 
and  stating  that  by  this  act  "the  Cotton  States  virtually  declared 
\\-.\r."  The  Legislature  resolved  to  support  and  preserve  the  Union 
unimpaired,  and  closed  with  the  emphatic  words:  "Renewing  the 
pledge  given  and  redeemed  by  our  fathers,  we  are  ready  to  devote  our 
fortunes,  our  lives  and  our  sacred  honor  to  upholding  the  Union  and 
Constitution."  The  Legislatures  of  Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Illinois, 
Wisconsin,  and  Minnesota  passed  similar  resolutions,  and  Governor 
Andrews  of  Massachusetts  ordered  the  enrollment  of  all  militiamen 
to  be  ready  for  field  service,  on  the  call  of  the  President. 

In  the  meantime  the  disintegrating  process  went  on  in  the  South. 
January  0  Mississippi  and  on  the  10th  Florida  seceded  and  occupied 
the  barracks  at  Pensacola,  while  Lieutenant  Slemmer  transferred  the 
United  States  forces  from  the  mainland  to  Fort  Pickens.  On  the 
10th  the  Arsenal  at  Baton  Rouge,  and  on  the  llth  Fort  St.  Philip 
and  Fort  Jackson,  in  Louisiana,  were  seized,  and  the  same  day  Ala- 
bama seceded  and  invited  all  Slave-holding  States  to  send  delegates, 
to  meet  in  convention  February  4  at  Montgomery,  in  order  to  con- 
sider measures  for  their  common  peace  and  security.  On  January 
19  the  Legislature  of  Virginia  voted  one  million  dollars  for  arming 
and  equipping  the  Militia,  and  resolved :  "That  if  all  efforts  to  recon- 
cile the  differences  between  the  two  sections  of  4;he  country  should 
prove  abortive,  then  every  consideration  of  honor  and  interest 
demanded  that  Virginia  should  unite  her  destinies  with  those  of  her 
sister  Slave-holding  States."  About  the  same  time  both  the  Legis- 
latures of  Tennessee  and  Kentucky  passed  anti-coercion  resolutions 
and  threatened  to  resist  every  invasion  of  their  territory  made  by 
the  Federal  Army  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  the  seceded  States  in 
the  Union. 

ALEXANDER  STEPHENS'  GREAT  EFFORT. 

In  Georgia  the  example  of  the  seceding  States  was  sorely  felt.  Its 
leading  Statesman.  Alexander  Stephens,  was  opposed  to  all  hasty 
action,  and  stated  that  Secession  should  be  conditioned  on  President 
Lincoln's  actions,  or  on  the  repeal  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  law.  which 
could  not  take  place  before  the  new  Congress  assembled.  Stephens 


The  Approaching  Storm.      ^  159 

held  civil  war  the-greateM  curse  that  can  befall  a  free  people,  and 
pointed  at  improper  motive.-,  saying:  "Some  of  our  public  men 
have  failed  in  their  aspirations,  that  is  true,  and  from  that  comes 
a  ijreat  part  of  our  trouble,  but,  for  all  that,  he  would  say,  Georgia 
lirst  and  the  Union  next."  About  the  middle  of  January  he  made 
the  effort  of  his  life  befor.e  the  Georgia  State  Convention,  and  the 
strongest  and  ablest  armiinent  that  ever  was  made  against  Secession. 
This  speech,  more  than  any  other  circumstance,  proves  how  strong 
State  rights  patriotism,  and  love  for  accustomed  home  associations, 
must  have  l>een  in  the  South,  that,  notwithstanding  his  views  of  the 
madness  of  Secession.  Stephens  could  cling  to  his  native  State,  even 
in  its  folly,  and  dignify  what  he  knew  to  be  a  lost  cause  by  accepting 
the  Vice-  1'residei  icy  of  the  Confederate  States.  Shortly  before 
Stephen-  had  said:  "Our  institutions  constitute  the  basis,  the  matrix 
from  which  spring  all  our  characteristics,"  and  he  knew  that  the 
institution  of  Slavery  had  so  shaped  Southern  pride,  passion  and 
domineering  amhition:  knew  that  the  excitement  of  the  recent 
political  campaign  had  so  inflamed  Southern  sentiment  that  the 
people  there  would  not  even  listen  to,  far  less  consider,  the  wisest 
counsel.  And.  still.  Alexander  IT.  Stephens,  known  as  the  clearest 
head  of  the  South,  thought  it  his  duty  to  make  a  final  appeal  to 
the  Secession  of  Georgia,  and  thus  addressed  the  Convention  : 


"This  step  (Secession)  once  taken,  can  never  be  recalled;  and  all  the 
baleful  and  withering  consequences  that  must  follow,  will  rest  on  the  Con- 
vention for  all  coming  time.  When  we  and  our  posterity  shall  see  our  lovely 
South,  desolated  by  the  demon  of  war,  which  this  act  of  yours  will  inevitably 
invite  and  call  forth;  when  our  green  fields  of  waving  harvest  shall  be 
trodden  down  by  the  murderous  soldiery  and  fiery  car  of  war  sweeping  over 
our  land;  our  temples  of  justice  laid  in  ashes;  all  the  horrors  and  desolations 
of  war  upon  us;  who  but  this  Convention  will  be  held  responsible  for  it? 
and  who  but  him  who  shall  have  given  his  vote  for  this  unwise  and 
ill-timed  measure,  as  I  honestly  think  and  believe,  shall  be  held  to  strict 
account  for  this  suicidal  act  by  the  present  generation,  and  probably  cursed 
and  execrated  by  posterity  for  all  coming  time,  for  the  wide  and  desolating 
ruin  that  will  inevitably  follow  this  act  you  now  propose  to  perpetrate? 
Pause,  I  entreat  you,  and  consider  for  a  moment  what  reason  you  can 
give  that  will  even  satisfy  yourself  in  calmer  moments,  what  reasons  you 
can  give  to  your  fellow  sufferers,  in  the  calamity  that  it  will  bring  upon 
us.  What  reasons  can  you  give  to  the  nations  of  the  earth  to  justify  it? 
They  will  be  the  calm  and  deliberate  judges  in  the  case;  and  what  cause 
or  one  overt  act  can  you  name  or  print  on  which  to  rest  the  plea  of 
justification?  What  right  has  the  North  assailed?  What  interest  of  the 
South  has  been  invaded?  What  justice  has  been  denied?  and  what  claim 


160  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

founded  in  justice  and  right  has  been  withheld?  Can  either  of  you  today 
name  one  governmental  act  of  wrong,  deliberately  and  purposely  done  by  the 
Government  of  Washington  of  which  the  South  has  a  right  to  complain? 
I  challenge  the  answer.  While  on  the  other  hand,  let  me  show  the  facts 
(and  believe  me,  gentlemen,  I  am  not  here  the  advocate  of  the  North,  but 
I  am  here  the  friend,  the  firm  friend  and  lover  of  the  South  and  her  institu- 
tions, and  for  this  reason  I  speak  thus  plainly  and  faithfully  for  yours,  mine 
and  every  other  man's  interest,  the  words  of  truth  and  soberness)  of  which 
I  wish  you  to  judge,  and  I  will  only  state  facts  which  are  clear  and  unde- 
niable and  which  now  stand  as  records,  authentic,  in  the  History  of  our 
country.  When  we  of  the  South  demanded  the  Slave  trade,  or  the  importa- 
tion of  Africans  for  the  cultivation  of  our  lands,  did  they  not  yield  the 
right  for  twenty  years?  When  we  asked  a  three-fifths  representation  in 
Congress  for  our  slaves,  was  it  not  granted?  When  we  asked  and  demanded 
the  return  of  any  fugitive  from  justice,  or  the  recovery  of  those  persons 
owing  labor  or  allegiance,  was  it  not  incorporated  in  the  Constitution,  and 
again  ratified  and  strengthened  by  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  of  1850?  But  do 
you  reply  that  in  many  instances  they  have  violated  this  compact,  and  have 
not  been  faithful  to  their  engagements?  As  individual  and  local  communi- 
ties they  have  done  so,  but  not  by  the  sanction  of  Government;  for  that  has 
always  been  true  to  Southern  interests.  Again,  gentlemen,  look  at  another 
act:  when  we  have  asked  that  more  territory  should  be  added  that  we  might 
spread  the  institution  of  Slavery,  have  they  not  yielded  to  our  demands  in 
giving  us  Louisiana,  Florida  and  -Texas,  out  of  which  four  States  have  been 
carved,  and  ample  territory  for  four  more  to  be  added  in  due  time,  if  you 
by  this  unwise  and  impolitic  act  do  not  destroy  this  hope,  and,  perhaps,  by 
it  lose  all,  and  have  your  last  slave  wrenched  from  you  by  stern  military 
rule,  as  South  America  and  Mexico,  or  by  the  vindictive  decree  of  a  uni- 
versal emancipation,  which  may  reasonably  be  expected  to  follow? 

"But  again,  gentlemen,  what  have  we  to  gain  by  this  proposed  change  of 
our  relation  to  the  General  Government?  We  have  always  had  the  control 
of  it,  and  can  yet,  if  we  remain  in  it,  and  are  as  united  as  we  have  been. 
We  have  had  a  majority  of  the  Presidents  chosen  from  the  South,  as  well 
as  the  control  and  management  of  most  of  those  chosen  from  the  North. 
We  have  had  sixty  years  of  Southern  Presidents  to  their  twenty-four,  thus 
controlling  the  executive  department.  So  of  the  judges  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  we  have  had  eighteen  from  the  South,  and  but  eleven  from  the 
North;  although  nearly  three-fifths  of  the  judicial  business  has  arisen  in  the 
Free  States,  yet  a  majority  of  the  Court  had  always  been  from  the  South. 
This  we  have  required  so  as  to  guard  against  any  interpretation  of  the  Con- 
stitution unfavorable  to  us.  In  like  manner,  we  have  been  equally  watchful 
to  guard  our  interests  in  the  Legislative  branch  of  Government.  In  choos- 
ing the  presiding  Presidents  (pro  tern)  of  the  Senate,  we  have  had  twenty- 
four  to  their  eleven.  Speakers  of  the  House,  we  have  had  twenty-three  and 
they  twelve.  While  the  majority  of  the  Representatives,  from  their  greater 
population,  have  always  been  from  the  North,  yet  we  have  so  generally 
secured  the  Speaker,  because  he,  to  a  great  extent,  shapes  and  controls  the 
legislation  of  the  country.  Nor  have  we  had  less  control  in  every  other 


The  Approaching  Storm.  161 

department  of  the  General  Government.  Attorney-Generals  we  have  had 
fourteen,  while  the  North  had  but  five.  Foreign  Ministers  we  had  eighty- 
six,  and  they  but  fifty-four.  While  three-fourths  of  the  business  which  de- 
mands diplomatic  agents  abroad  is  clearly  from  the  Free  States,  from  their 
greater  commercial  interests,  yet  we  have  had  the  principal  embassies,  so 
as  to  secure  the  world  markets  for  our  cotton,  tobacco  and  sugar,  on  the 
best  possible  terms.  We  have  had  a  vast  majority  of  the  higher  offices  of 
both  army  and  navy,  while  a  larger  proportion  of  the  soldiers  and  sailors 
were  drawn  from  the  North.  Equally  so  of  clerks,  auditors  and  comptrollers, 
filling  the  executive  department,  the  records  show  for  the  last  fifty  years 
that  of  the  3,000  thus  employed  we  have  had  more  than  two-thirds  of  the 
same,  while  we  have  but  one-third  of  the  white  population  of  the  Republic. 

"Again,  look  at  another  item,  and  one,  be  assured,  in  which  we  have  a 
great  and  vital  interest;  it  is  that  of  revenue,  or  means  of  supporting 
Government.  From  official  documents,  we  learn  that  a  fraction  over  three- 
fourths  of  the  revenue  collected  for  the  support  of  Government  has  uni- 
formly been  raised  from  the  North. 

"Pause  now  while  you  can,  gentlemen,  and  contemplate  carefully  and 
candidly  these  important  items.  Look  at  another  necessary  branch  of 
the  Government  and  learn  from  stern  statistical  facts  how  matters  stand 
in  that  department.  I  mean  the  mail  and  post-office  privileges  that  we  now 
enjoy  under  the  General  Government,  as  it  has  been  for  years  past.  The 
expense  for  the  transportation  of  the  mail  in  the  Free  States  was,  by  the 
report  of  the  Postmaster  General  for  the  year  1860,  a  little  over  $13,000,000, 
while  the  income  was  $19,000,000.  But  in  the  Slave  States,  the  transporta- 
tion of  the  mail  was  $14,716,000,  while  the  revenue  from  the  same  was 
$8,001,026,  leaving  a  deficit  of  $6,704,974  to  be  supplied  by  the  North,  for  our 
accommodation,  and  without  it  we  must  have  been  entirely  cut  off  from 
this  most  essential  branch  of  Government. 

"Leaving  out  of  view  for  the  present  the  countless  millions  of  dollars 
you  must  expend  in  a  war  with  the  North,  with  tens  of  thousands  of  your 
sons  and  brothers  slain  in  battle  and  offered  up  as  sacrifices  upon  the  altar 
of  your  ambition — and  for  what?  we  ask  again.  Is  it  for  the  overthrow  of 
the  American  Government,  established  by  our  common  ancestry,  cemented 
and  built  up  by  their  sweat  and  blood,  and  founded  on  the  broad  principles 
of  Right,  Justice  and  Humanity?  And  as  such  I  must  declare  here,  as  I 
have  often  done  before,  and  which  has  been  repeated  by  the  greatest  and 
wises  of  statesmen  and  patriots  in  this  and  other  lands,  that  it  is  the  best 
and  freest  Government— the  most  equal  in  its  rights,  the  most  just  in  its 
decisions,  the  most  lenient  in  its  measures,  and  the  most  aspiring  in  its 
principles,  to  elevate  the  race  of  men  that  the  sun  of  heaven  ever  shone 
upon.  Now,  for  you  to  attempt  to  overthrow  such  a  Government  as  this, 
under  which  we  have  lived  for  more  than  three-quarters  of  a  century — in 
which  we  have  gained  our  wealth,  our  standing  as  a  nation,  our  domestic 
safety  while  the  elements  of  peril  are  around  us,  with  peace  and  tranquility 
accompanied  with  unbounded  prosperity  and  rights  unassailed — is  the  height 
of  madness,  folly,  and  wickedness,  to  which  I  can  neither  lend  my  sanction 
nor  my  vote." 
11 


162  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

It  was  all  in  vain.    Georgia  seceded  January  19,  1861. 

Of  the  means  used  to  bring  this  about  Colonel  T.  T.  Gantt.  a  Stale 
Rights  man  and  Democrat,  stated  in  the  Missouri  State  Convention : 
"Most  infamous  falsehoods  were  sent  over  the  telegraph  in  order  to 
precipitate  the  passage  of  the  act  of  Secession  by  the  Convention.  It 
was  reported,  through  the  telegraph,  that  the  Federal  Government 
had  sent  an  army  to  Charleston ;  that  operations  were  commenced 
by  the  bombardment  of  that  city;  that  old  men,  helpless  children 
and  women  were  being  slaughtered  by  the  hundreds;  that  the  city 
was  in  flames — all  by  an  act  of  a  tyrannous  Federal  executive." 

Had  Georgia  voted  dowrn  Secession,  probably  no  more  States  would 
have  followed  in  the  wake  of  South  Carolina,  and  the  leaves  of  His- 
tory would  have  recorded  less  heroism  and  more  compromises. 

Frail  man  must  bow  to  the  wisdom  which  governs  the  Universe, 
though  he  often  may  not  comprehend  it. 

As  early  as  January  11,  Governor  Pickens  demanded  from  Major 
Anderson  the  surrender  of  Fort  Sumter.  The  Major  reported  this 
to  Washington,  where  Southern  Senators  requested  the  President 
not  to  reinforce  Fort  Sumter.  To  these  Senators  the  President  inti- 
mated, through  the  Secretary  of  War,  J.  Holt,  that  no  hostile  action 
is  intended  by  him  towrards  the  State  of  South  Carolina,  and  that 
the  transfer  of  Major  Anderson's  Command  to  Fort  Sumter  was  for 
protection  of  United  States  property,  and  purely  a  defensive  measure, 
and  that,  when  needed,  Fort  Sumter  will  be  reinforced. 

On  the  last  day  of  January  Colonel  Hayne,  pursuant  instructions 
from  Charleston,  demanded  the  surrender  of  Fort  Sumter.  Presi- 
dent Buchanan  refused  to  comply  with  this  demand,  stating  that 
he  had  no  constitutional  warrant  for  such  action,  and  closed  his  reply 
with  the  words:  "If  the  authorities  of  that  State  (South  Carolina) 
shall  assault  Fort  Sumter  .  .  .  and  thus  plunge  our  common 
country  into  the  horrors  of  civil  war,  then,  upon  them  and  those 
they  represent,  must  rest  the  responsibility."  It  seems  President 
Buchanan,  could  have  made  short  work  of  the  civil  war  had  he  acted 
with  the  same  decision  as  President  Jackson  did  under  similar  cir- 
cumstances. 

THE  PEACE  CONFERENCE  AND  SCHEMES. 

The  same  day  on  which  the  Peace  Conference  called  by  the  State 
of  Virginia  met  at  Washington,  namely,  February  4,  the  delegates 


The  Ai>[irnin-]t',,Kj  Stm-in.  163 

of  the  seceded  States  also  met  at  Montgomery,  Alabama,  adopted  a 
few  days  later  a  provisional  Constitution,  and  elected  Jefferson  Davis 
President  and  Alexander  Stephens  Vice-President  of  the  Confederate 
States  of  America.  The  coincidence  of  these  dates  sounds  almost  like 
a  mockery  of  fate  at  the  exertions  of  men.  Commissioners  appeared 
to  the  Peace  Conference  from  the  Governors  or  Legislatures  of  thir- 
teen Northern  and  five  Border  States,  and  from  Tennessee  and  North 
Carolina,  but  none  from  the  States  further  South.  John  Tyler,  ex- 
President  of  the  United  States,  was  made  Chairman.  The  Confer- 
ence lasted  thirteen  days:  its  recommendations,  similar  to  the  Crit- 
temlen  resolutions,  were  of  little  practical  value,  for  both  the  House 
of  Reprer-entative.-  ami  the  Senate  rejected  them. 

The  Commissioners  which  the  Confederate  States  had  sent  to 
Washington  in  February,  to  treat  with  the  Federal  Government 
upon  the  establishment  of  friendly  relations,  met  a  similar  fate. 
Shortly  afterwards,  Jefferson  Davis  was  inaugurated,  and  called  out 
100,000  Volunteers  for  military  service;  anticipating  the  first  Union 
call  by  two  months  and  exceeding  it  by  25,000  men.  The  same  time, 
General  Twiggs,  at  San  Antonio,  Texas,  was  surrounded  by  General 
.MeCulloch  and  compelled  to  surrender,  also  in  Arkansas,  which  had 
not  yet  seceded,  the  Arsenal  and  Totten's  Battery  were  seized,  not- 
withstanding the  protest  of  the  citizens  of  Little  Rock.  All  over  the 
South,  military  organization  was  energetically  pushed,  and  on  March 
1  General  Beauregard  took  command  of  the  troops  at  Charleston. 

While  all  this  was  going  on  at  the  South  some  of  their  representa- 
tives in  the  United  States  Congress  and  Cabinet  held  to  their  offices 
with  the  avowed  purp<>-e  of  crippling  the  United  States  Government. 
Senator  D.  L.  Yulee  of  Florida  wrote  in  a  letter  dated  January  7, 
1861:  "By  remaining  in  our  places  until  the  4th  of  March,  it  is 
thought  we  can  keep  Mr.  Buchanan's  hands  tied  and  disable  the 
Republicans  from  effecting  any  legislation  which  will  strengthen  the 
hands  of  the  incoming  Administration."  Among  such  measures  was 
one  by  Jefferson  Davis,  who  stayed  in  the  United  States  Senate  till 
January  21,  obliging  the  President  to  withdraw  all  United  States 
forces,  upon  the  request  of  a  State  Legislature  or  Convention;  also 
one  to  authorize  a  State  to  keep  troops  and  a  navy.  Hunter  of  Vir- 
ginia offered  a  resolution  directing  the  President,  upon  the  reque-t 
of  a  State,  to  retrocede  jurisdiction.  The  same  offered  a  resolution 
to  suspend  the  laws  for  the  collection  of  Revenue  in  South  Carolina 


164  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

or  any  other  seceding  State;  he  also  offered  principles  of  adjustment, 
without  being  able  to  state  that  they  would  be  acceptable  to  his  own 
people.  The  most  characteristic  was  a  resolution  offered  February 
11  by  B.  Craigs  of  North  Carolina,  proposing  that  as  "South  Caro- 
lina, Florida,  Alabama,  Georgia,  Mississippi  and  Louisiana  have 
seceded  and  established  a  Government  under  the  name  of  the  Con- 
federacy of  the  United  States  South,"  that  "the  President  of  the 
United  States  is  required  to  acknowledge  the  independence  of  said 
Government  and  to  receive  Ambassadors  or  Commissioners  appointed 
by  it,  for  the  purpose  of  amicably  adjusting  the  matters."  This  was 
not  reported  back  from  the  Committee. 

Less  dangerous  than  these  machinations  were  some  meetings  of 
conservative  people  at  New  York  and  Boston ;  at  the  meeting  held  at 
Faneuil  Hall  even  Edward  Everett  advocated  a  peaceful  separation. 
These  meetings  had  hardly  any  effect  locally,  and  none  whatever  in 
the  Union. 

In  the  last  days  of  the  session  a  substitute  to  a  resolution  of  the 
Committee  of  Thirty-Three  was  offered  by  T.  Corwin :  Article  XII. 
"No  amendment  shall  be  made  to  the  Constitution  which  will 
authorize  Congress  to  interfere  with  Slavery."  This  passed  the 
House,  and  on  March  2  passed  the  Senate,  but  did  not  change  mat- 
ters in  the  least.  All  these  compromise  measures  were  supported 
by  the  conservative  Democrats  North  and  South;  they  were  at  best 
a  makeshift  for  a  short  period.  Republicans  were  opposed  to  con- 
cessions by  which  the  Secessionists  were  to  be  bribed  to  remain  loyal 
to  the  Union.  Lincoln  himself  condemned  such  a  policy,  as  his  own 
language,  quoted  in  the  New  York  Tribune,  January  30,  1861, 
proves:  "I  will  suffer  death  before  I  will  consent  or  advise  my 
friends  to  consent  to  any  concession  or  compromise  which  looks  like 
buying  the  privilege  of  taking  possession  of  the  Government  to 
which  we  have  a  constitutional  right." 

LINCOLN'S  JOURNEY  TO  WASHINGTON. 

Such  were  the  grave  circumstances  under  which  Lincoln  left 
Springfield,  111.,  on  February  11,  after  taking  a  pathetic  leave  from 
his  fellow-citizens.  On  his  journey  eastward  he  met  the  greatest 
enthusiasm  everywhere ;  at  Indianapolis  tjie  Legislature  adjourned  to 
greet  him  at  the  depot.  He  made  short  addresses  which  struck  sym- 
pathetic chords  of  the  people  at  Cincinnati,  Columbus,  Cleveland, 


The  Approaching  Storm.  165 

Buffalo,  Albany,  New  York  and  Harrisburg.  At  Philadelphia,  Lin- 
coln hoisted,  with  his  own  hands,  the  United  States  flag  over  Inde- 
pendence Hall  and  said,  as  if  his  spirit  was  dimmed  with  regard  to 
the  immediate,  yet  prophetically  clear  in  the  distant  future: 

"I  have  often  inquired  of  myself,  what  great  principle  or  idea  it  was  that 
kept  this  Confederacy  so  long  together.  It  was  not  the  mere  matter  of  the 
separation  of  the  colonies  from  the  mother  land:  but  that  sentiment  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  which  gave  liberty,  not  only  to  the  people  of 
this  country,  but  I  hope  to  the  world,  for  all  future  time.  It  was  that 
which  gave  promise,  that  in  due  time  the  weight  would  be  lifted  from 
the  shoulders  of  all  men.  This  was  a  sentiment  embodied  in  the  Declaration 
of  Independence.  Now,  my  friends,  can  this  country  be  saved  on  this 
basis?  If  it  can,  I  shall  consider  myself  one  of  the  happiest  men  in  the 
world  if  I  can  help  save  it.  If  it  can  not  be  saved  on  that  principle,  it  will 
be  truly  awful.  But  if  this  country  can  not  be  saved  without  giving  up 
that  principle,  I  was  about  to  say,  I  would  rather  be  assassinated  on  this 
spot  than  surrender  it.  Now,  in  my  view  of  the  present  aspect  of  affairs, 
there  need  be  no  bloodshed  or  war.  There  is  no  necessity  for  it.  I  am  not 
in  favor  of  such  a  course,  and  I  may  say,  in  advance,  that  there  will  be  no 
bloodshed  unless  it  be  forced  upon  the  Government,  and  then  it  will  be 
compelled  to  act  in  self-defense." 

Could  Lincoln  hope  that  there  would  be  no  war?  Seven  States 
had  already  separated  and  more  were  on  the  threshold  of  Secession. 
The  peal  of  hostile  cannon  which  drove  the  United  States  boat  "Star 
of  the  West''  from  Charleston  harbor  reverberated  all  over  the 
Union,  and  men  were  marshaling  in  military  array  at  the  North 
and  at  the  South.  The  offers  for  peace  and  compromise,  emanating 
mainly  from  the  Border  States,  were  not  heeded  at  all  in  the  Cot- 
ton States,  and  rejected  with  a  sullen  determination  by  the  great 
majority  of  the  people  at  the  North. 

At  Philadelphia  the  President-elect  was  warned  that  there  was  a 
scheme  laid  to  start  a  riot  while  he  was  passing  through  Baltimore, 
and  that  he  was  to  be  assassinated  during  the  confusion.  The  pro- 
gramme of  the  journey  was  therefore  changed,  and  he  passed 
through  Baltimore  one  day  earlier  and  arrived  in  Washington  on 
the  morning  of  February  23.  A  Committee  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives had  reported  in  January  that  Militia  companies  were 
organized  from  former  political  clubs  in  Maryland,  to  hinder  the 
passage  of  military  companies  through  that  State.  A  few  days 
before  Lincoln's  arrival  at  Washington,  Secretary  of  War  J.  Holt 
reported,  in  answer  to  Congressional  inquiry,  that,  while  troops  at 
Washington  were  few,  they  can  preserve  the  peace  at  the  Capital. 


166  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

Marly  in  January  the  seizure  of  the  Capital  was  planned;  the  state- 
ment made  in  the  Senate  that  the  Union  was  already  dissolved  aided 
such  scheme-. 

Rumors  that  were  coming  from  different  sources  and  statemri it- 
made  in  Congress  that  Lincoln  should  not,  or  could  not,  be 
inaugurated  at  Washington,  also  indicated  maturing  plans  for  its 
capture,  which  Southern  journals  openly  advocated.  Residents 
became  disquieted  and  members  of  Congress  insisted '  upon  pre- 
cautionary measures.  Consequently  sufficient  military  force  was 
concentrated  to  meet  any  emergency,  that  might  arise,  particularly 
as  it  was  the  duty  of  the  outgoing  President  to  secure  his  successor 
a  peaceful  inauguration.  The  presence  of  troops  for  securing  this 
object  could  only  be  offensive  to  those  who  desired  to  destroy  the 
( lovernment. 

LINCOLN'S  INAUGURATION. 

In  keeping  with  the  above  views.  Secretary  Holt  and  General  Win- 
field  Scott,  the  Commander  of  the  United  States  Armies,  assembled 
a  larger  force  at  Washington.  By  the  4th  of  March  the  city  was 
crowded  with  strangers  from  all  parts  of  the  country.  An  imposing 
escort  led  and  followed  the  carriage  in  which  President  Buchanan 
and  Lincoln  were  conveyed  to  the  East  Front  of  the  Capitol.  Sur- 
rounded by  the  Senators,  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  Members  of 
the  House  of  Representatives,  foreign  Ambassadors  and  an  immense 
concourse  of  people,  the  President-elect  took  his  position  upon  the 
platform,  greeted  by  the  enthusiastic  cheers  of  the  masses.  At  his 
side  stood  Senator  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  holding  his  hat,  giving  by 
his  presence  and  attitude  an  ominous  warning  to  the  South  that  the 
Northern  Democracy  will  stand  by  the  Union. 

In  his  address  Lincoln  again  uttered  words  of  kindness  and  con- 
ciliation, but  also  defined  his  firm  purpose,  that  the  laws  of  the  coun- 
try must  be  obeyed.  With  reference  to  Secession  he  said: 

"We  cannot  separate,  we  cannot  remove  our  respective  sections  from  each 
other,  nor  build  an  impassable  wall  between  them.  The  different  parts  of 
our  country  cannot  but  remain  face  to  face,  and  intercourse  either  amicable 
or  hostile  must  continue  between  them.  Is  it  possible  then  to  make  that 
intercourse  more  advantageous,  or  more  satisfactory  after  separation  than 
before?  Can  aliens  make  treaties  easier  than  friends  can  make  laws?  Can 
treaties  be  more  faithfully  enforced  between  aliens  than  laws  can  among 
friends?  Suppose  you  go  to  war,  you  can  not  fight  always,  and  when  after 
much  loss  on  both  sides  and  no  gain  on  either,  you  cease  fighting,  the 
identical  questions  as  to  terms  of  intercourse  are  again  upon  you." 


The  Approaching  Storm.  167 

"I  shall  take  care  that  the  laws  of  the  Union  be  faithfully  executed  in  all 
the  States.  The  power  confided  to  me  will  be  used  to  hold,  occupy  and  possess 
the  property  and  places  belonging  to  the  Government  and  collect  the  duties 
and  imports;  but  beyond  what  may  be  necessary  for  this,  there  will  be  no 
invasion,  no  using  of  force  against  or  among  the  people  anywhere." 

With  a  pathetic  appeal  to  the  memory  of  common  battlefields  and 
patriot  graves,  the  President-elect  closed.  The  oath  of  office  was 
administered  by  the  Chief  Justice,  and,  with  the  same  imposing 
escort.  Abraham  Lincoln  drove  to  the  White  House,  while  the  people 
cheered  and  the  cannon  boomed.  Did  any  one  dream  then  that,  for 
four  long  year>.  storming  Battalions  and  rushing  Squadrons  would 
re-echo  those  cheers  on  more  than  a  hundred  battlefields,  that  the 
boom  of  the  destructive  cannon  would  for  years  resound  over  the 
fertile  fields  of  this  Union,  intended  by  Providence  to  be  an  Eden  of 
Liberty,  and  that  half  a  million  of  graves  would  soon  mark  the 
strife  and  over  a  million  of  orphans  and  widows  would  soon  weep  in 
consequence  of  the  omissions  and  commissions  of  their  ancestors? 

THE  SECESSION  CONSTITUTION, 

adopted  March  11,  1861,  by  the  Convention  of  the  Confederate 
State-  of  America,  was  substantially  the  United  States  Constitution 
with  some  changes,  such  as  the  '"One-term"  principle  and  >i\  year-' 
term  of  President  and  Vice-President ;  African  Slavery  in  old  and 
new  States;  no  protective  Tariff;  no  bounties;  the  privilege  of  Heads 
of  Departments  to  discuss  questions  in  Congress;  separate  items  Veto 
in  appropriation  bills,  and  some  special  provisions  securing  property 
in  slaves.  Jefferson  Davis  was  elected  President  and  Alexander 
Stephens  Vice-President.  The  latter  in  addressing  a  large  meeting 
at  Savannah,  came  out  squarely  and  acknowledged  the  cause  of  Seces- 
sion. He  said,  with  reference  to  Slavery: 

"This  was  the  immediate  cause  of  the  late  rupture  and  the  present  revolu- 
tion. Jefferson,  in  his  forecast,  had  anticipated  this  as  the  rock  upon  which 
the  old  Union  would  split."  He  was  right.  What  was  conjecture  with  him 
is  now  a  realized  fact.  But  whether  he  .comprehended  the  great  truth  upon 
which  the  rock  stood  and  stands  may  be  doubted.  The  prevailing  ideas 
entertained  by  him  and  most  of  the  leading  statesmen  at  the  time  of  the 
formation  of  the  old  Constitution  were,  that  the  enslavement  of  the  African 
was  in  violation  of  the  laws  of  nature,  that  it  was  wrong  in  principle, 
socially,  morally  and  politically.  It  was  an  evil  they  knew  not  well  how 
to  deal  with;  but  the  general  opinion  of  the  men  of  that  day  was,  that 
somehow  or  other,  in  the  order  of  Providence,  the  institution  would  be 


168  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

evanescent  and  pass  away.  .  .  .  Those  ideas,  however,  were  funda- 
mentally wrong.  They  rested  upon  the  assumption  of  the  equality  of  the 
races.  .  .  .  Our  new  Government  is  founded  upon  exactly  the  opposite 
ideas;  its  foundations  are  laid,  its  cornerstone  rests  upon  the  great  truth 
-that  the  Negro  is  not  equal  to  the  white  man;  that  Slavery,  subordination  to 
the  superior  race,  is  his  natural  and  normal  condition.  This,  our  new  Govern- 
ment, is  the  first  in  the  history  of  the  world,  based  upon  this  great,  physical, 
philosophical  and  moral  truth." 

These  candid  expressions  of  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  Vice- 
President  of  the  Confederacy,  frankly  show  the  drift  of  mind 
peculiar  to  Southern  Statesmen.  Denying  equal  rights,  the  only 
possible  basis  of  a  democratic  republic,  they  hide  their  aristocratic 
tendency  behind  the  screen  of  race  prejudice.  It  was,  however,  of 
late,  no  doubt,  not  only  the  first,  but  also  the  last  attempt,  to  found 
a  State  on  Slavery.  In  the  light  of  latter  days,  there  was  a  bitter 
irony  in  the  words  of  Stephens,  possibly  unbeknown  to  himself. 

LOYALTY  OF  THE  MISSOURI  STATE  CONVENTION. 

President  Lincoln's  peaceful  inauguration  at  Washington  reacted 
upon  the  Missouri  Legislature,  which,  after  a  spirited  debate,  refused 
to  pass  the  bill  for  arming  the  State. 

In  going  to  the  Missouri  State  Convention,  which  assembled  in  thf 
Mercantile  Library  the  day  of  Lincoln's  inauguration,  the  eyes  of 
many  of  its  members  while  passing  were  directed  to  a  Secession  flag 
on  the  Minute  Men's  Headquarters,  which  the  eloquent  Uriel  Wright 
described  as  having  only  one  star  and  one  crescent  in  a  blue  field, 
and  which  was  not  his  flag,  and  in  his  enthusiasm  for  the  Star 
Spangled  Banner  made  the  following  beautiful  quotation : 

"When  freedom  from  her  mountain  height 
Unfurled  her  standard  to  the  air, 
She  tore  the  azure  robe  of  night, 
And  set  the  stars  of  glory  there, 
She  mingled  with  its  gorgeous  dies, 
The  milky  girdle  of  the  skies, 
And  striped  its  pure  celestial  white 
With  streaking  of  the  morning  light. 
Then  from  his  mansion  in  the  skies, 
She  called  her  eagle-bearer  down, 
And  gave  into  his  mighty  hand 
The  svmbol  of  her  chosen  land." 


ISIDOR  BUSH. 
Private  2d  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Missouri  Volunteers. 


The  Approaching  Storm.  169 

Neverthcl o.-.  very  soon  afterwards,  Major  Wright  did  some  tall 
lighting  in  the  Confederate  Army. 

Shortly  after  reassembling,  Luther  J.  Glenn,  Commissioner  of  the 
seceded  State  of  Georgia,  addressed  the  Convention,  urging  the 
Secession  of  Missouri.  His  proposition  was  referred  to  a  Committee 
with  John  B.  Henderson  as  Chairman.  At  this  session  H.  R.  Gamble 
called  for  a  Committee  on  Federal  Relations  now  existing  between 
the  Government  "of  the  United  States,  the  Government  and  people  of 
the  different  States,  and  the  Government  and  people  of  this  State. 
Great  many  resolutions  introduced  by  members  were  referred  to  th* 
Committee ;  they  covered  a  wide  range :  for  the  Union ;  against 
coercion;  for  State  Rights;  for  the  Crittenden  resolutions;  for  a 
\\V~tern  policy;  for  withdrawing  Federal  garrisons  from  forts  in 
seceded  States;  denying  the  right  of  Secession;  for  a  Border  States 
policy,  and  others. 

\Vith  regard  to  the  mental  complexion  of  this  Convention,  it  must 
be  acknowledged  that,  while  it  was  a  brilliant  assembly  in  experience, 
capacity  and  activity,  very  few  of  its  members  were  in  sympathy 
with  the  Free  Soil  principles,  indorsed  by  the  majority  of  the  nation 
at  the  recent  election;  most  of  the  members  were  still  under  the 
influence  of  their  Southern  education,  shaped  by  the  school,  the 
pulpit,  the  bench  and  the  rostrum,  and  only  few  men  among  them 
had  emancipated  themselves  from  the  thraldom  of  habit  and  custom, 
and  were  resolved  to  face  the  issues  upon  their  absolute  merits. 
These  few  were  considerate,  tempered  their  expressions  with  patience 
and  forbearance,  acknowledged  by  vote  the  patriotism  of  Douglas 
and  Crittenden,  though  not  believing  in  the  latter's  proposition ;  they 
followed  their  chief  aim  with  perseverance  and  moderation,  and 
eventually  secured  from  the  Convention  an  unqualified  expression 
for  the  Union  and  against  Secession.  Broadhead,  Hitchcock, 
Breckin ridge  from  the  city,  Henderson,  Hall  and  Birch  from  the 
country,  used  uncontrovertible  arguments  and  gave  correct  interpre- 
tations of  the  United  States  Constitution,  and  thus  formed  a  solid 
basis  to  build  upon,  while  considerations  of  safety,  possession, 
progress  and  development,  powerfully  aided  to  bring  about  a  correct 
solution.  Judge  Gamble's  legal  authority,  great  circumspection  and 
personal  popularity  most  happily  guided  the  policy  of  the  Conven- 
tion, and  even  his  anti-Free  Soil  position,  advanced  his  influence  with 
the  members.  General  Sterling  Price,  the  Chairman  of  the  Con- 


170  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

vention,  was  not  in  accord  with  the  majority  of  the  members.  His 
selection  was  no  doubt  made  to  influence  the  Secession  element  in  the 
State,  but,  although  he  said  in  taking  the  chair,  "It  may  require  a 
lifetime  to  retrace  one  false  step,"  the  example  he  set  later  was  rather 
encouraging  in  the  wrong  direction.  His  rulings  as  Chairman  were 
prompt  and  fair,  but  his  usual  voting  with  the  "very  conditional 
Union"  minority  in  the  Convention,  left  the  impression  that  he 
abided  his  time  to  become  a  very  unconditional  Secessionist.  His 
great  popularity  in  the  State,  his  military  capacity  and  resolute  char- 
acter would  have  saved  Missouri  and  the  Union  a  great  many  sacri- 
fices had  he  espoused  the  Union  cause.  This  disposition  of  the 
Chairman  had  the  effect  that,  towards  the  end  of  the  Convention,  the 
important  committees  were  elected  by  the  members. 

Statistical  information  also  greatly  aided  the  Union  argument. 
The  Census  of  1850  gave  Missouri  90,000  Slaves  and  500.000  free 
white  inhabitants;  ten  years  later,  in  1860,  the  number  of  Slaves. 
was  only  112,000,  while  that  of  free  white  inhabitants  more  than 
doubled,  reaching  1,100,000,  comparatively  speaking,  very  few  of 
wThom  were  Slave  owners.  The  taxable  property  in  Missouri  in  1850 
was  136  millions  and  in  1860  360  millions.  Such  a  development 
would  have  ended  Slavery  in  Missouri  in  a  few  decades.  The  his- 
torian, John  C.  Moore,  bitterly  characterizes  a  large  fraction  of  the 
Convention  and  of  Missouri's  political  men:  "The  conditional 
Union  men'  were  an  unknown  quantity.  They  sometimes  acted  with 
the  Secessionists,  and  sometimes  with  the  unconditional  Union  men, 
but  were  not  true  to  either  for  any  considerable  length  of  time.  They 
represented  the  wealth  and  the  commercial  and  manufacturing  inter- 
ests of  St.  Louis  and  the  larger  towns  of  the  State,  and  changed  their 
tactics  constantly  to  suit  their  interests.  On  account  of  the  wealth 
and  high  character  of  their  leaders,  their  Southern  birth  and  associa- 
tion, and  the  weak  and  hesitating  policy  of  the  Southern  leaders, 
they  had  great  influence."  The  partial  truth  of  this  opinion  does 
not  detract  from  the  great  merits  of  the  Convention.  On  March  9 
Judge  Gamble,  on  behalf  of  the  Committee  on  Federal  Relations, 
made  the  following  statement  upon  the  cause  of  Secession : 

"The  origin  of  the  difficulty  is  rather  in  the  alienated  feelings  existing 
between  Northern  and  Southern  sections  of  the  country,  than  in  the  actual 
injury  suffered  by  either;  rather  in  the  anticipation  of  future  evils  than 
in  the  pressure  of  any  now  actually  endured.  .  .  .  It  is  true  that  a  sec- 


The,  Approaching  Storm.  171 

tional  political  party  has  been  organized  at  the  North,  based  upon  the 
idea  that  the  institution  of  Southern  Slavery  is  not  to  be  allowed  to  extend 
itself  into  the  Territories  of  the  United  States.  .  .  .  The  fact  that  a 
sectional  party,  avowing  opposition  to  the  admission  of  Slavery  into  the 
Territories  of  the  United  States  has  been  organized  and  has  for  the  present 
obtained  possession  of  the  Government,  is  to  be  deeply  regretted." 

Notwithstanding  these  ultra  conservative  views,  which  partly 
were  not  on  a  level  with  the  progressive  political  development  in  the 
Union,  Judge  Gamble  and  his  Committee,  loyal  to  the  instructions  of 
the  great  majority  of  the  people  of  Missouri,  after  sketching  the  con- 
dition of  the  country,  continued  as  follows: 

"To  involve  Missouri  in  revolution  under  the  present  circumstances  is  cer- 
tainly not  demanded  by  the  magnitude  of  the  grievances  of  which  we  com- 
plain nor  by  the  certainty  that  they  cannot  be  otherwise  and  more  peace- 
fully remedied,  or  even  diminished  by  such  revolution. 

"The  position  of  Missouri  in  relation  to  the  adjacent  States,  which  would 
continue  in  the  Union,  would  necessarily  expose  her,  if  she  became  a  mem- 
ber of  a  new  Confederacy,  to  utter  destruction,  whenever  any  rupture  might 
take  place  between  the  different  republics.  In  a  military  aspect  Secession 
and  connection  with  a  Southern  Confederacy  is  annihilation  of  Missouri. 

"The  true  position  for  Missouri  to  assume  is  that  of  a  State  whose 
interests  are  bound  up  in  the  maintenance  of  the  Union,  and  whose  kind 
feelings  and  strong  sympathies  are  with  the  people  of  the  Southern  States, 
with  whom  we  are  connected  by  the  ties  of  friendship  and  blood.  ...  To 
go  with  those  States — to  leave  the  Government  our  fathers  builded — to  blot 
out  the  star  of  Missouri  from  the  constellation  of  the  Union,  is  to  ruin  our- 
selves, without  doing  them  any  good.  We  cannot  follow  them,  we  cannot 
give  up  the  Union,  but  will  do  all  in  our  power  to  induce  them  to  again 
take  their  places  with  us  in  the  family  from  which  they  have  attempted 
to  separate  themselves. 

"For  this  purpose  we  will  not  only  recommend  a  compromise  with  which 
they  ought  to  be  satisfied,  but  we  will  endeavor  to  procure  an  assemblage 
of  the  whole  family  of  States,  in  order  that,  in  a  General  Convention,  such 
amendments  to  the  Constitution  may  be  agreed  upon  as  shall  permanently 
restore  harmony  in  the  whole  nation. 

The  resolutions  recommended  by  the  Committee  on  Federal  Rela- 
tions and  adopted  by  the  Convention  held: 

1 .  There  is  at  present  no  adequate  cause  to  secede. 

2.  The  Union  shall  be  perpetuated  and  harmony  restored. 

3.  The  Crittenden  amendments  are  recommended. 

4.  A  convention  of  all  States  shall  propose  amendments  to  the 
United  States  Constitution. 


172  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

5.  Coercion  will  cause  civil  war;  therefore  the  military  power  of 
the  United  States  and  of  the  Seceded  States  should  be  withheld  and 
stayed. 

6.  The  Convention  should  adjourn  to  December  3,  1861,  or  be 
subject  to  a  call  of  an  appointed  Committee. 

A  minority  report  from  the  Committee  on  Federal  Relations 
presented  a  more  partisan  Southern  view,  but  justly  held  that  amend- 
ing the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  would  require  at  least  18 
months,  while  remedies  sought  must  be  immediate.  It  opposed 
coercion,  favored  the  Crittenden  resolutions  and  advocated  a  Border 
State  Convention.  Judge  Gamble's  majority  report  prevailed,  with 
the  anti-coercion  clause  couched  in  the  terms  of  a  cherished  desire 
for  its  prevention."  Of  St.  Louisans  Bridge,  Broadhead,  Busch, 
Eitzen,  Hitchcock  and  How  voted  against  even  this  mild  objection  to 
coercion. 

The  Convention  was  fully  informed  how  matters  stood  in  St. 
Louis,  for  on  the  20th  of  March  Isidore  Bush  stated,  on  behalf  of 
"the  thousands  of  German  citizens  whom  I  have  the  honor  to  repre- 
sent," that  "should  a  conflict  be  inevitable,  your  German  fellow- 
citizens  will  stand  by  the  Government  and  by  the  Union." 

Unusual  pressure  must  have  been  brought  on  the  majority  of  the 
Committee  for  Federal  Relations,  for  on  March  18  Judge  Gamble 
reported  a  resolution  to  send  seven  delegates  to  the  Border  State 
Convention  called  by  Virginia.  This  concession  to  the  conditional 
Union  men  was  a  most  dangerous  measure,  which  might  have  created 
a  Border  States  combination,  hostile  to  the  Free  Soil  policy,  the 
expressed  will  of  the  nation.  The  danger  was  imminent  that  a 
Border  States  combination  might  lead  to  a  neutrality  declaration 
fatal  to  the  Union.  There  was,  however,  in  this  last  resolution  a 
very  material  divergence  from  the  recommendations  of  the  minority 
report;  the  latter  proposed  a  Border,  Slave  State  Convention,  to  frame 
a  collective  proposition,  which  was  to  be  presented  to  the  Northern 
States  for  their  acceptance  or  rejection,  which,  in  its  very  nature, 
implied  a  threat;  while  Judge  Gamble's  proposition  also  sent  dele- 
gates to  a  Border  Slave  State  Convention,  but  with  the  limitation 
to  consult  only  about  measures  to  be  taken  to  pacify  the  country, 
and  to  report  the  conclusions  back  to  the  Missouri  Convention  for 
approval. 


The  Approaching  Storm.  173 

A  powerful  lever  aided  the  Union  cause  in  the  Convention, 
through  the  report  of  J.  B.  Henderson's  Committee  on  Luther  J. 
Glenn's  Secession  proposition  from  Georgia.  This  report,  clear,  con- 
cise, logical,  took  up  the  phases  of  Secession  in  their  ethical,  political, 
commercial  and  strategical  relations,  and  proved  beyond  all  doubt 
that  the  interests  of  Missouri  are  and  must  be  with  the  Union.  This 
report  exercised. a  great  influence  upon  the  wavering  and  undecided 
in  and  out  of  the  Convention. 

Defeated  amendments  proposed  to  Judge  Gamble's  report  bore 
evidence  that  at  least  two-thirds  of  the  members  of  the  Convention 
were  now  unconditional  Union  men,  who,  although  desirous  of  using 
all  possible  means  to  pacify  the  seceded  States,  did  not  favor  the 
Secession  of  Missouri  under  any  conditions.  After  an  animated 
dcliato.  the  report  and  resolutions  presented  by  Judge  Gamble's 
Commit  tec  were  adopted  by  a  very  decided  majority,  and  the  Con- 
vention adjourned,  subject  to  the  call  of  a  majority  of  the  Committee 
selected  for  that  purpose. 

If  an  armed  neutrality  could  have  been  established  by  the  Border 
States  it  would  have  aided  the  seceded  States  far  more  than  the 
actual  Secession  of  all  or  of  either  of  those  States.  The  threat  of 
their  Secession  in  case  coercion  was  attempted,  was  only  a  threat,  for 
the  cooler  and  more  considered  men  in  those  States  knew  very  well 
that  the  moment  any  of  the  Border  States  declared  for  Secession  it 
would  be  treated  as  an  enemy,  overrun  from  all  but  one  side  by 
l"n ion  Armies,  and  could  even  be  made  to  bear  the  expense  of  the 
war  necessary  for  its  reconquest.  The  real  defeat  of  the  Secession 
cause  in  the  Missouri  Convention  lay  in  the  circumstance  of  that 
body's  refusal  of  an  armed  neutrality  or  conditional  resistance. 

Undaunted  by  this  check,  the  Secessionists  of  Missouri  proceeded 
with  their  organizations,  under  various  names  and  pretexts,  but  all 
with  the  one  purpose,  of  joining  the  Secession  Armies  of  the  South- 
ern Confederation.  The  unconditional  Union  element  of  St.  Louis 
was  likewise  convinced  that  war  was  inevitable,  and  diligently  pro- 
ceeded with  perfecting  military  organizations.  An  unfavorable 
decision  by  the  Convention  would  have  only  inflamed  their  ardor 
and  precipitated  local  events. 

A-  the  Secession  measures  in  the  Legislature  and  the  State  at  large 
were  chiefly  urged  by  Price,  Jackson,  Reynolds,  Rains,  Vest,  Frost. 
Churchill,  Freeman.  Clayborne  and  Harris,  all  of  whom  were  soon 


174  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

prominent  leaders  in  the  Secession  Armies,  notwithstanding  that  the 
State,  by  a  very  large  vote,  had  declared  against  Secession,  the  St. 
Louis  Union  men  were  certainly  warranted  to  anticipate  their  hostile 
organizations  and  to  disarm  as  many  of  them  as  they  could.  Tj,ie 
spirit  which  dictated  the  oath  of  the  Missouri  State  Militia  prescribed 
by  the  new  military  bill  can  be  best  judged  by  Governor  Jackson's 
declining  to  issue  a  commission  to  Captain  George  L.  Andrews  of  an 
Engineer  Company  of  the  National  Guards,  because  Andrews  had 
added  to  that  oath  a  declaration  of  his  paramount  allegiance  to  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  in  case  of  any  conflict  with  the 
State  of  Missouri.  It  is  evident  that  the  oath  of  the  Missouri  State 
Militia  was  already  a  stepping  stone  to  Secession. 

LEGISLATURE  TRIES  TO  CURB  ST.  LOUIS. 

The  General  Assembly  of  Missouri  defeated  at  this  time  James  S. 
Green  for  United  States  Senator,  because  he  was  considered  an 
avowed  Secessionist,  and  elected  Waldo  P.  Johnson  as  a  Union  man. 
Green  took  no  part  in  the  war,  while  Johnson  resigned  his  seat  in  the 
Senate  and  joined  the  Secession  Army.  Upon  St.  Louis  affairs, 
Snead,  the  Governor's  Secretary,  writes:  "The  powerful  semi- 
military  organization  of  Home  Guards"  (nearly  all  Germans)  "sus- 
tained the  Republican  Mayor,  it  had  therefore  become  a  matter  of 
supreme  importance  to  the  Secessionists  to  take  this  great  power 
from  the  Mayor,  and  accordingly  a  law  was  now  enacted  for  creating 
a  Board  of  Police  Commissioners."  This  bill  passed  the  Senate 
March  2,  the  House  March  23.  By  it  four  Commissioners  were 
appointed  by  the  Governor,  with  the  consent  of  the  Senate,  who, 
with  the  Mayor,  formed  a  Commission,  having  absolute  control  of 
the  police,  the  Volunteer  Militia  of  St.  Louis,  of  the  sheriff  and  all 
other  conservators  of  the  peace.  Snead  says:  "It  had  other  and 
more  important  purposes,  which  were  carefully  concealed."  When 
the  resolution  of  the  State  Convention  for  calling  a  Convention  of  all 
the  States  to  frame  amendments  to  the  United  States  Constitution 
came  up  before  the  Missouri  Legislature,  Vest,  as  Chairman  of  a 
Committee,  reported  upon  it  adversely,  abusing  the  Convention  in 
strong  terms  and  very  illogically  remembered  the  blood  of  his  two 
grandfathers,  who,  during  the  Avar  for  independence,  fought  for  our 
liberties  and  the  establishment  of  the  Federal  Union,  and  not  its 


The  Approaching  Storm.  175 

destruction.  Vot  ;it  the  time  exclaimed,  "I  will  never,  never,  never 
submit  to  Northern  rule  and  dictation."  Vest's  subsequent  long  and 
useful  career  as  United  States  Senator  from  Missouri  proved  beyond 
doubt  that  he  was  mistaken  in  his  youthful  ardor  of  1861,  notwith- 
standing that  the  General  Assembly  indorsed  his  sentiment  and 
adopted  his  report,  declining  to  call  a  Convention  of  all  the  States. 
On  March  2<S  the  Missouri  Legislature  adjourned,  the  members 
sought  their  homes  and  constituencies,  many  with  a  purpose  of 
organizing  troops  and  the  intention  of  transferring  their  activity 
from  the  rostrum  to  the  tented  field.  In  St.  Louis  Daniel  G.  Taylor, 
Democrat,  was  elected  Mayor  by  2,658  majority  over  John  How,  the 
unconditional  Union  candidate.  This  was  claimed  a  reaction  in  the 
sentiments  of  the  citizens,  who,  on  February  28,  elected  an  uncondi- 
tional I'nion  ticket  by  over  5,000  majority,  but  Taylor  was 
deservedly  popular,  as  his  considerate  administration  under  trying 
circumstances  proved;  besides  this,  the  issue  in  April  was  purely 
local;  the  know-nothing  element  voted  against  the  Republican  for- 
eigners, and  the  clearest  heads  lost  interest  in  local  politics  when  it 
became  quite  sure  that  the  bullet  would  supplant  the  ballot.  The 
police  were  then  under  the  control  of  the  Secessionists,  Basil  Duke, 
James  H.  Carlisle  and  Charles  McLaren,  and  the  Anti-Coercionist, 
•John  A.  Brownlee.  One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  Police  Commis- 
sioners was  an  attempt  to  induce  Captain  Lyon  to  withdraw  his  sen- 
tinels from  outside  the  Arsenal  walls.  This  proved  to  be  an  idle 
bluff;  for  Captain  Lyon  informed  them  politely  that  he  would  not 
withdraw  his  sentinels,  but,  on  the  contrary,  he  would  reinforce 
them.  The  feeling  of  the  people  towards  this  "exparte"  police  was 
shown  at  a  meeting  of  Union  men  at  Flora  Garden,  where  an  officer 
on  duty  was  peremptorily  ordered  to  leave  the  hall.  Captain  Lyon 
was  not  in  the  least  intimidated  by  the  hostile  police,  and  said  that  in 
case  of  need  he  would  issue  arms  to  Union  men,  law  or  no  law,  and 
if  Hagner  interfered  he  would  pitch  him  into  the  river.  Thus  fore- 
warned, the  Police  Commissioner  became  active  in  the  direction  of 
least  resistance,  and  issued  a  number  of  orders,  chiefly  regulating  the 
colored  population.  Meetings  of  colored  people  were  prohibited, 
their  evening  church  service  stopped,  their  saloons  closed;  Free 
Negroes  and  Mulattoes  had  to  leave  the  city  by  April  24 ;  Slaves  were 
not  permitted  to  assemble  or  hire  out  their  own  time,  and  policemen 
had  to  be  oresent  during  their  church  service.  This  looks  odd,  con- 


176  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

sidering  that  the  Slaves  in  St.  Louis  could  barely  muster  200  able- 
bodied  men.  All  mobs  were  as  a  matter  of  course  to  be  suppressed; 
the  arming  and  drilling  of  citizens  should  be  discontinued  and  chil- 
dren and  grown  people  were  to  keep  off  the  street  after  dark ;  but  the 
two  Citizen  Companies,  per  Ward,  which  should  enforce  these  rules. 
were  never  organized. 

THE  DAWN  OF  RELIEF. 

The  repeated  representations  to  Washington  from  F.  P.  Blair  and 
other  Union  men  had  at  last  the  effect  that  Captain  Lyon  was 
assigned  to  the  command  of  the  troops  and  the  defenses  of  the 
A  i -dial.  Of  this  he  was  notified  March  19  by  Order  58: 

"In  compliance  with  Special  Order  No.  74,  War  Department. 
Adjutant  General's  Office,  dated  March  13,  1861,  assigning  to  Cap- 
tain N.  Lyon,  Second  Infantry,  the  command  of  the  troops  and 
defenses  of  this  post,  the  undersigned  turns  over  to  Captain  Lyon  all 
command  and  responsibility  not  appertaining  to  the  commanding 
officer  of  the  Arsenal  and  his  duties  as  an  officer  of  Ordnance. 

By  order  of  Major  Hagner. 

"M.  N.  WRIGHT, 
"Lieutenant  and  Post  Adjutant." 

The  Special  Order  74,  issued  at  Washington,  did  not  meet  the 
exigencies  of  the  case;  for  it  left  Captain  Lyon  dependent  upon 
Major  Hagner's  opinion,  and  Lyon's  wants,  that  might  arise  on  the 
spur  of  any  moment,  were  subject  to  requisitions  that  had  to  be 
approved  by  General  Harney,  who,  right  or  wrong,  doubted  the 
necessity  of  any  preparations  for  defense.  The  incongruity  of  the 
arrangements  was  evident  to  friends  of  the  cause,  and  strong  repre- 
sentations went  to  Washington  to  mend  matters.  Serious  doubts 
were  expressed  about  Mayor  Hagner's  capacity,  even  about  his  good 
will,  which  was  freely  discussed  in  the  councils  of  Union  men. 

Captain  Lyon  therefore  again  applied  to  his  friend  in  need,  Frank 
P.  Blair,  who  was  at  that  time  in  Washington,  and  wrote  to  him 
under  date  of  April  6 : 

"I  have  no  control  of  the  ordnance  department  and  therefore  cannot  take 
a  single  round  of  ammunition  nor  a  piece  of  Artillery,  or  any  other  firearm, 
without  the  direction  of  General  Harney,  and  in  case  of  an  attack  various 
means,  not  foreseen,  might  suggest  themselves,  but  which  I  could  not  obtain, 
without  taking  them  forcibly.  ...  I  cannot  get  a  hammer,  spade,  ax 


FRANCIS  PRESTON  BLAIR,  Jr. 

Colonel  1st  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers. 
From  Painting  at  St.  Louis  Public  Library. 


The  Approaching  Storm.  177 

or  any  needful  tool,  but  upon  Major  Hagners'  concession.  .  .  .  The  new 
organization  of  the  Metropolitan  Police  system  seems  to  embolden  the  Seces- 
sionists so  much  as  to  fill  me  with  deep  concern  to  be  prepared  for  them; 
and  I  am  on  this  account  prompted  to  write  you.  Of  course  in  all  military 
matters  there  should  be  one  commander,  and  no  such  absurd  thing  as  a 
division  that  shall  render  it  liable  to  an  entire  perversion  of  its  purpose. 
.  .  .  Would  it  not  be  well  for  the  Secretary  of  War  to  order  that  this 
Special  Order  No.  74,  giving  me  command  of  the  troops  and  defenses  at  this 
post,  should  have  no  exception  in  men  and  means  necessary  for  this 
purpose?" 

Before  Lyon  received  an  answer  to  the  above,  the  United  States 
Grand  Jury  called  at  the  Arsenal  Gate  and  claimed  admission.  The 
Guard  reported  to  Headquarters,  but  before  the  answer  came  the 
impatient  Grand  Jurors  left  and  publicly  complained  that  they  had 
not  been  admitted.  Captain  Lyon  explained  in  the  "Missouri  Demo- 
crat" of  April  12  the  propriety  of  the  Guard's  action.  There  were 
also  Secessionists  on  that  Grand  Jury,  and  rumors  were  ripe  in  town 
of  espionage  in  connection  with  attacks  on  the  Arsenal.  The  case 
illustrates  the  difficult  responsibilities  which  officers  have  to  meet 
during  a  civil  war. 


12 


CHAPTER     VI. 
THE   WAR   COMMENCES. 

FORT  SUMTER. 

Notwithstanding  President  Lincoln's  very  conservative  attitude, 
matters  drew  rapidly  to  a  head  in  the  East.  John  Minor  Botts,  a 
Virginian  Statesman  and  Slave-holder,  but  an  uncompromising 
Union  man,  states  in  his  work  "The,  Great  Rebellion,"  that  Presi- 
dent Lincoln  informed  him  during  a  private  conversation,  that  he 
had  made  through  Colonel  J.  B.  Baldwin,  a  proposition  to  the 
Union  man  in  the  Virginia  Convention,  that  if  that  body  will 
adjourn  "sine  die,"  without  passing  a  Secession  ordinance,  he  (the 
President)  will  withdraw  the  garrison  from  Fort  Sumter.  I.  T. 
Lewis,  another  Virginian  of  high  standing,  corroborated  this  state- 
ment, as  having  heard  it  from  Colonel  Baldwin's  own  lips.  Baldwin, 
however,  later  qualified  this  statement  by  saying  that  no  specific 
proposition  was  made  to  him  by  President  Lincoln.  There  is  no 
doubt,  however,  that  the  subject  was  discussed  in  a  spirit  of  extreme 
liberality.  The  news  of  such  intention  of  President  Lincoln  spread 
even  to  St.  Louis,  for  W.  A.  Hall  of  Buchanan  stated  to  the  Missouri 
Convention  about  the  same  time,  "We  know  the  President  is  about  to 
abandon  Fort  Sumter."  In  the  same  conversation  the  President  told 
that  he  had  sent  a  vessel  with  provisions  to  Fort  Sumter,  and  that  on 
April  8  he  had  informed  Governor  Pickens  of  South  Carolina  of  this 
mission.  Upon  this  information  the  Secessionists  closed  the  harbor 
of  Charleston  by  sinking  in  its  channel  vessels  loaded  with  stones, 
and  their  President,  Jefferson  Davis,  gave  orders  to  General  Beaure- 
gard  to  demand  from  Major  Anderson  the  evacuation  of  the  Fort, 
to  which  the  Major  replied  that  the  garrison  would  be  starved  out 
by  the  15th,  and  unless  the  United  States  Government  sends  sup- 
plies before  that  date,  would  then  leave  the  Fort.  This  answer, 
whose  propriety  may  be  seriously  doubted,  was  not  deemed  satis- 
factory, and  on  April  12,  1861,  Beauregard  notified  Anderson  that 

(178) 


The   I!"'//-  Lvittiiiences.  179 

his  Batteries  would  open  fire  in  an  hour,  which  was  actually  done 
from  19  Confederate  Batteries.  Major  Anderson  did  not  answer 
with  his  guns  until  next  morning.  The  bombardment  lasted  for 
thirty  hours,  and  over  three  thousand  shots  and  shells  were  fired, 
but,  owing  to  the  casemated  condition  of  the  Fort's  defenses,  no  one 
was  hurt.  The  military  honors  granted  to  the  garrison  were  a  poor 
consolation  for  the  surrender. 

LINCOLN'S  CALL  FOR  75,000  MEN. 

The  news  of  the  fall  of  Fort  Sumter  was  telegraphed  from  Wash- 
ington to  all  loyal  States,  together  with  the  call  for  75,000  men,  by 
the  following 

PROCLAMATION. 

"Whereas,  the  laws  of  the  United  States  have  been  for  some  time  past  and 
now  are  opposed  and  the  execution  thereof  obstructed  in  the  States  of  South 
Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Florida,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  and  Texas,  by 
combinations  too  powerful  to  be  suppressed  by  the  ordinary  course  of  judicial 
proceedings  or  by  the  powers  vested  in  the  marshals  by  law; 

"Now,  therefore,  I,  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the  United  States,  in 
virtue  of  the  power  in  me  vested  by  the  Constitution  and  the  laws,  have 
thought  fit  to  call  forth,  and  hereby  do  call  forth,  the  Militia  of  the  several 
States  of  the  Union,  to  the  aggregate  number  of  75,000,  in  order  to  suppress 
said  combinations  and  to  cause  the  laws  to  be  duly  executed. 

"The  details  of  this  object  will  be  immediately  communicated  to  the  State 
authorities  through  the  War  Department. 

"I  appeal  to  all  loyal  citizens  to  favor,  facilitate,  and  aid  this  effort  to 
maintain  the  honor,  the  integrity,  and  the  existence  of  our  national  Union 
and  the  perpetuity  of  popular  government,  and  to  redress  wrongs,  already 
long  enough  endured. 

"I  deem  it  proper  to  say  that  the  first  service  assigned  to  the  forces  hereby 
called  forth,  will  probably  be  to  repossess  the  forts,  places  and  property  which 
have  been  seized  from  the  Union,  and  in  every  event  the  utmost  care  will 
be  observed  consistently  with  the  objects  aforesaid,  to  avoid  any  devastation, 
any  destruction  of  or  interference  with  property,  or  any  disturbance  of  peace- 
ful citizens  in  any  part  of  the  country. 

"And  I  hereby  command  the  persons  composing  the  combinations  aforesaid 
to  disperse  and  retire  peaceably  to  their  respective  abodes  within  20  days 
from  date. 

"Deeming  that  the  present  condition  of -public  affairs  presents  an  extraordi- 
nary occasion,  I  do  hereby,  in  virtue  of  the  power  in  me  vested  by  the  Con- 
stitution, convene  both  Houses  of  Congress. 

"Senators  and  Representatives  are.  therefore,  summoned  to  assemble  at 
their  respective  Chambers  at  12  o'clock  noon  on  Thursday,  the  4th  day  of 
July  next,  then  and  there  to  consider  and  determine  such  measures  as  in  their 
wisdom  the  public  safety  and  interest  may  seem  to  demand." 


180  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

"In  witness  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused  the  seal  of 
the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

"Done  at  the  City  of  Washington,  this  15th  day  of  April  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  1861,  and  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  the  eighty-fifth. 

"ABRAHAM  LINCOLN, 
"By  the  President. 

"WILLIAM  H.  SKWARD. 
"Secretary    of    State." 

Under  the  same  date  the  Secretary  of  War  sent  to  the  Governors  of  twenty- 
four  States — inclusive  of  Missouri,  the  following  communication: 

"WAR  DEPARTMENT.  WASHINGTON,  April  15,  1861. 

"SIR:  Under  Act  of  Congress  'for  calling  forth  the  Militia,  to  execute  the 
laws  of  the  Union,  suppress  insurrections,  repel  invasions,'  etc.,  approved 
Feb.  28,  1795,  I  have  the  honor  to  request  your  Excellency  to  cause  to  be 
immediately  detached  from  the  Militia  of  your  State  the  quota  designated  in 
the  table  below,  to  serve  as  Infantry  or  Riflemen  for  the  period  of  three 
months  unless  sooner  discharged. 

"Your  Excellency  wrill  please  communicate  to  me  the  time  at  or  about 
which  your  quota  will  be  expected  at  its  rendezvous,  as  it  will  be  met  as  soon 
as  practicable  by  an  officer  or  officers  to  muster  it  into  the  service  and  pay 
of  the  United  States.  At  the  same  time  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  United 
States  will  be  administered  to  every  officer  and  man.  The  mustering  officer 
will  be  instructed  to  receive  no  man  under  the  rank  of  commissioned  officer 
who  is  in  years  apparently  over  45  or  under  18  or  who  is  not  in  physical 
strength  and  vigor. 

"SF.MON  CAMERON, 
"Secretary  of  War." 

The  quota  of  the  State  of  Missouri,  designated  in  the  table  which 
accompanied  this  letter  was  four  regiments  of  infantry,  being  an 
aggregate  of  3,123  officers  and  enlisted  men,  including  one  Brigadier 
General. 

GOVERNOR  JACKSON'S  TREASON. 

To  this  the  Governor  of  Missouri  replied  by  telegraph : 

"EXECUTIVE  DEPARTMENT,  JEFFERSON  CITY.  Mo..  April  17,  1861. 

"HON.  SIMON  CAMEBON,  Secretary  of  War. 

"Sir:  Your  dispatch  of  the  15th  instant,  making  a  call  on  Missouri  for  four 
Regiments  of  men  for  immediate  service  has  been  received.  There  can  be, 
I  apprehend,  no  doubt  but  the  men  are  intended  to  form  a  part  of  the  Presi- 
dent's army  to  make  war  upon  the  people  of  the  seceded  States. 

"Your  requisition,  in  my  judgment,  is  illegal,  unconstitutional  and  revolu- 
tionary in  its  object,  inhuman  and  diabolical  and  cannot  be  complied  with. 
Not  one  man  will  the  State  of  Missouri  furnish  to  carry  on  any  such  unholy 
crusade. 

"C.  F.  JACKSON,  Governor  of  Missouri." 


The  War  Commences.  jgj 

In  giving  this  answer,  Governor  Jackson  disregarded  the  following 
provision  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States: 

"Article  1,  Section  10.  No  State  shall  enter  into  any  treaty,  alliance  or 
Confederation. 

"Article  6,  Section  2.  This  Constitution  and  the  laws  of  the  United  States, 
which  shall  be  made  in  pursuance  thereof,  and  all  treaties  made  or  which 
shall  be  made,  under  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  the  supreme 
law  of  the  land,  and  the  judges  in  every  State  shall  be  bound  thereby,  any- 
thing in  the  Constitution  or  laws  of  any  State  to  the  contrary  notwithstand- 
ing." 

"Article  1,  Section  8.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  ...  provide 
for  the  common  defense  and  general  welfare  of  the  United  States." 

"Article  1,  Section  15.  To  provide  for  calling  forth  the  Militia  to  execute 
the  laws  of  the  Union,  suppress  insurrections  and  repel  invasions. 

"Section  16.  To  provide  for  organizing,  arming  and  disciplining  the  Militia, 
and  for  governing  such  part  of  them  as  may  be  employed  in  the  service  of 
the  United  States." 

"Article  4,  Section  5.  The  Governor  shall  be  Commander-in-Chief  of  the 
army  and  navy  of  this  State,  except  when  they  shall  be  called  into  the  service 
of  the  United  States." 

It  is  evident  from  the  above  quotations  that  the  Governor  of  Mis- 
souri, by  refusing  to  furnish  troops  legally  called  out,  violated  his 
oath  of  office  to  support  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  and 
of  the  State  of  Missouri,  and  also  the  laws  made  pursuant  thereof. 
While  the  Governors  of  other  Border  States,  with  more  (Directness 
than  dignity,  also  refused  to  comply  with  the  President's  call,  it  was 
only  policy  and  not  law  which  prevented  their  impeachment  and 
trial  for  treason.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  all  Border  States  furnished 
subsequently  large  numbers  of  troops,  both  to  the  Northern  and  the 
Southern  armies.  Missouri  standing  at  the  head  of  them  and  St. 
Louis  leading  the  State. 

It  should  be  remembered  in  this  connection  that  when  Jefferson 
Davis  asked  Jackson  to  furnish  one  Regiment  for  the  Confederate 
service  in  the  East,  the  Missouri  Governor's  answer,  given  on  May  6. 
was  couched  in  very  polite  language,  and  a  conditional  compliance 
promised  by  Governor  Jackson,  who  stated  that  as  yet  he  has  to  move 
with  great  caution.  Governor  Jackson,  however,  was  far  from  exer- 
cising that  great  caution,  for  two  days  after  his  refusal  to  furnish 
troops  for  the  Union  service,  namely,  on  April  19,  he  wrote  to  David 
Walker.  President  of  the  Arkansas  State  Convention,  "Missouri  will 
be  ready  for  Secession  in  less  than  thirty  days"  (that  would  have 


182'  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

been  within  ten  days  after  the  capture  of  Camp  Jackson)  "and  will 
secede  if  Arkansas  will  only  get  out  of  the  way  and  give  her  a  free 
passage." 

GENERAL  FROST'S  ADVICE. 

In  this  emergency,  Governor  Jackson  went  to  St.  Louis  to  consult 
General  Frost  and  others.  Of  this,  Thomas  L.  Snead,  Confederate 
historian,  writes: 

"At  the  conference  which  they  held,  some  of  the  most  active  Secessionists 
of  the  city  were  present.  Among  them  were  John  A.  Brownlee,  President  of 
the  Police  Board;  Judge  Wm.  A.  Cooke,  Captain  Greene  and  Duke.  They  all 
agreed  that  the  most  important  and  first  thing  to  be  done  was  to  seize  the 
Arsenal,  so  as  to  obtain  means  for  at  once  arming  and  equipping  the  State 
Militia." 

General  Frost  was  to  draw  a  memorial,  how  this  was  to  be  done. 

The  strongest  evidence  that  Camp  Jackson,  which  was  formed 
later,  was  only  the  marshaling  of  Secession  forces  under  the  di 
guise  of  the  name  of  State  troops  is  contained  in  a  letter  of  General 
Frost  to  Governor  Jackson,  dated  April  15,  1861,  in  wrhich  he  recom- 
mends to  the  Governor,  among  other  things: 

1.  To  call  the  Legislature  together  at  once,  for  the  purpose  of  placing  the 
State  in  condition  to  enable  you  to  supp'ress  insurrection  or  repel  invasion. 

2.  To  send  an  agent  to  the  Governor  of  Louisiana    (which  had  already 
seceded,  January  26),  or  further  if  necessary,  to  ascertain  if  mortar  or  siege 
guns  could  be  obtained  from  Baton  Rouge,  or  other  points. 

3.  To  send  an  agent  to  Liberty,  Missouri,  to  see  what  is  there  and  to  put 
the  people  of  that  vicinity  on  their  guard;   to  prevent  its  being  garrisoned, 
as  several  United  States  troops  will  be  at  Fort  Leavenworth  from  Kearney, 
in  ten  or  fifteen  days  from  this  time. 

4.  Publish  a  proclamation  to  the  people  of  the  State,  warning  them  that 
the  President  has  acted  illegally  in  calling  out  troops,  thus  arrogating  to 
himself  the  war-making  power;  that  he  .has  illegally  ordered  the  issue  of  the 
public  arms  to  the  number  of  5,000  to  societies  of  the  State  who  have  declared 
their  intention  to  resist  the  constituted  authorities,  whenever  these  authori- 
ties may  adopt  a  course  distasteful  to  them,  and  that  they1  are,  therefore,  by 
no  means  bound  to  give  him  aid  and  comfort  in  his  attempts  to  subjugate  by 
force  of  arms  a  people  who  are  still  free;   but,  on  the  contrary,  that  they 
should  prepare  themselves  to  maintain  all  their  rights  as  citizens  of  Missouri. 

5.  Authorize  or  order  the  commanding  officer  of  the  present  military  dis- 
trict to  form  a  military  camp  of  instruction  (Camp  Jackson)  at  or  near  the 
City  of  St.  Louis,  to  muster  military  companies  into  the  service  of  the  State, 
to  erect  batteries  and  to  do  all  things  necessary  and  proper  to  be  done,  to 
maintain  the  peace,  dignity  and  sovereignty  of  the  State. 

1  The  people  of  Missouri. 


The  War  Commences.  183 

Regarding  this  subject,  T.  L.  Snead,  the  Governor's  Secretary,  writes: 

"On  the  same  day  that  the  Governor  refused  to  comply  with  the  requisition 
for  troops,  he  sent  Captains  Greene  and  Duke  to  Montgomery,  with  "an 
autograph  letter  to  the  President  of  the  Confederate  States,  requesting  him 
to  furnish  those  officers  with  the  siege  guns  and  mortars  which  General  Frost 
wanted  for  the  proposed  attack  upon  the  Arsenal;  and  Judge  William  M. 
Cooke  was  sent  to  Virginia  upon  a  similar  errand." 

Every  one  of  these  measures  shows  the  plain  intention  of  defeat- 
ing the  Union  cause  and  of  aiding  the  seceded  States.  It  does  not 
alter  the  case  that  on  May  10,  when  General  Frost  saw  that  he  was  in 
the  jaws  of  the  lion,  averred  that  no  hostility  to  the  United  States 
was  intended.  To  "repel  invasion"  of  United  States  troops  coming 
to  Missouri ;  to  ask  for  mortars  and  siege  guns  from  a  seceded  State 
at  war  with  the  Union ;  to  forestall  the  protection  of  the  Arsenal  at 
Liberty,  Mo.,  by  United  States  troops,  by  putting  "the  people  of  that 
vicinity  on  their  guard"  and  instigate  them  to  plunder  it  before- 
hand; to  charge  the  President  of  the  United  States  that  he  has 
acted  illegally  in  calling  out  troops  "for  the  protection  of  United 
States  property  and  United  States  citizens,"  could  have  only  the 
meaning  of  hostility  to  the  United  States  and  an  affiliation  with 
Secession. 

The  St.  Louis  press  reflected  the  impression  which  the  capture  of 
Fort  Sumter  made.  The  "St.  Louis  Republic,"  after  denouncing 
coercion,  said:  "The  seceding  States  can  never  be  conquered." 
.  .  .  No  one  doubts,  we  apprehend,  the  ability  of  the  Confed- 

erate States  to  defend  themselves  against  any  force  which  Mr.  Lin- 
coln may  send  to  attack  them." 

On  the  16th  of  April  the  same  paper  wrote:  "We  make,  no 
doubt,  that  there  are  fanatics,  and  fools  and  vagabonds  enough  in 
the  North  who,  collected  together,  might  make  a  good-sized  army  in 
point  of  numbers." 

What  a  prophetic  foresight,  considering  the  500,000  men  of  the 
Union  Army  and  the  circumstance,  that  one  of  the  vehement 
proprietors  of  the  St.  Louis  Republic  wore  the  Federal  uniform  as 
a  Colonel  of  a  Regiment  before  the  war  ended.  Even  as  conservative 
a  man  as  Colonel  William  F.  Switzler  of  the  "Columbia  Statesman" 
was  carried  away  by  the  impulse  of  the  moment,  and  urged  the 
Border  States:  "Let  them  stand  as  a  wall  of  fire  between  the 
belligerent  extremes.  .  .  .  Let  them  stand  pledged  as  they  now 


184  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

are,  to  resist  any  attempt  at  coercion,  .  .  .  and  if  the  war  shall 
actually  occur,  we  shall  stand  by  Virginia  and  Kentucky,  and  our 
Southern  sisters."  Sound  policy  may  dictate  to  a  public  man  or  to 
the  press,  care,  moderation  or  at  times  even  silence,  but  it  does  not 
warrant  the  use  of  threats,  which  are  not  intended  to  be  carried  out. 

The  proclamation  of  the  President  calling  out  75,000  men  was 
received  at  the  North  with  the  greatest  enthusiasm;  hundreds  of 
meetings  were  held  from  East  to  West,  and  patriotic  telegrams 
approving  the  course  of  the  Administration  poured  in  from  all  sides. 
The  leader  of  the  Northern  Democracy,  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  called 
on  President  Lincoln  and  offered  his  services  in  the  gigantic  task  of 
restoring  the  Union.  Mr.  Elaine  said  the  assault  on  Fort  Sumter 
consolidated  public  sentiment  at  the  North  and  brought  the  whole 
people  to  the  determination  to  re-establish  the  authority  of  the 
Union.  It  is  said  within  fifteen  days  of  the  call  for  75,000  men 
fully  350,000  offered  their  services.  So  much  is  certain  that  within 
25  days  St.  Louis  alone  had  10,000  Union  men  under  arms. 

Fort  Sumter  was  heralded  as  the  strongest  fortress  in  the  seceded 
States,  and  its  surrender  filled  the  Secessionists  .with  undue  con- 
fidence in  their  own  military  capabilities,  and  they  never  reflected 
that  this  success  was  secured  with  war  material  seized  from  the 
Union,  and  that  the  South  had  very  scant  means  to  reproduce  that 
material. 

HARNEY  SEES  DANGER. 

By  the  16th  of  April  General  Harney  revised  his  views  regarding 
the  Arsenal,  for  he  writes  to  General  Scott: 

"The  Arsenal  buildings  and  grounds  are  completely  commanded  by  the 
hills  immediately  in  their  rear,  and  within  easy  range,  and  I  learn  from 
sources  which  I  consider  reliable,  that  it  is  the  intention  of  the  executive  of 
the  State  to  cause  Batteries  to  be  erected  on  these  hills,  and  also  upon  the 
island  opposite  the  Arsenal.  I  am  further  informed  that  should  such  Bat- 
teries be  erected,  it  is  contemplated  by  the  State  authorities,  in  the  event  of 
Secession  of  the  State  from  the  Union,  to  demand  the  surrender  of  the 
Arsenal." 

"The  command  of  the  Arsenal  at  present  consist  of  nine  officers  and  about 
four  hundred  and  thirty  enlisted  men.  While  this  force  would  probably  be 
able  to  resist  successfully  an  assaulting  party  greatly  superior  to  itself  in 
numbers,  it  could  not  withstand  the  fire  of  Batteries  situated  as  above  indi- 
cated. Under  these  circumstances  I  respectfully  ask  instructions  for  my 
guidance." 


The  War  Commences.  185 

Lyon  must  have  doubted  the  reliability  of  aid  from  that  quarter, 
for  lie  writes  under  the  same  date  to  Governor  Yates  of  Illinois  to 
secure  the  service  of  the  six  Regiments,  the  Illinois  Quota,  and  asks 
Yates  to  make  from  him  (Lyon)  a  requisition  for  arms.  In  conse- 
quence of  this  Lyon  was  ordered  to  deliver  to  Governor  Yates  10,000 
stand  of  arms  with  accoutrements  and  ammunition.  About  this 
same  time  the  Union  men  in  Frost's  Brigade  held  a  consultation  and 
withdrew  from  that  organization.  In  fact,  some  left  it  already  a 
second  time,  like  Captains  Tony  Niederwieser  and  Fred  Schaefer, 
who  were  prevailed  upon  by  General  D.  M.  Frost  to  rejoin  the  com- 
mand with  their  Companies  of  Jagers  on  foot  and  mounted.  This 
circumstance  adds  to  the  difficulty  of  comprehending  the  actions  of 
General  D.  M.  Frost,  for  he  must  have  known  that  the  two  officers 
mentioned  above  were  decided  Union  men  who  would  not  likely  be 
subservient  to  his  aims,  as  professed  in  his  letters  to  Governor  Jack- 
son. 

But  the  keenest  apprehensions  were  felt  on  account  of  an  order  by 
General  Scott  that  Captain  Lyon  should  appear  before  a  court  of 
inquiry  at  Leavenworth  on  the  15th  of  April.  In  time  of  civic  com- 
motion every  untoward  measure  is  readily  laid"  at  the  door  of 
jealousy,  evil  intention,  scheme,  intrigue  or  even  treason;  and  so 
was  this  move  attributed  by  some  to  ultra  conservatives  by  others 
to  outright  Secession  machinations.  The  legal  axiom,  "cui  prodest?" 
(whom  will  it  benefit?)  found  here  also  a  broad  application.  For- 
tunately, General  Scott  was  prevailed  upon  to  revoke  the  order,  Gen- 
eral Harney  now  directed  Major  Hagner  to  provide  Captain  Lyon 
with  everything  he  may  need  for  a  thorough  defense  of  the  Arsenal. 
Consequently  loopholes  were  cut  in  walls,  banquettes  raised,  bat- 
teries prepared,  buildings  undermined,  and  the  communication  be- 
tween Union  men  in  the  city  and  the  Arsenal  perfected.  There 
was  free  and  frequent  intercourse  between  the  members  of  the 
Union  organizations  in  the  city  and  Captain  Lyon,  who  assured  them 
that  in  case  of  necessity  he  would  furnish  arms  to  the  Union  men 
upon  his  own  responsibility. 


CHAPTER     VII. 
ORGANIZATION. 


ON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

The  President's  call  for  men  roused  the  entire  North  and  was 
a  step  in  the  right  direction,  which  ended  all  pusillanimous  com- 
promises. True,  the  75,000  men  were  considered  inadequate  to 
the  emergency.  This  was  voiced  by  Governor  Koerner  of  Illinois, 
•who  pointed  to  the  example  of  small  Switzerland  calling  out  150,- 
000  men  and  squelching  with  the  same  its  Secessionist  Cantons 
Tvithin  a  few  weeks. 

While  the  Secessionists  shouted  "On  to  Washington,"  the  Vir- 
ginia State  Convention  passed  on  April  17  a  Secession  Ordinance. 
This  was  done  in  secret  session  in  order  to  seize  Fortress  Monroe, 
the  Navy  Yard  at  Norfolk  and  Harper's  Ferry  before  proper  means 
for  their  defense  could  be  secured  by  the  Federal  Government. 
With  3,000  men  of  previously  organized  troops,  the  Virginians  ap- 
proached Harper's  Ferry.  Lieutenant  Jones  of  the  United  States 
Army  burned  its  stores  and  with  his  43  men  retreated  to  Carlisle. 
Nearly  ten  million  dollars'  worth  of  war  material  was  at  the  Nor- 
folk Navy  Yards.  The  United  States  steamer  Pawnee  with  700 
men  landed  at  Gosport,  removed  large  quantities,  spiked  the  heavy 
guns,  of  which  there  was  a  very  large  number,  and  destroyed  by 
fire  all  that  could  be  reached.  Soon  after  the  Confederate  General 
Taliafero  occupied  Norfolk  and  closed  the  harbor  by  sinking  vessels 
laden  with  stones.  Fortress  Monroe,  being  well  fortified  and  guarded, 
was  beyond  the  reach  of  the  Secessionists;  but  at  Washington  a 
feeling  of  unsafety  prevailed  and  C/assius  M.  Clay  organized  a 
militia  force  to  control  rowdies  and  incendiaries.  The  sentiments 
at  the  South  at  this  period  are  best  characterized  by  the  words  of 
Secretary  Walker  of  the  Confederates,  who  was  cheered  by  an  im- 
mense crowd  at  Montgomery,  Alabama,  when  he  said,  pointing  to 
the  .Secession  bunting:  "The  flag  which  now  flounts  the  breeze 

(186) 


Organization.  187 

here  will  float  over  the  dome  of  the  Capitol  at  Washington  before 
the  first  of  May,  and  it  may  eventually  float  on  Faneuil  Hall  itst-11'." 
Events,  however,  that  happened  at  the  same  time  in  the  North  and 
near  Faneuil  Hall  were  apt  to  disappoint  such  sanguine  expectations. 
When  on  April  15  a  telegram  reached  Boston  from  Washington 
calling  for  help,  Governor  Andrews  of  Massachusetts  dispatched 
orders  to  the  neighboring  towns,  and  already  on  the  16th  three 
companies  from  Marble  Head  arrived  and  marched  to  Faneuil  Hall. 
Troops  now  poured  in  from  all  sides  and  as  early  as  the  18th  of 
April,  the  Sixth  Massachusetts  Volunteers  left  Boston  for  Wash- 
ington and  the  Third  and  Fourth  Regiments  left  by  steamer  for 
Fortress  Monroe,  while  the  same  evening  400  Pennsylvania  Vol- 
unteers and  three  Companies  of  Regulars  occupied  the  Washington 
Capitol.  Next  day,  the  19th  of  April,  the  last  hundred  men  of  the 
Eighth  Massachusetts,  passing  Baltimore  in  cars,  were  attacked 
by  a  mob.  The  Bay  State  men  got  out,  formed  on  the  sidewalk, 
fixed  bayonets  and  forced  their  way  to  the  Washington  Depot. 
After  several  of  their  number  had  been  killed  and  wounded,  they 
fired  and  dispersed  the  mob.  It  was  on  the  anniversary  of  the 
battles  of  Lexington  and  Concord  in  1776  that  the  first  blood  was 
also  shed  in  the  Civil  War  of  1861.  The  same  day  General  Butler 
left  Boston  for  Washington  with  the  Eighth  Massachusetts,  and  the 
next  day  the  Fifth  and  a  Company  of  Light  Artillery  starts  for  the 
same  place.  On  the  21st  the  Sixth  Massachusetts  arrives  at  Wash- 
ington, and  on  the  22d  the  Seventh  New  York  and  the  Eighth 
Massachusetts  at  Annapolis.  The  latter  Regiment,  numbering 
a  great  many  mechanics,  repaired  the  railroad  to  Washington  and 
enabled  the  Seventh  New  York  to  reach  that  city  on  the  25th. 
The  next  day,  the  Twelfth  and  Seventy-first  New  York  passes  to 
Washington,  and  the  Fifth,  Eighth  and  Sixty-ninth  gets  to  An- 
napolis. May  2  the  Rhode  Island  Flying  Artillery  is  received  by 
Rhode  Island  Infantry  on  Pennsylvania  avenue,  and  the  day  after 
Elsworth's  Fire  Zouaves  enter  the  city.  These  rapid  moves  show 
the  energetic  spirit  of  the  Northeasterns,  but  more  than  all,  they 
show  the  immense  value  of  a  well  appointed  Militia.  Similar  en- 
thusiasm and  energy  prevailed  in  all  Northern  States,  though  not 
with  the  same  chances  of  offering  immediate  aid  to  Washington; 
but  the  above  facts  prove  the  sagacity  of  the  Missouri  Governor, 
who  energetically  organized  the  State  Militia,  to  be  used  in  the  cause 
of  Secession. 


188  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


UNION  MILITARY  ORGANIZATION  IN  ST.  LOUIS. 

The  political  campaign  of  1856,  and  still  more  that  of  1860, 
consolidated  the  anti-Slavery  elements  in  St.  Louis  with  the  Re- 
publican party.  These  elements  in  their  main  constituent  parts 
were  a  limited  number  of  Americans  from  Eastern  and  Northern 
States,  who  came  here  already  with  strong  ethical  convictions  of 
the  wrong  of  Slavery;  also  Americans  who  came  to  Missouri  from 
the  Mountain  Districts  of  Border  and  Southern  States  and  who 
never  had  an  interest  in  the  peculiar  institution,  likewise  the  more 
cultured  or  political  immigrants  of  Ireland  and  the  overwhelming 
mass  of  the  other  European  immigration,  by  far  the  largest  num- 
ber of  which  came  from  Germany.  These  last,  by  their  great 
numbers  and  very  able  leaders,  really  formed  the  chief  ingredient 
of  the  Republican  party  in  St.  Louis.  At  that  time  most  of  this 
European  immigration  sought  the  hospitable  shores  of  America 
from  a  love  of  free  institutions,  and  looked  at  the  Federal  Union 
as  the  embodiment  of  the  most  perfect  Government  on  earth.  Flee- 
ing themselves  from  the  oppression  of  privileged  classes  and  heredi- 
tary possessive  prerogatives,  they  were  natural  foes  to  any  kind  of 
similar  relations  on  this  continent.  Liberty  was  for  them  a  re- 
ligion, and  the  very  name  of  Slavery  was  sufficient  cause  in  their 
eyes  to  condemn  everything  and  everybody  connected  with  it. 

St.  Louis  had  grown  from  the  small  hunter  and  trapper  colony 
of  the  year  1785  from  500  inhabitants  to  double  that  number  in 
1800;  in  1810  to  1,400;  1820  to  4,000;  1830  to  5,000;  1840  to 
16,000;  1850  to  78,000;  1860  to  185,000.  It  will  be  noted  that 
the  decades  after  1830  and  1840,  which  included  the  two  great 
political  immigrations,  show  the  relative  greatest  increase  in  this 
heterogeneous  population.  Political  Ward  Clubs,  campaign  com- 
panies, nominating  conventions  brought  these  elements  into  closer 
contact,  and  the  desire  to  guard  the  freedom  of  speech  at  public 
meetings  led  to  strong  marching  organizations,  such  as  the  "Wide- 
Awakes,"  under  Colonel  Jas.  Peckham  on  the  Republican,  and 
the  "Broom  Rangers"  and  other  companies,  on  the  Democratic 
side.  These  companies,  neatly  uniformed,  marched  in  good  order 
to  their  respective  meetings,  added  dignity  by  their  appearance 
and  increased  the  audiences  and  the  safety  of  the  speakers.  Al- 
though these  companies  were  not  armed,  their  lampsticks  and 


Organization.  189 

broomsticks  might  have  been  readily  exchanged  for  muskets.  In 
this  sense  they  fostered  a  military  spirit  and  prepared  the  in- 
habitants for  the  latter  organizations.  To  stop  party  jeal- 
ousy, a  meeting  on  January  11  at  Washington  Hall,  called 
for  the  formation  of  Union  Clubs  all  over  town.  It  was 
<mitt-  natural  that  the  great  majority  of  their  members  were  Re- 
publicans. In  February  Union  Guards  were  enrolled  at  Wash- 
ington Hall,  Third  and  Elm,  Darby's  building,  Fifth  and  Olive, 
and  in  more  or  less  private  meetings  at  Turner  Hall,  Filley's  foun- 
dry. Furmr's  house  Seventh  and  St.  Charles,  on  Twelfth  and 
Olive.  Winkelmeyer's  Brewery,  Ruedi's  and  Flora  Garden  and  a 
niiniber  of  other  places.  There  are  lists  published  of  about  750 
names,  but  no  organic  connection  between  the  separate  clubs  is  in 
evidence,  and  a  legal  foundation,  system,  order,  and  a  central 
direction  came  only  into  the  movement  when  the  Volunteer  and 
Home  Guard  Regiments  organized  and  were  mustered  into  the 
United  States  service  at  the  St.  Louis  Arsenal  after  the  20th  of 
April  and  at  the  commencement  of  May,  1861.  The  St.  Louis 
Turners,  with  a  few  other  citizens  and  some  members  of  the  old 
Mi-.-ouri  Turn  Society,  formed  the  first  three  Companies,  A,  B  and 
C,  of  the  First  Volunteer  Regiment;  John  S.  Caveuder,  from  the 
Missouri  State  Militia;  Robert  B.  Beck,  John  McFall,  Francis  Man- 
ter,  from  the  first  Union  Club;  David  Murphy  from  Franklin 
County,  wen-  prominently  active  in  the  organization  of  the  other 
Companies  of  the  same  Regiment,  which  latter  elected  Francis 
P.  Blair  Colonel.  Governor  Yates  of  Illinois  had  previously  sent 
200  muskets,  which  were  taken  to  St.  Louis  Turner  Hall;  Blair 
and  the  Filleys  bought  seventy  muskets  with  their  own  means, 
and  sixty  Sharp's  rifles  were  stored  at  Filley's  foundry.  The  Filleys 
took  a  memorable  part  in  the  Union  movement  from  its  very  in- 
ception. Descended  from  the  original  settlers  near  Plymouth  Rock, 
they  became  leaders  of  industrial  pursuits  and  maintained  the  in- 
herited spirit  of  free  institutions,  when  sorely  pressed  to  a  test  in 
1861.  Besides  0.  D.  Filley,  Mayor  of  St.  Louis  at  the  time,  men- 
tioned later  as  President  of  the  Safety  Committee,  there  was  Giles  F. 
Filley.  who  came  to  the  city  in  1834;  he  was  the  first  to  estab- 
lish in  St.  Louis  a  pottery  plant  and  later  the  Excelsior  Stove  Works 
and  the  Charter  Oak  Range  and  Iron  Company.  He  helped  to 
organize  the  Free  Soil  or  Liberty  party  of  1848,  and  a  newspaper 


190  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

called  the  "Union,"  said  to  be  the  ancestor  of  the  "Dispatch" ;  he 
aided  materially  the  construction  of  the  Eads  bridge  and  the  Kan- 
sas Pacific  Railroad,  and  made  good  his  endorsement  for  nearly 
one  and  a  half  million  dollars  with  which  he  had  accommodated  a 
business  friend.  Samuel  and  Edward  Filley  came  to  St.  Louis  in 
1844  and  1845,  and  Chauncey  Ives  Filley  in  1850.  All  these  men 
aided  the  Union  cause  with  their  advice,  means  and  active  service. 
The  last  named  was  a  member  of  the  Third  Reserve  Regiment, 
later  on  Mayor  of  St.  Louis  and  for  forty  years  a  leader  in  political 
affairs. 

THE  SAFETY  COMMITTEE. 

Money  had  to  be  collected  for  the  most  pressing  expenses,  as 
in  the  inception  of  the  Union  movement  the  United  States  officers 
and  officeholders  of  Buchanan's  administration  permitted  them- 
selves to  be  tied  hand  and  foot  by  Army  regulations  and  a 
worse  than  Gordian  Knot  of  red  tape,  which  tauntingly  braved 
the  sword  of  a  second  Alexander.  At  one  of  the  meetings  of  a 
Union  Club,  Frank  P.  Blair  suggested  that  as  he  would  be  absent 
at  Washington  City  as  member  of  Congress,  O.  D.  Filley  as  Presi- 
dent, John  How,  Samuel  Glover,  James  O.  Broadhead  and  J.  J. 
Witzig,  with  Frank  Blair,  should  act  as  a  Safety  Committee  to 
direct  matters.  The  suggestion  was  agreed  to  and  the  men  named 
thereafter  exercised  a  more  or  less  directive  influence,  which  was 
based  on  their  standing  in  the  community  and  their  well  known 
Union  fealty.  There  is  an  inherent  contradiction  in  the  name  of 
a  Safety  Committee,  for  it  is  always  raised  in  the  hour  of  great 
public  danger  and  has  been  known  under  different  names  in  all 
revolutions.  A  Safety  Committee  is  an  informal  trust,  established 
by  the  confidence  of  many  citizens,  in  whose  opinion  the  regular 
constituted  authorities  do  no  more  represent  the  true  interests  of 
the  commonwealth.  The  authority  of  such  a  Committee  is  mainly 
advisory,  its  tenure  indefinite  and  transitory.  During  popular  up- 
risings such  a  Safety  Committee  forms  a  central  medium  of  advice, 
information  and  direction;  but  the  St.  Louis  Safety  Committee, 
through  President  Lincoln's  order  at  the  end  of  April  also  became 
the  trusted  representative  of  the  Federal  Government.  The  men 
of  the  Safety  Committee  risked  fortune,  station  and  life,  and  will 
be  kept  in  grateful  memory  of  this  and  future  generations. 


Organization.  191 

The  members  of  this  Committee  in  1861  were  prominent  citi- 
zens, some  of  very  large  means,  and  all  had  a  well  established  repu- 
tation among  their  fellow  citizens.  The  President,  0.  D.  Filleyr 
was  Mayor  of  the  city  at  the  time,  a  descendant  of  a  Puritan  family ; 
he  became  a  friend  of  Senator  Benton,  was  in  the  tinware,  crockery 
and  stove  business.  John  How  was  born  and  raised  in  Phila- 
delphia ;  established  in,  St.  Louis  an  extensive  leather  business  and 
tannery,  acquired  a  fortune  from  which  he  made  a  princely  gift 
to  the  Washington  University;  he  was  twice  Mayor 'of  St.  Louisr 
in  1853  and  1856.  Samuel  T.  Glover  was  born  in  Kentucky  in 
1813,  admitted  to  the  Bar  in  Palmyra,  Missouri,  came  to  St.  Louis 
in  1849,  had  been  member  of  the  Legislature,  ranked  among  the 
best  lawyers  of  the  State,  and  although  born  in  a  Slave  State,  was 
•in  favor  of  emancipation.  James  Overton  Broadhead,  born  in  Vir- 
ginia in  1819,  admitted  to  the  Bar  in  Pike  County,  Missouri,  in 
1842.  read  law  in  Edward  Bates'  office,  made  a  memorable  argu- 
ment in  the  Missouri  State  Convention  of  1861  in  support  of  the 
right  of  the  Federal  Government  to  call  out  the  State  Militia  to 
suppress  insurrection,  and  used  the  diction,  "The  Union  at  any 
cost";  he  also  was  a  leading  lawyer  in  the  State  and  was  in  politics 
a  Democrat.  J.  J.  Witzig,  of  German  descent,  a  mechanical  en- 
gineer, a  strong  Union  man,  plain,  outspoken  and  uncompromising. 
Frank  P.  Blair  was  the  most  prominent,  active  and  resolute  man 
of  the  Committee;  born  in  Lexington,  Kentucky,  in  1821,  a  son 
to  Francis  P.  Blair,  Sr.,  who  had  been  called  to  Washington* 
D.  C.,  by  President  Jackson  to  combat  John  C.  Calhoun's  nullifica- 
tion wing  of  the  Democracy.  Frank  P.  Blair,  Jr.,  came  to  Si 
Louis  a  graduate  of  Princeton  College  in  1843;  practiced  law, 
served  as  a  private  in  the  Mexican  War,  was  elected  to  the  Le«i 
lature  in  1852  and  re-elected  in  1854,  and  favored  free  labor  and 
emancipation  and  the  colonization  of  the  colored  race,  a  measure 
which,  even  if  practicable,  would  beggar  the  South.  In  185& 
Blair  was  elected  to  Congress  and  was  re-elected  later;  after  Lincoln's 
election  he  considered  war  inevitable.  Blair  rendered  the  Union 
cause  and  the  Union  movement  in  St.  Louis  invaluable  services 
in  Washington,  and  by  his  great  personal  acquaintance  in  Missouri, 
was  the  most  trusted  and  valuable  advisor  of  Nathaniel  Lyonr 
though  his  Congressional  duties  removed  him  to  a  degree  from 
the  immediate  local  organization.  Tt  will  be  seen  from  the  above 
short  sketch  of  the  Safety  Committee  that  three  of  its  members 


192  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

hailed  from  the  South,  two  from  the  North  and  one  from  Europe, 
also  that  all  its  members  were  among  the  best  respected  men  of  the 
community. 

A  Union  author  styles  the  Club  in  which  Blair  was  the  leader 
the  "Parent  Company,"  a  claim  which  can  not  be  substantiated, 
for  although  many  members  of  this  and  other  Union  Club  organi- 
zations joined  the  Regiments  which  later  went  into  active  military 
service,  with  the  exception  of  Blair  and  a  few  officers  of  the  First 
Missouri  Volunteers,  the  active  organizers  of  Regiments  were  not 
members  of  the  so-called  "Parent  Club" ;  in  fact  organizations  and 
preparations  for  an  armed  activity  went  on  in  various  parts  of  the 
city,  as  at  Flora  Garden,  Soulard  Market,  White  Beer  Brewery, 
Yaeger's  Garden,  Tyrolean  Hall,  Fourth  and  Poplar;  Ruedi's  Gar- 
den. Turner  Hall,  Franklin  avenue,  and  Stifel's  Brewery.  Best 
appointed  and  led  was  the  movement  at  Turner  Hall,  where  over 
three  hundred  members  of  the  St.  Louis  Turner  Society  took  an 
active  part,  and  were  joined  by  a  number  of  men  outside  of  the 
Society.  This  body  was  diligently  drilled  by  Captain  Learned,  a 
former  United  States  officer;  by  General  Sigel  and  others.  At  a 
meeting  of  a  Union  Club  on  March  10  at  Turner  Hall,  the  President 
of  the  Club,  said  to  have  been  a  son  or  relative  of  Governor  Gamble, 
made  a  speech,  in  which  he  claimed  that  Missouri  should  fight 
for  the  flag  but  under  no  circumstances  against  Missourians.  This 
qualification  of  Union  fealty  was  energetically  opposed,  and  as  a 
result  of  the  debate  a  pledge  was  drawn  up  by  E.  W.  Decker  and 
signed  by  G.  A.  Finkelnburg,  R.  T.  and  R.  G.  Rombauer,  J.  H. 
Tiemeyer,  Hugo  Gollmer  and  nearly  all  St.  Louis  Turners  present, 
declaring  that  the  undersigned  will  stand  by  the  Union  uncon- 
ditionally, against  all  its  foes  in  Missouri  or  out  of  Missouri.  In 
consequence  of  this  controversy  the  members  separated  from  the 
Club  and  formed  three  Companies,  namely,  the  first  under  G.  A. 
Finkelnburg,  the  second  under  Hugo  Gollmer  and  the.  third  under 
J.  H.  Tiemeyer. 

On  the  15th  of  March,  three  boxes  of  arms  were  brought  to 
Turner  Hall  from  Woodward  &  Co.,  in  a  manner  to  obviate  sus- 
picion. They  had  been  sent  via  Alton  by  Governor  Yates  of 
Illinois. 

The  great  unsafety  of  political  relations  at  St.  Louis  and  the 
evident  hostile  disposition  of  different  portions  of  the  inhabitants 


GUSTAV   A.    FINKELNBURG. 
Lieutenant  1st  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers. 


Organization.  193 

and  sections  of  the  city  brought  about  a  feeling  of  unrest,  general 
distrust  and  reduction  in  business;  collections  and  payments  were 
poor,  purchases  nominal,  manufactures  at  a  standstill;  the  number 
of  destitute  persons  was  daily  increasing.  Benevolent,  Turner, 
Singing  and  private  Societies  arranged  concerts,  theatrical  and  other 
exhibitions  to  support  with  the  proceeds  public  soup  houses,  often 
frequented  by  persons  who  never  lived  on  charity  before.  There 
\va<  a  surplus  of  energy,  capacity  and  labor  in  all  industrial  chan- 
nels. This  to  some  extent  accounts  for  the  phenomenal  filling  up 
of  Union  and  Secession  ranks. 

ST.  LOUIS  MINUTE  MEN. 

Secessionists  organized  in  squads,  even  before  the  old  year  ex- 
pired, and  were  drilling  at  the  Tobacco  Warehouse.  On  January  7 
Minute  Men  Companies  were  organized  at  a  meeting  presided  over 
by  Chas.  McLaren  at  Washington  Hall;  they  were  armed  with 
the  latest  and  best  arms  and  later  they  established  headquarters 
at  Berthold's  mansion,  northwest  corner  Broadway  and  Pine,  num- 
bering early  in  February  about  300  and  rapidly  increasing.  Estimates 
of  their  numbers  soon  went  as  high  as  1,500,  which  in  all  probability 
represented  more  or  less  loosely  canvassed  and  registered  Southern 
sympathizers  of  a  military  disposition.  Five  Companies  of  these 
Minute  Men,  though  flying  the  Secession  flag  and  engaged  to  stand 
by  the  South,  were  still  mustered  into  the  State  service  by  General 
Frn-t:  their  Captains  were  Basil  Duke,  James  R.  Shaler,  Colton 
Greene,  0.  H.  Barrett  and  G.  F.  Hubbard.  They  formed  a  Battalion, 
elected  Shaler  Major  and  later  joined  Bowen's  Regiment.  Although 
greatly  outnumbered  by  the  Union  organizations,  it  was  surmised 
that  early  in  the  year  they  "might  have  taken  the  Arsenal  or  per- 
ished in  the  attempt,"  but  for  the  advice  of  the  Governor  and  other 
leaders,  who  were  in  hopes  that  the  people  of  Missouri  would  de- 
clare for  Secession.  Thus  morally  supported,  the  Minute  Men,  with 
General  Frost's  Militia  and  thousands  who  were  expected  to  flock 
to  their  aid,  could  afterwards  easily  take  the  Arsenal.  Failing  in 
this  hope  and  expectation,  Governor  Jackson  and  his  party  viewed 
the  growing  Union  strength  with  apprehensions:  he  therefore  had 
the  Legislature  insert  a  clause  in  the  Militia  bill  which  ordered 
the  commanding  officer  of  the  District  to  disarm  every  Company 

13 


194  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

which  was  not  regularly  organized  and  mustered  into  the  service 
of  the  State.  Snead  in  his  work,  "A  Fight  for  Missouri,"  claims 
that  the  Secessionists,  few  in  number,  but  young,  full  of  zeal  and 
well  organized,  did  not  care  whether  they  were  constitutionally 
right  or  not,  "for  the  God-given  right  of  revolution  is  a  higher 
and  more  sacred  right  than  any  which  is  based  upon  the  bargaining 
and  concessions  of  men."  But  Snead  did  not  seem  to  have  con- 
sidered that  this  highsounding  proposition  is  subject  to  some  un- 
avoidable conditions.  In  the  first  instance,  a  revolution  which  is 
bound  to  fail  in  its  object  is  always  wrong.  The  disproportion  c«f 
the  North  and  South  in  men,  in  wealth,  in  communicational  means. 
in  industrial  outfit,  in  the  education  of  the  masses,  was  so  great 
that  only  the  genius  of  the  military  leaders  of  the  South,  the  self- 
sacrificing  devotion  of  its  armies  and  the  immense  distances  of 
sparsely  populated  regions  could  stave  off  the  sure  defeat  for  the 
period  of  a  few  years ;  and  secondly,  the  right  of  revolution  is  only 
considered  a  right  when  it  is  in  line  with  some  ethical  principle: 
it  must  be  resorted  to  for  an  idea  which  elevates  humanity  to  a 
higher  plane  of  perfection  and  which  adds  to  human  happiness. 
Is  there  any  one  so  blind  to  all  logic  to  assert  that  a  revolution 
for  the  perpetuation  of  the  curse  of  Slavery  had  an  object  which 
was  elevating  humanity?  For  it  must  not  be  lost  sight  of  that  it 
is  the  deteriorating  effect  upon  the  owner  which  every  Slavery 
entails,  which  forms  the  chief  cause  for  its  condemnation.  The 
unavoidable  conditions  of  a  free  commonwealth  are  equal  rights 
and  duties  of  its  citizens.  These  are  incompatible  with  black  or 
white,  feudal  or  hierarchical,  political  or  industrial  Slavery,  all  of 
which  in  their  continuance  must  become  fatal  to  liberty.  Snead 
also  holds  that  few  Secessionists  organized  until  "Sturgeon's  folly" 
set  fire  to  the  passions  of  men  and  lit  the  flames  of  civil  war  on  the 
soil  of  Missouri.  This  is  a  serious  misconception  of  facts :  for  Union 
men  and  Secessionists  had  made  up  their  mind  long  ago  what  they 
will  do,  and  a  military  escort  for  the  removal  of  funds  which  were 
endangered  by  actual  seizures  of  United  States  funds  in  other  parts 
of  the  country  could  excite  no  sensible  man.  Crowds  will  gather  on 
the  streets  when  two  newspaper  boys  fight  or  a  pocket  thief  is  ar- 
rested, and  before  1861  soldiers  were  an  unusual  sight.  Mr.  Sturgeon, 
as  United  States  Assistant  Treasurer,  showed  only  proper  discre- 
tion and  care  for  the  safetv  of  Government  funds  in  his  hands. 


Organization. 


THE  THREE  MONTHS  VOLUNTEERS. 

In  the  meantime  the  work  of  aggregation  and  formation  went 
on  all  over  town,  chiefly  by  the  younger  men  who  formed  the  Volun- 
teer Regiments,  and  when  President  Lincoln  made  the  call  for 
75,000  men,  St.  Louis  was  thoroughly  prepared  for  it,  even  though 
the  Governor  and  the  State  Militia  were  on  the  other  side.  The 
three  Turner  Companies  were  long  ready,  and  the  energy  and  popu- 
larity of  Francis  T.  Blair  made  him  the  natural  leader  of  the  First 
Volunteer  Regiment,  which  listed  originally  nearly  50  per  cent 
German,  over  42  per  cent  American  and  French  and  about  8  per 
cent  Irish  names.  It  is  characteristic  how  some  of  these  Companies 
were  formed.  The  aggregation  of  the  first  Companies  of  the  First 
Volunteer  Regiment  was  accomplished  in  and  by  the  St.  Louis 
Turn  Verein,  with  some  members  from  kindred  Societies  and 
sympathetic  associates.  Members  of  the  Union  Clubs,  former  State 
Militia  officers  and  men,  with  a  large  proportion  of  Americans, 
formed  the  other  Companies,  of  which  one  was  manned  almost 
entirely  by  loyal  Irishmen. 

The  origin  of  one  Company  of  the  First  Missouri  Volunteers 
is  so  characteristic  of  the  conditions  that  prevailed  in  Missouri  at 
the  time  that  it  may  be  related  -more  in  detail.  David  Murphy 
was  teaching  at  the  quiet  country  town  of  Union,  Missouri,  and  his 
sympathies  were  enlisted  in  the  Union  cause.  The  political  excite- 
ment grew  until  the  surrender  of  Fort  Sumter  April  14,  and  Presi- 
dent Lincoln's  call  for  75,000  men,  April  15,  capped  the  climax. 
When  the  children  assembled  in  school  next  day,  Murphy  ad- 
dressed them  briefly,  stating  that  he  deems  it  his  duty  to  follow  the 
call  of  his  country  and  join  the  Union  forces.  Bidding  the  children 
"Good-Bye,"  he  dismissed  school,  boarded  a  train  of  the  Missouri 
Pacific  and  came  to  St.  Louis.  Frank  Blair  met  him  on  the  street 
and  asked,  "What  are  you  doing  in  the  city,  Murphy?"  to  which 
he  answered,  "I  am  going  to  Illinois  to  join  the  Union  troops,  as 
Governor  Jackson  of  Missouri  has  refused  to  furnish  any/'  and 
Blair  said,  "Why,  we  have  nearly  four  Regiments  ready  enlisted; 
go  back  to  Union,  form  a  Company  and  come  to  my  Regiment  at 
the  Arsenal."  Murphy  considered  a  moment  and  answered,  "It  will 
not  be  an  easy  matter,  but  I  will  do  it."  Returning  to  Union  he 
quickly  organized  a  Company,  though  surrounded  by  Southern 


196  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

sympathizers  who  were  also  recruiting  for  their  side.  To  avoid  a 
useless  fight  with  questionable  result,  the  members  of  the  Union 
Company  were  ordered  to  assemble  individually  on  train  time  at 
Washington,  Missouri.  When  the  train  arrived  Murphy's  Company 
stood  ready  on  the  platform.  There  were  two  Companies  of  State 
troops  on  the  train  already  who  lustily  cheered  for  "Jefferson 
Davis,"  fired  pistols  at  random  and  damned  the  "Abolitionists." 

The  Sheriff  of  the  County  warned  Murphy  that  it  was  dan- 
gerous to  board  that  train,  but  the  Captain  answered  coolly,  "I  am 
in  command  here.  Attention !  Forward !  Take  the  first  car,"  and 
ordered  the  men  to  sit  facing  the  rear  cars,  where  the  hostile  Com- 
panies were.  Murphy  heard  that  at  the  station  of  Gray's  Summit 
a  meeting  was  held  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  stopping  and  mob- 
bing his  Company.  He  called  on  the  conductor  and  warned  him 
he  must  not  stop  at  Gray's  Summit  at  the  peril  of  his  life.  The 
conductor  referred  him  to  the  engineer,  to  whom  Murphy,  after 
crawling  over  to  the  engine,  repeated  the  warning  in  a  manner 
which  could  not  be  misunderstood.  The  train  flew  past  Gray's 
Summit,  not  heeding  the  signals  and  shouts  of  a  large  number  of 
armed  men.  Captain  Kelly  of  the  Camp  Jackson  song1  fame,  asked 
Murphy  what  the  meaning  of  that  organized  troop  was  and  received 
the  answer:  "This  is  a  Company  of  Union  men  going  to  the  St. 
Louis  Arsenal  to  defend  it  against  all  attacks.  Have  you  any  ob- 
jections?" To  which  Kelly  said,  "None  whatever;  you  are  safe  on 
this  train  to  St.  Louis."  To  which  Murphy  retorted:  "We  are  able 
to  take  care  of  ourselves."  The  Company  arrived  safely  at  the 
Arsenal  and  joined  the  Rifle  Battalion. 

The  First  Regiment  Volunteer  Infantry  of  Missouri  organized 
April  27,  1861,  by  electing  Francis  P.  Blair  Colonel. 

The  leading  spirit  in  the  Second  Missouri  Volunteer  Regiment 
was  Henry  Boernstein,  editor  of  the  "Anzeiger  des  Westerns,"  an 
energetic,  able  man  of  radical  views  and  a  gifted  writer.  Being  a 
leader  in  political,  social  and  theatrical  enterprises  he  became  popu- 
lar and  influential,  chiefly  among  citizens  of  German  descent. 
Henry  Boernstein  was  born  November  4,  1805,  in  Hamburg,  edu- 
cated at  the  University  of  Lemberg  in  Galicia,  joined  the  Austrian 


"'It  was  on  the  tenth  of  May, 

Kelly's  men  were  all  away, 

When  the  Dutch  went  out 

To  take  Camp  Jackson." 


Organization.  197 

army  and  married  in  Buda,  Hungary.  He  followed  theatrical  and 
journalistic  pursuits  at  Paris,  France,  where  he  took  an  active  part 
in  the  revolution  of  1848.  Emigrating  to  this  country,  he  first 
practiced  medicine,  afterwards  became  editor  and  proprietor  of  the 
"Anzeiger  des  Westens,"  at  that  time  a  radical  Republican  paper. 
Boernstein  was  the  founder  of  the  "Free  Mens'  Rationalistic  Society," 
promoted  theatre  enterprises  and  progressive  institutions  and  took 
a  very  active  part  in  politics.  Peter  J.  Osterhaus,  who  became  one 
of  the  best  Generals  of  the  Union  Army,  and  Colonel  Fred  Schaefer, 
who  fell  at  the  battle  of  Murfreesboro,  were  members  of  this  Regi- 
ment. Drilling  was  going  on  long  before  the  President's  call,  among 
other  places,  at  the  house  of  Professor  A.  Hammer,  an  eminent  sur- 
geon, where  the  students  of  the  Humboldt  Institute  assembled  and 
were  instructed  by  P.  J.  Osterhaus  in  anticipation  of  coming  events. 
At  one  such  evening  an  alarm  was  heard  and  Dr.  Hammer  ex- 
citedly rushed  for  his  revolver,  which  the  cool-headed  Osterhaus 
quietly  took  from  him.  The  house  of  Dr.  Hammer  stood  on  the 
ground  of  the  present  Anheuser-Busch  Brewery,  then  in  embryo 
state,  and  ;is  that  \\as  almost  within  pistol  shot  of  the  Arsenal  gate, 
the  Doctor's  excitement  could  be  readily  explained.  A  squad  of 
about  twenty  students,  to  whom  Lyon  furnished  muskets,  held  here 
an  advanced  guard.  Osterhaus  afterward  aided  to  form  the  Second 
Volunteers,  whose  Rifle  Battalion  he  commanded,  which  rendered 
eminent  service  at  the  battle  of  Wilson's  Creek.  Dr.  A.  Hammer 
aided  the  formation  of  the  Fourth  Volunteers,  whose  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  he  was;  Dr.  Joseph  Spiegelhalter  that  of  the  Fifth  Volun- 
teers and  other  squads  and  their  members,  aided  similarly  in  differ- 
ent organizations,  according  to  the  immediate  need  and  convenience, 
as  the  spontaneous  and  elementary  nature  of  the  Union  move- 
ment demanded.  Rank  and  advancement  was  gained  quick.  The 
Private  of  one  day  was  made  Captain  the  next,  and  the  Com- 
mander of  a  Battalion  or  Regiment  the  third  or  fourth  day. 

Francis  Sigel,  the  most  prominent  organizer  of  the  Third  Regi- 
ment Volunteers,  had  an  established  reputation  as  a  military  man. 
As  second  in  command  of  the  revolutionary  army  at  Baden  in 
1848,  he  gained  the  appreciation  of  his  countrymen  in  a  high  de- 
gree ;  as  a  man  of  decided  progressive  republican  views,  possessed  of 
a  good  military  education,  it  was  obvious  that  he  should  become  a 
leader  in  military  affairs.  Sigel  was  Superintendent  of  the  German 


198  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

Institute  of  Education,  which  enjoyed  a  very  good  reputation.  The 
Second  and  Third  Regiments  were  manned  almost  entirely  by 
Germans. 

The  "Schwarze  Jaeger,"  or  Fourth  Regiment  Missouri  Volun- 
teers, had  its  origin  in  a  hunting  and  rifle  club  of  many  years' 
standing.  Its  members  were  chiefly  German  immigrants,  their 
leader  in  1861  was  Nicolaus  Schuettner,  a  carpenter  by  trade,  who 
made  up  for  his  lack  of  education  by  a  most  resolute  patriotism 
and  the  earnestness  of  deep  conviction.  There  were  a  few  Ameri- 
cans in  some  of  their  Companies,  and  in  one  a  great  many 
Bohemians.  The  "Schwarze  Jaeger"  were  always  armed  and  being 
accustomed  to  the  handling  of  rifles,  having  the  practice  and  outfit 
of  hunters,  were  in  the  first  four  months  of  1861,  up  to  April  21,  of 
more  consequence  than  most  other  Union  organizations,  as  they 
could  be  counted  upon  in  the  defense  of  the  Arsenal  for  immediate 
armed  resistance.  The  original  Schwarze  Jaeger  Society  was  largely 
composed  of  men  who  had  been  in  military  service  in  Europe.  They 
assembled  for  gun  and  rifle  practice  and  had  social  gatherings. 
They  commenced  to  organize  military  Companies  for  field  service 
early  in  1861  at  several  points,  such  as  Ruedi's  Garden,  South  Third, 
Broadway  near  Park  and  Arsenal  and  Broadway,  Jaegers'  Garden 
and  Wild  Hunters. 

When  Captain  Anthony  Niederwieser  planted  the  Union  flag  on 
the  southeast  corner  of  Broadway  and  Pine,  right  opposite  the  Min- 
ute Men's  Secession  ensign,  Captain  Schuettner,  with  a  Company 
of  about  forty  men  from  the  original  "Schwarze  Jaeger,"  mounted 
guard  for  its  protection. 

The  Fifth  Regiment  Missouri  Volunteers  was  organized  by 
electing  C.  E.  Solomon  Colonel.  The  first  meetings  of  men  for 
its  organization  were  held  on  Park  avenue  and  Seventh  street  and 
at  Flora  Garden.  The  members  came  chiefly  from  the  Southern 
part  of  town,  Carondelet  and  from  St.  Louis  County.  The  first  five 
Companies  were  mustered  in  by  the  4th  of  May,  two  more  by  the 
10th  and  two  more  by  the  15th  of  May.  The  Regiment  organized 
on  May  18.  C.  E.  Solomon,  the  Commander  of  the  Regiment,  was 
a  civil  engineer  and  as  such  particularly  apt  to  take  advantage  of 
topographical  conditions  for  tactical  problems. 

The  slower  organization  of  this  Regiment  was  owing  to  the  fact 
that  the  first  four  Regiments  had  filled  the  Missouri  quota  under 


Organization.  199 

the  President's  call  for  75,000  men,  and  the  Fifth  Volunteers  muster 
in  was  only  made  legal  after  the  President  increased  the  Missouri 
quota  to  10,000  men. 

The  political  excitement  carried  its  partisan  fire  also  into  the 
churches;  the  Catholic  houses  of  worship  were  least  affected  because 
they  were  governed  in  the  main  by  their  highest  capacities.  The 
German  churches  were  on  the  Union  side,  the  majority  of  the 
American  favored  Secession;  some  had  a  divided  congregation, 
while  others  had  a  decided  Union  membership  and  eminent  preach- 
ers. Eliot  and  Galusha  Anderson  were  animated  apostles  of  truth 
and  liberty,  and  did  much  to  develop  the  Union  cause  among 
American  religious  people.  The  latter  wrote  a  very  interesting  book, 
''The  Story  of  a  Border  City  During  the  Civil  War,"  which  sketches 
the  contest  in  St.  Louis  from  the  ethical  standpoint  and  casts  a  lurid 
light  upon  the  unchristian  features  of  Slavery  in  the  home  com- 
munity, also  upon  the  obligated  subserviency  to  it  by  public 
officers.  Conservative  members  of  Rev.  Galusha  Anderson's  congre- 
gation objected  to  his  usual  prayer  for  the  welfare  of  the  President. 
After  an  inward  struggle  between  his  interests  and  his  duty,  Ander- 
son said  from  the  pulpit  on  April  21,  1861:  "I  wish  to  bear  my 
own  individual  testimony  to  express  the  feelings  of  my  heart.  I 
love  my  country — I  love  the  freedom  of  my  country.  It  was  pur- 
chased by  the  blood  of  our  fathers,  and  when  I  become  so  base, 
so  cowardly,  so  besotted  that  I  dare  not  speak  out  in  behalf  of  that 
for  which  they  so  bravely  fought,  I  pray  that  my  tongue  may  cleave 
to  the  roof  of  my  mouth."  At  the  end  of  the  service  the  congre- 
gation on  Sixth  and  Locust  sung  with  great  fervor,  "My  Country 
'Tis  of  Thee,"  in  which  a  large  number  of  people  passing  on  the 
street  joined.  On  that  very  day  the  Turner  Companies  illustrated 
the  sentiment  by  marching  for  the  defense  of  the  Union  into  the 
Arsenal. 

How  different  are  the  conceptions  of  the  moral  worth  of  man: 
while  many  were  elated  over  words  which  recalled  the  manliness 
of  Elijah  Lovejoy,  a  Deacon  of  a  neighboring  church  said  editor- 
ially: "The  devil  preaches  on  the  corner  of  Sixth  and  Locust 
street." 

May  6  an  appeal  was  sent  by  the  Colonels  of  the  first  four  Vol- 
unteer Regiments  to  prominent  loyal  men  in  other  States,  stating 
that  no  aid  can  be  expected  from  Governor  Jackson,  who  is  hostile 


200  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

to  the  Union,  therefore  they  seek  aid  for  the  equipment  and  uni- 
forming of  their  men  from  parties  outside,  trusting  to  share  in  the 
liberality  shown  to  Union  troops  in  other  States.  They  promise 
"to  strain  every  nerve  to  uphold  the  authority  of  our  Federal  Gov- 
ernment in  this  remote  and  important  post  of  the  great  West,  etc." 
"Governor  Gustavus  Koerner  of  Belleville,  Illinois,  has  kindly 
consented  to  act  for  us  as  receiver  and  disburser,  and  patriotic  men 
in  New  York,  Philadelphia  and  Boston  were  asked  to  act  as  col- 
lectors.'7 Many  patriotic  responses  were  made  to  this  appeal,  the 
collections  amounting  to  over  $30.000.  The  armed  organization  of 
the 

ST.  LOUIS  HOME  GUARD  OR 
UNITED, STATES  RESERVE  CORPS,  MO.  VOLUNTEERS, 

whose  first  Regiments  were  sworn  in  May  7.  took  no  part  in  this 
petition  or  its  results,  as  they  lived  at  their  family  homes  and  pro- 
vided for  their  own  wants;  their  organization  differed  materially 
from  that  of  the  Volunteers  and  deserves  special  notice. 

As  usual  in  times  of  public  commotion,  the  young  men  and  thost- 
who  had  no  immediate  family  obligations  first  entered  the  Volun- 
teer service.  But  the  news  from  the  South,  even  from  the  Border 
States,  went  from  bad  to  worse.  With  a  Legislature  and  police  ad- 
ministration hostile  to  the  Union  and  a  militia  organization  under 
the  control  of  the  Secessionists,  even  the  rapidly  filling  Volunteer 
organizations  were  not  deemed  to  be  a  guarantee  for  the  safety  of 
the  city.  These  threatening  conditions  induced  a  number  of  citi- 
zens to  organize  as  near  as  possible  among  neighbors  a  military  body 
of  men  for  the  protection  of  the  home  and  family,  for  the  free 
exercise  of  the  franchise  and  the  supremacy  of  the  Union.  The 
leading  idea  was  to  make  this  body  strong  enough  in  numbers  to 
prevent  even  the  chance  of  a  fight  within  the  limits  of  the  city. 
For  this  purpose  Anselm  Albert,  Robert  J.  and  Roderick  E.  Rom- 
bauer  of  the  First  Ward  met  early  in  January  to  form  such  an 
organization.  As  all  three  had  taken  part  in  the  war  of  1848  in 
Hungary,  they  knew  the  value  of  an  early  movement.  The  start 
for  getting  the  list  headed  by  native  citizens  was  not  encouraging: 
among  others  a  prominent  jurist  remarked:  "When  it  comes  to 
a  fight  I  will  take  my  revolver  and  step  into  the  street."  A  couple 
months  later,  the  same  party  joined  a  Reserve  Regiment.  After 
this  the  movement  was  followed  up  in  the  First  Ward  of  St.  Louis, 


RODERICK    E.   ROMBAUER. 

Private  1st  Infantry;  Captain  1st  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps, 
Missouri  Volunteers. 


Organization.  201 

and  discussed  in  private  as  well  as  public  meetings.  Drilling  was 
commenced  at  Flora  Garden  by  a  squad  of  fourteen  men,  which 
by  the  8th  of  February  increased  to  fifty.  Chas.  A.  Hammerstein 
was  first  drillmaster,  according  to  the  Prussian  Company  tactics, 
which  were  familiar  to  several  of  those  present.  Meetings  animating 
the  Union  sentiments  of  citizens  were  held  at  Lafayette  Hall  on 
Broadway  and  later  on  at  Flora  Garden.  The  movement  spread 
rapidly  over  the  Ward,  bounded  north  by  Soulard,.  east  by  the  river, 
south  and  west  by  the  city  limits.  As  the  object  was  the  protection 
of  home,  the  name  of  Home  Guard  was  adopted.  Its  members  did 
not  seek  nor  expect  pay,  and  at  first  did  not  expect  to  be  enlisted 
into  the  service  of  the  United  States,  though  they  had  hopes  of 
receiving  arms  from  that  source.  By  dint  of  several  meetings  and 
committees,  the  organization  rapidly  gained  system  and  shape.  An 
executive  committee  of  seven  members  was  elected,  namely :  Gustav 
Hammerstein,  Hy.  Almstedt,  Frank  Pollack,  N.  Frank,  Carl  Wal- 
ther,  August  Leussler  and  Robert  J.  Rombauer,  to  attend  to  the 
organization  of  the  Ward.  This  committee  recommended  the  sub- 
division of  the  Ward  into  eight  districts,  as  follows: 

First  District — River  to  Jackson  street,  Soulard  to  Picot  street. 

Second  District — Jackson  to  Seventh  street,  Soulard  to  Picot 
street  and  Russell  avenue. 

Third  District — River  to  Jackson  street,  Picot  to  Victor  street. 

Fourth  District — Jackson  to  Seventh  street,  Picot  and  Russell  to 
Victor  street. 

Fifth  District — River  to  Seventh  street,  Victor  to  Arsenal  street. 

Sixth  District — Seventh  to  Menard  street,  Soulard  to  Sidney  street. 

Seventh  District — Menard  to  Jefferson  avenue,  Soulard  to  Sidney 
street. 

Eighth  District — Sidney  to  southern  limits,  Seventh  to  western 
limits. 

For  each  District  its  owrn  meeting  place  was  designated  and  a 
committee  appointed  to  canvass  the  District  for  one  hundred  mem- 
bers and  send  a  representative  to  the  executive  committee  on  or 
before  April  27,  failing  in  which  the  committee  should  appoint  such 
representative  and  notify  the  respective  District  of  the  appointment. 
All  members  had  to  comply  with  the  orders  of  the  executive  com- 
mittee, otherwise  they  were  stricken  from  the  rolls.  The  proceed- 


202  The,  Union  Cause,  in  St.  Louis  in  18fil. 

ings  were  not  to  be  divulged  to  outsiders,  and  none  but  members 
were  admitted  to  the  meetings.  On  gathering  the  reports  from  the 
Districts  it  was  found  that  over  1,200  persons  were  listed,  and  instead 
of  eight,  twelve  Companies  were  organized,  whose  members  elected 
their  own  officers,  who  again  in  meeting  assembled  elected  the  field 
officers.  The  men  were  not  equipped  by  the  United  States  with 
uniforms,  but  furnished  themselves  and  received  no  rations  except 
when  on  duty;  tfiey  stayed  at  their  own  residence,  being  able,  when 
needed,  to  assemble  on  short  notice,  for  listed  per  Company  from 
close  neighborhoods  and  subdivided  by  sections  to  the  four  Ser- 
geants rhey  could  be  convened  with  little  loss  of  time.  The  head- 
quarters and  place  of  assembly  for  the  First  Home  Guard  Regiment 
was  Jaeger's  Garden,  on  Sidney  and  Tenth  streets,  with  gun  racks 
for  1,200  muskets.  Colonel  Hy.  Almstedt  had  seen  service  in  Mexico ; 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Robert  J.  Rombauer  in  the  war  of  1848  in  Hun- 
gary. The  latter  attended  to  the  tactical  development  of  the  Regi- 
ment. 

The  members  of  the  Home  Guard  Regiments  were  the  substantial 
business  men  of  their  respective  localities,  the  manufacturers, 
merchants,  doctors,  lawyers,  bankers,  contractors,  laborers,  brew- 
ers, teachers,  clerks  and  travelers  were  equally  represented. 
The  largest  number  of  these  were  Germans;  there  wrere  many 
Americans,  entire  Companies  of  Bohemians  and  French,  and  a 
sprinkling  of  other  nationalities.  The  five  Regiments  of  Home 
Guards  were  in  a  true  sense  a  Reserve  Corps,  which,  with  the  5,000 
Volunteers,  exhibited  such  an  uprising  of  an  entire  population  as 
has  hardly  ever  been  witnessed  before. 

Whatever  ha?  been  said  here  of  the  First  Home  Guard  or  Re- 
sfiv»>  Regiment  is  in  a  general  sense  equally  true  of  the  Second, 
Third,  Fourth  and  Fifth  Reserve  Regiments.  Some  features  were 
more  apparent  in  the  First  Ward,  because  its  population  was  more 
homogenous.  While  the  service  of  all  these  Regiments  was  for  the 
protection  of  the  Union  element  and  the  United  States  property  in 
the  city,  these  troops  often  volunteered  to  go  to  other  parts  of  the 
State.  wrhich  they  were  not  obliged  to  do  by  their  exceptional  terms 
of  enlistment,  as  Colonel  Chester  Harding,  General  Lyons'  Adjutant 
it -titled  before  the  committee  on  the  conduct  of  war,  saying  the 
" United  States  Reserve  Corps,  which  could  not  be  moved  from  there 
(St.  Louis)  without  their  consent." 


Organization.  203 

Similar  conditions  prevailed  in  the  organization  of  the  other 
Home  Guard  or  Reserve  Regiments,  only  with  some  local  varia- 
tions. There  was  no  organic  connection  between  these  Regiments, 
except  that  one  profited  by  the  example  of  the  other  through  meet- 
ings, consultations  and  a  press  devoted  to  the  cause. 

In  the  course  of  the  narration  it  will  be  seen  that  the  discipline 
of  the  new  levies  was  seriously  doubted  by  the  conditional  Union 
men  and  the  Southern  sympathizers.  While  the  relation  between 
officers  and  privates  in  the  new  organizations  was  not  influenced  so 
much  by  shoulder  strap,  starched  collar  and  red  tape  considerations, 
the  Volunteers  and  Reserves  had  more  the  regard  of  citizens  towards 
the  civilians,  as  they  entered  the  military  service  only  for  an 
emergency  and  a  short  period.  It  is  true  that  discipline  cannot  pos- 
sibly be  the  same  in  a  Volunteer  or  Militia  organization  as  in  the 
ranks  of  the  Regular  Army.  The  reasons  are  obvious.  In  the  latter 
the  difference  between  officer  and  private  is  very  great:  for  while 
the  one  is  an  educated  man,  who  mastered  the  military  art  and  had 
an  excellent  education,  the  men  of  the  rank  and  file  almost  in- 
variably lack  these  advantages,  and  their  ambition  and  patriotism 
is  aided  by  the  desire  of  a  comfortable  and  careless  life.  The  Vol- 
unteer or  Militia  man  joins  the  army  for  the  vindication  of  a  prin- 
ciple, for  law  and  the  public  interest  and  as  a  matter  of  duty  as 
he  understands  it.  He  enters  the  service  from  civil  life,  where  he 
had  been  an  independent,  if  not  a  directive  factor.  Men  and  officers 
in  these  voluntary  organizations  are  generally  of  one  cast;  wherever 
possible  officers  are  selected  for  their  past  experience  and  acknowl- 
edged worth,  but  often  privates  stand  in  the  ranks  fit  for  any  posi- 
tion in  or  above  a  Regiment.  Companies,  even  entire  Regiments, 
an  raised  from  the  same  neighborhood;  men  and  officers  know  each 
other  and  are  on  friendly  terms  with  each  other.  While  apparently 
too  free  and  easy  in  the  eyes  of  a  martinet,  they  will  stand  by  each 
other  in  the  hour  of  danger  and  will  yield  to  their  officers  an  im- 
plicit obedience,  because  they  know  that  the  object  of  the  service 
and  their  own  existence  is  dependent  upon  it.  There  is  hardly  ever 
ground  of  complaint  about  discipline  before  the  enemy,  and  the  offi- 
cers' more  arduous  duties,  greater  exposure  and  responsibility  will 
enlist  the  esteem  and  cheerful  support  of  the  troops.  Of  course,  raw 
levies  will  rue  a  Capua  as  much  as  Hannibal's  veterans. 

The  Second  Home  Guard  or  Reserve  Regiment  represented  the 
Second  Ward.  Its  members  came  chiefly  from  Soulard  to  Chouteau 


204  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

avenue  and  from  the  river  to  Jefferson  avenue,  beyond  which  there 
was  little  population  at  that  time.  Although  started  in  different 
parts  of  the  Ward,  the  first  larger  gatherings  were  in  Milentz  White 
Beer  Brewery  on  Broadway,  south  of  Marion.  Later  on,  Soulard 
Market  Hall  was  made  the  official  headquarters  and  place  of  as- 
sembly. Hermann  Kallmann,  a  contractor,  was  elected  Colonel. 
The  tactical  development  was  attended  to  by  Lieutenant-Colonel 
John  T.  Fiala,  who  served  as  Major  in  the  war  of  1848  in  Hungary. 

The  Third  Regiment  Home  Guard  or  Reserve  drew  its  members 
from  the  territory  north  of  Chouteau  to  Market  and  west  to  Rock 
Spring  and  Cheltenham,  taking  also  members  from  the  American 
residence  district  in  the  center  of  town.  Meetings  were  held  at  differ- 
ent places  as  Turner  Hall,  which  was  the  assembly  place  of  the  First 
Battalion  and  headquarters  of  the  Regiment ;  Ruedi's  Garden  assem- 
bly place  for  the  Second  Battalion,  Fourth  and  Poplar;  Tivoli, 
Washington  Hall,  Winkelmeiers  Brewery.  Cooper  shop  Twenty- 
second  street  and  Chouteau  avenue,  where  the  members  drilled  with 
hoop-poles.  The  First  Company,  "A,"  was  termed  Turner  Zouaves. 
Its  members  were  St.  Louis  Turners,  who  originally  drilled  under 
Lamed  with  the  three  Companies  of  the  First  Regiment.  Other 
Companies  were  formed  from  the  overflow  of  Volunteer  organizations 
and  such  persons  whose  family  relations  prompted  service  near  home. 
John  McNeil,  a  hatter,  was  elected  Colonel.  He  became  General  of 
Volunteers  in  the  three  years  service. 

The  Fourth  Regiment  Home  Guard  gathered  its  members  chiefly 
from  Franklin  avenue  and  immediate  neighborhood.  Its  recruiting 
ground  was  bounded  on  the  south  by  the  American,  on  the  north 
by  the  Irish  residence  district,  and  as  their  inhabitants  in  the  spring 
of  1861  were  largely  hostile  or  conditional  and  non-committal  Union 
men,  the  Franklin  avenue  contingent  was  somewhat  isolated.  At 
the  head  of  this  Regiment  was  B.  Gratz  Brown,  a  most  genial  political 
writer  and  editor  of  the  "Missouri  Democrat,"  to  whose  capacity  and 
animated  patriotism  the  intellectual  victory  of  Unionism  among 
the  Americans  of  St.  Tx>uis  and  Missouri  is  largely  due.  This  Regi- 
ment assembled  first  on  Fifth  and  Morgan,  and  later  on  made  Uhrig's 
Cave,  on  Jefferson  and  Washington  avenues,  its  headquarters. 

B.  Gratz  Brown  was  born  in  Lexington,  Ky..  in  1826;  admitted 
to  the  St.  Louis  Bar  in  1852.  As  member  of  the  Legislature  in  1857 
he  made  a  remarkable  anti-Slavery  speech,  proving  that  the  emanci- 


Organization.  205 

pation  of  the  Slaves  is  the  best  measure  for  the  material  development 
of  the  State.  This  speech  gave  a  great  impetus  to  the  Free  Soil 
movement  in  the  State  and  Brown  came  within  five  hundred  votes 
of  being  elected  Governor  as  candidate  of  that  party.  Later  on 
in  1871  he  was  elected  Governor  of  Missouri,  and  in  1872  became 
candidate  for  the  Vice-Presidency  of  the  United  States  on  the  Liberal 
Republican  ticket. 

The  old  Tenth  Ward  of  St.  Louis  formed  the  Fifth  Home  Guard 
Regiment,  which  found  in  Chas.  G.  Stifel  an  excellent  leader. 

The  political  situation  was  warmly  discussed  in  this  Ward  in  so- 
cieties and  social  circles  and  a  general  Union  movement  was  started 
when  the  news  from  the  lower  Wards  revealed  the  full  earnestness 
of  the  situation.  The  North  Germans,  who  mostly  settled  in  North 
St.  Louis,  are  not  as  easily  moved  as  their  Southern  brethren,  but 
when  the  time  came  they  acted  with  great  precision.  A  preliminary 
meeting  at  Ninth  and  North  Market  streets  adjourned  over  to  Stifel's 
Brewery,  where  the  Union  men  from  the  whole  Ward  congregated 
on  the  9th  of  May,  formed  Companies  and  immediately  organized 
into  the  Fifth  Reserve  or  Home  Guard  Regiment,  but  could  not  be 
mustered  in  on  the  10th  of  May  into  the  United  States  service  for 
the  lack  of  mustering  officers,  who  were  all  engaged  in  the  capture 
of  Camp  Jackson. 

With  regard  to  occupation,  the  First  and  Fifth  Regiments  Re- 
serve, located  on  the  southern  and  northern  ends  of  the  city,  held 
the  greatest  number  of  laborers,  the  Second  and  Fourth  mostly  the 
representatives  of  the  retail  trade,  while  the  Third,  being  in  the 
center  of  town,  held  most  professional  men  and  persons  from  the 
wholesale,  manufacturing  and  central  business  trades. 

THE  MUSTER  FOR  ARMS. 

In  the  spring  of  1861,  Lt.  John  M.  Schofield,  a  graduate  of  West 
Point,  at  the  time  46  years  of  age,  was  on  furlough  at  St.  Louis  and 
teaching  at  the  Washington  University.  Born  in  New  York  and 
raised  in  Illinois,  his  Union  faith  was  strengthened  by  his  loyal 
fellow  teachers  and  directors.  Upon  Lincoln's  call  for  75,000  men, 
Schofield  reported  for  duty  and  received  the  usual  instructions  for 
mustering-in  the  contingent  of  the  State  of  Missouri.  He  wrote 
to  Governor  Jackson  to  designate  the  troops  and  places  of  muster 
but  received  no  reply,  as  might  have  been  anticipated  from  the 


206  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

Governor's  treasonable  answer  to  President  Lincoln.  General  Har- 
ney,  then  in  command,  would  not  consent  to  a  muster-in  of  troops 
under  such  circumstances  without  special  orders  from  Washington. 
While  Schofield  urged  the  necessity  of  prompt  measures  to  protect 
the  Arsenal,  pointing  to  the  Secessionist  force  under  the  guise  of 
State  Militia,  General  Harney  characterized  any  such  contemplated 
attack  upon  the  Arsenal  as  a  "damnable  outrage,"  saying:  "'Whv 
the  State  has  not  yet  passed  an  ordinance  of  Secession ;  she  has  not 
gone  out  of  the  Union."  These  words  left  the  inference  open  that 
a  seceded  State  had  a  claim  upon  the  United  States  Arsenals,  and 
it  certainly  justified  the  conclusion  that  General  Harney  was  not 
the  proper  man  to  protect  the  Union  cause  in  St.  Louis. 

On  the  17th  of  April  Francis  T.  Blair  returned  to  St.  Louis  from 
Washington  where  he  had  been  since  the  latter  part  of  February, 
•aiding  the  Union  cause  and  urging  necessary  measures  for  St.  Louis, 
while  during  his  absence  the  listing  of  five  Union  Volunteer  Regi- 
ments was  nearly  completed,  but  the  most  important  measure  of 
mustering  them  into  the  service  of  the  United  States  and  of  arming 
and  equipping  them  for  actual  use  \\  ;i>  .-till  unsettled.  On  the  day  of 
his  arrived  (4-17)  F.  P.  Blair  telegraphed  from  East  St.  Louis  to 
S.  Cameron,  Secretary  of  War : 

"Our  Governor  will  not  meet  your  requisition  for  Volunteers.  Will 
you  accept  independent  Companies  and  Regiments  from  Missouri? 
If  so,  please  order  Captain  Lyon  to  muster  them  into  service,"  and 
he  repeated  this  request  on  the  19th  of  April,  assuring  Cameron 
that  the  requisition  for  men  will  be  filled  "in  two  days."  The  same 
day  Blair  wrote  to  his  brother  Montgomery  and  urged  the  removal 
of  Harney,  who  at  the  instance  of  Secessionists  obstructs  the  orders 
of  the  Government  and  refuses  the  guns  which  the  Government 
had  ordered,  and  adds:  "We  also  want  an  order  to  Captain  Lyon 
to  swear  in  the  four  Regiments  assigned  to  Missouri.  If  you  will 
send  General  Wool,  or  some  one  who  is  not  to  be  doubted,  to  take 
command  of  this  district  and  designate  an  officer  to  swear  in  our 
Volunteers  and  arm  the  rest  of  our  people  who  are  willing  to  act  as 
a  Civil  or  Home  Guard,  I  think  that  we  shall  be  able  to  hold  our 
ground  here."  The  charges  against  Harney  were  fully  justified 
for  upon  the  complaint  of  the  Police  Commissioners  he  had  ordered 
Lyon  to  withdraw  his  patrols  to  the  Arsenal,  nor  issue  any  arms 
without  Harnev's  sanction. 


Organization.  207 

Matters  were  now  drawing  to  a  head.  On  the  20th  news  reached 
St.  Louis  of  the  capture  of  the  Liberty  Arsenal  and  were  forwarded 
to  Simon  Cameron,  Secretary  of  War,  by  the  following  telegram : 

"East  St.  Louis,  April  21,  1861. 

"Liberty  Arsenal  in  Missouri  was  taken  possession  of  by  Secessionists  yes- 
terday and  1,500  arms  with  a  few  cannon  distributed  to  citizens  of  Clay 
County.  The  Missouri  River  is  blockaded  at  Independence.  All  quiet  here 
at  present.  "BENJAMIN  FARBAB." 

Nevertheless  rumors  were  rife  in  St.  Louis  that  the  Secessionists 
were  planning  to  capture  the  Arsenal.  Mayor  Taylor  called  at  mid- 
night at  their  headquarters  at  Berthold's  mansion  and  found  a  large 
number  of  armed  men.  Acting  upon  the  above  presumption,  the 
Mayor  warned  those  present  of  their  peril.  Though  the  attack  was 
not  made,  Lyons'  apprehensions  became  more  serious.  He  sent  an 
urgent  note  to  Harney  and  notified  Blair  of  that  fact,  with  the  sig- 
nificant words :  "I  have  just  sent  a  note  to  the  General  asking  him 
to  allow  me  to  accept  Volunteers,  but  if  he  does  so  I  expect  it  will 
be  so  noised  about  that  they  will  have  to  fight  their  way  through." 

To  the  above  mentioned  strong  official  representation,  Harney  sent 
the  following  characteristic  answer : 

"HEADQUARTERS  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  WESI. 

"ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  April  21,  1861. 

"Captain  N.  Lyon,  Second  Infantry,  Commanding  Troops,  St.  Louis  Arsenal, 
Missouri — 

SIR:     Your  two  communications  of  this  date,  one  asking  for  authority  to 
accept  the  services  of  Volunteers  in  the  defense  of  the  St.  Louis  Arsenal.     .     . 
have  been  laid  before  the  commanding  General,  who  deems  it  inexpedient  to 
approve  the  recommendations  contained  *in  your  communications." 
"I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully  your  obedient  servant, 

"S.  WILLIAMS. 
"Assistant  Adjutant  General.'.' 

When  the  news  spread  that  Harney  had  declined  to  admit  Vol- 
unteers to  the  Arsenal  for  muster,  a  large  number  of  the  first  or- 
ganized St.  Louis  Turners  and  friends  assembled  at  Flora  Garden  on 
Seventh  and  Geyer  avenue  and,  contrary  to  the  advice  of  older 
friends,  got  ready  to  cross  the  Mississippi  at  night  and  take  service 
in  Illinois,  but  late  in  the  evening  Blair  came  in  and  satisfied  them 
that  they  would  be  admitted  to  the  Arsenal,  as  a  telegram  had 
been  received  by  him  from  the  Secretary  of  War,  stating  that  the 


208  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

Government  will  accept  the  services  of  the  four  Volunteer  Regi- 
ments from  Missouri.  Before  the  members  separated  each  man  re- 
ceived a  small  white  card  with  the  name  of  "Saxton"  upon  it,  which 
he  was  to  present  to  the  sentinels  at  the  Arsenal,  all  being  cautioned 
at  the  same  time  not  to  assemble  in  larger  groups  on  the  outside. 

Thus  the  members  of  the  three  Turner  Companies  entered  the  St. 
Louis  Arsenal  on  the  evening  of  April  21  as  the  first  organized 
Union  force  and  became  the  first  Companies  of  the  first  Volunteer 
Regiment  of  Missouri  and  were  immediately  put  on  duty  on  the 
walls  of  the  Arsenal.  Matters  had  taken  a  different  turn  in  the 
East.  *The  news  of  the  seizure  of  the  Arsenal  at  Liberty,  Missouri, 
by  Secessionists  on  the  18th  of  April  had  reached  Washington,  to- 
gether with  the  urgent  representations  of  St.  Louis'  unconditional 
Union  men,  and  for  a  short,  but  very  important  period,  the  con- 
servative procrastinators  lost  their  hold  upon  the  Federal  Adminis- 
tration. The  difficulties  which  Harney  had  placed  in  the  path  of 
Union  organizations  at  last  exhausted  the  patience  of  the  authori- 
ties at  Washington,  and  the  command  at  St.  Louis  was  changed  at  a 
most  opportune  time. 

Informed  of  the  telegram  to  Blair,  Broadhead,  Filley  and  How 
started  out  in  quest  of  Lieutenant  Schofield,  mustering  officer,  at 
the  time  Professor  at  the  Washington  University,  and  found  him  at 
church,  corner  Seventeenth  and  Olive,  and  returned  with  him  to 
Blair's  residence.  After  exchanging  views,  Schofield  proceeded  to 
the  Arsenal,  but  found  there  General  Harney 's  order  prohibiting  the 
entrance  of  Volunteers  into  the  Arsenal,  also  their  arming  and  sub- 
sistence. Lyon  explained  the  situation  in  the  following  note,  which 
Schofield  and  Saxton  took  back  to  Blair's  mansion : 

"St.  Louis  Arsenal,  April  21.  1861. 

"Dear  Sir:  Mr.  Schofield  has  no  authority  to  arm  and  equip  these  men,  if 
he  enrolls  them,  nor  are  any  instructions  given  about  the  location  and  dis- 
posal of  them,  and  without  the  sanction  of  General  Harney  to  this  matter,  we 
are  liable  to  serious  difficulty,  as  the  General  may,  on  hearing  what  is  trans- 
piring, order  my  arrest,  even  while  trying  to  arm  the  men,  for  violating  his 
orders  about  issuing  arms,  and  as  he  has  the  rank  and  authority,  he  may 
direct  the  Volunteer  force  away  or  to  disperse.  We  do  not  seem  to  be  start- 
ing out  right  with  the  instruction  Mr.  Schofield  now  has.  Lieutenants  Saxton 
and  Schofield  will  explain  more  fully  what  I  have  not  time  to  write. 

"Yours  truly, 

"N.  LYON." 


JOHN  M.  SCHOFIELD. 
Lieutenant  U.  S.  A.;   Major  1st  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers,  in  1861. 


Organization.  209 

To  remedy  this  difficulty  Blair  and  Schofield  called  on  General 
Harney,  but  their  representations  had  no  effect ;  the  General'  de- 
clined to  change  his  orders.  In  the  meantime  Filley,  How,  Broad- 
head  and  Lyon  consulted  at  the  Arsenal,  and  after  the  return  of 
Blair  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  Arsenal  must  be  reinforced. 
With  regard  to  the  detail  of  the  arrangement,  Lyon  wrote  to  Blair: 

"St.  Louis,  April  21,  1861. 
"HON.  F.  P.  BLAIR,  JR. 

"Dear  Sir:  I  have  your  note  of  this  day  per  Mr.  Bayless,  and  I  have  agreed 
with  him  that  it  will  be  well  to  have  the  companies  come  in  at  the  gate  at 
the  middle  of  the  board  fence  on  the  river,  and  from  half  past  seven  to  half 
past  eight  o'clock  this  evening.  This,  of  course,  is  with  the  understanding 
that  Lieutenant  Schofield  will  at  once  accept  them,  and  be  prepared  to  arm 
and  equip  them.  I  suppose  he  has  this  authority,  though,  if  not,  I  must  see 
them  armed  at  any  rate." 

"The  Company  officers  must  be  admitted  quietly  beforehand  at  the  main 
gate  on  Carondelet  avenue,  and  be  ready  to  recognize  their  own  men  on  admit- 
tance. All  should  bring  a  little  something  to  eat,  so  as  not  to  suffer  before 
we  get  ready  to  feed  them.  "Yours  truly, 

"N.  LYON." 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  above  that  under  the  pressure  of  circum- 
stances Lyon  was  determined  to  arm  the  Union  men  of  St.  Louis, 
even  before  the  positive  orders  so  to  do  reached  him  from  Washing- 
ton, which,  however,  came  and  read: 

"ADJUTANT  GENERAL'S  OFFICE,  April  21,  1861. 
CAPTAIN  N.  LYON,  Second  Infantry,  East  St.  Louis. 

"General  Harney  has  this  day  been  relieved  from  his  command. 
"The  Secretary  of  War  directs  that  you   immediately  execute  the  order 
previously  given  to  arm  the  loyal  citizens,  to  protect  the  public  property  and 
execute  the  laws.     Muster  four  Regiments  into  the  service. 

"L.  THOMAS,  Adjutant  General." 

Schofield  in  his  book,  "Forty-Six  Years  in  the  Army,"  describes 
this  interesting  episode  as  follows: 

"The  loyal  secret  organizations  were  instructed  to  enter  the  Arsenal  at 
night,  individually,  each  member  being  furnished  with  a  pass  for  that  pur- 
pose. The  mustering  officer  employed  himself  all  night  and  the  following 
day  in  distributing  arms  and  ammunition  to  the  men  as  they  arrived,  and  in 
stationing  them  along  the  Arsenal  walls.  Thus  the  successful  defense  of  the 
Arsenal  was  secured,  though  its  garrison  was  neither  mustered  into  service 
nor  organized  into  Regiments  nor  even  enrolled.  The  organization  of  Vol- 
unteers now  began,  the  mustering  officer  superintending  the  election  of 
officers,  enrolling  the  men,  and  perfecting  the  organization,  in  conformity 
to  the  Militia  laws  of  the  State." 


210  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

No  doubt  many  things  had  to  be  settled  upon  the  spur  of  the 
moment,  which  entailed  speedy  and  frequent  changes.  This  w;is 
nowhere  more  evident  than  in  the  First  Regiment.  In  the  first  Com- 
pany, Gustave  Finkelnburg,  Wm.  Andrae,  John  Winters.  \\.  (iuin  > 
Rombauer  were  elected  Sergeants.  The  Company  could  not  agree 
upon  a  Captain  and  .they  applied  to  Lyon.  He  had  the  Company 
fall  in  and  made  them  a  speech,  nearly  to  this  effect:  Gentlemen, 
if  you  accept  my  advice  it  will  be  the  last  time  I  address  you  by 
that  name.  Many  labor  under  the  impression  that  a  soldier  in  the 
army  retains  all  his  rights;  there  is  no  such  thing  as  equality  in 
the  army;  a  Corporal  is  better  than  a  Private,  a  Duty  Sergeant  is 
better  than  a  Corporal,  and  the  First  Sergeant  is  the  best  enlisted 
man  in  the  Company.  I  advise  you  to  enlist  (under  officers  he  prob- 
ably named)  because  only  in  that  way  can  you  render  good  service 
to  your  country.  He  said  further  that  all  those  who  wish  to  follow 
his  advice  should  step  to  the  front  when  he  commands.  "Forward, 
March!"  Upon  his  command  the  whole  Company  stepped  to  the 
front.  The  three  Turner  Companies  mustered  into  the  service  with 
Rufus  Saxtori,  M.  L.  Lathrop  and  Geo.  Harry  Stone  as  Captains,  of 
which  the  first  two  named  were  regular  officers,  not  previously 
identified  with  these  Companies,  although  their  first  organization 
at  Turner  Hall  recognized  G.  A.  Finkelnburg,  Hugo  Gollmer  and 
John  C.  Tiefneyer  as  Captains. 

About  this  time  S.  D.  Sturgis  evacuated  Fort  Smith;  Totten,  Little 
Rock,  Arkansas,  and  the  United  States  troops  left  the  Indian  Ter- 
ritory, concentrating  with  some  loss  of  outfit  towards  Leavenworth. 
From  St.  Louis  urgent  requisitions  for  troops  had  previously  gone 
to  Governor  Yates  of  Illinois,  but  none  arrived. 

The  patriotism  was  shared  by  the  ladies  in  the  Union  families, 
who  animated  their  brothers  and  friends  to  sustain  the  cause  of 
their  country.  Among  others,,  several  young  ladies  prepared  a  fine 
flag  and  soon  after  the  first  Company  entered  the  Arsenal  pre- 
sented the  same  through  a  committee,  for  which  Miss  Mary  Haeusler 
made  the  delivering  address.  Captain  Lyon  received  the  flag  for 
the  Company  and  answered  to  her  eloquent  remarks:  "I  accept 
this  flag  on  behalf  of  these  patriotic  young  men,  and  I  feel  confident 
that  they  always  will  do  honor  to  it."  This  flag  presentation  was  fol- 
lowed by  numerous  others  as  tokens  of  the  devotion  to  the  Union 
and  Liberty  by  the  loyal  ladies  of  St.  Louis.  In  fact,  the  enthusiasm 
of  the  men  was  shared  in  a  higher  degree  by  the  women,  who 
frequently  animated  their  sons,  husbands  and  brothers  to  noble 


Organization.  211 

<lcc<l>.  There  arc  instances  \\cre  family  obligations  were  relieved 
by  the  generous  offer  of  an  old  man1  saying  to  a  young  employee: 
"Go  on,  John,"2  I  will  take  care  of  your  family,"  or  where  a  res.  lute 
mother  told  her  wavering  husband:  "It  is  your  duty;  go.  I  will 
take  care  of  the  children."3  Nor  will  any  one  doubt  that  a  similar 
spirit  also  existed  in  the  opposite  camp. 

How  promptly  Lyon  responded  to  the  orders  received  is  shown 
by  his  telegram  of  April  22,  still  sent  from  East  St.  Louis  in  order 
to  insure  safety  of  transmission.    It  read : 
"Colonel  L.  Thomas,  Adjutant-General: 

"Dispatch  to  muster  troops  received  at  twelve  (12)  o'clock  last 
night.  I  have  today  received  seven  hundred  (700)  men  and  armed 
six  hundred  (600)" 

N.  LYON, 
"Captain,  Second  Infantry." 

No  words  can  describe  the  events  in  these  days  more  concisely 
than  those  taken  from  Lyon's  report  to  Thomas  on  April  27 : 

"Sir:  Since  receiving  the  authority  to  receive  and  muster-in  Missouri 
troops  at  this  place,  it  has  been  a  physical  impossibility  to  write  for  the  pur- 
pose of  informing  the  Department  of  what  is  transpiring  here.  The  first 
telegraphic  dispatch  of  the  21st  instant,  from  Major  Porter,  was  received 
about  12  o'clock  of  that  night,  and  the  Volunteer  companies  commenced 
arriving  early  next  morning.  About  700  arrived  that  day  and  600  were 
armed.  On  the  next  day  (Tuesday  23d)  nearly  the  same  number  arrived  and 
400  were  armed.  Through  Wednesday  and  Thursday  the  arrivals  con- 
tinued about  the  same,  and  on  Thursday  2,100  had  been  received,  armed 
and  sworn  into  the  United  States  service.  Through  yesterday  and  to-day 
about  200  men  per  day  have  been  received,  and  all  except  one  Company 
armed.  One  Regiment  is  full,  two  others  are  nearly  full  and  about  half  a 
Regiment  more  is  formed.  Offers  to  the  extent  of  several  thousands  more 
will  doubtless  be  made,  and  if  it  is  the  wish  of  the  Government  to  accept 
them  I  shall  need  to  be  so  informed,  as  my  orders  now  limit  me  to  four 
Regiments.  As  there  is  Artillery  enough  of  light  and  heavy  pieces  for  about 
three  companies,  and  as  there  are  many  excellent  Artillerists  who  are  exceed- 
ingly anxious  to  organize  as  Artillery  companies,  I  have  started  a  Battalion 
of  three  companies  (Backoff),  for  the  purpose  of  working  our  pieces,  and  to 
be  ready  for  active  service  with  them  in  the  field  in  case  of  moving.  I  also 
have  an  application  to  accept  a  company  of  Sappers  and  Miners,  who  have 
had  experience  in  Europe,  and  I  propose  to  do  so."  (Voerster.) 

On  April  30,  Lyon  reports  to  Thomas:  "No  doubt  ten  thousand  men  can  be 
raised  here,  and  indications  are  that  they  will  be  needed  sooner  or  later  to 
meet  the  determined  purpose  of  the  State  authorities  to  overturn  the  author- 
ity of  the  General  Government." 


Jacob  S.  Merrell.  -  John  McFall.  ;!  Mrs.  Wm.  Hahn. 


212  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


SECESSION-SCHEMES. 

A  brief  survey  of  the  events  that  developed  in  the  Secession  camp 
of  Missouri  proves  plainly  that  Lyon's  apprehensions  were  only  too 
well  founded.  It  was  rumored  about  the  middle  of  April  that  the 
Secessionists  sent  Marmaduke  with  a  delegation  to  bribe  the  Com- 
mander of  Fort  Leavenworth  to  betray  his  trust,  and  that  large 
sums  of  money  were  drawn  for  this  purpose  from  banks  in  the 
State.  Union  people  in  St.  Louis  learned  of  the  scheme  and  Mr. 
Giles  F.  Filley  gave  a  timely  warning  through  the  aid  of  business 
friends.  Nothing  more  was  heard  of  the  delegation  and  it  is  left 
open  to  conjecture  whether  this  was  a  ruse,  "an  abandoned  plan 
or  a  defeated  attempt."  Either  might  be  possible  in  a  time  when 
the  nation  was  mustering  in  two  hostile  camps  and  actual  war  would 
soon  lead  to  far  more  disastrous  acts. 

In  the  meantime  the  excitement  in  the  center  of  St.  Louis  in- 
creased. Yelling,  obscene  language  and  occasional  stone-throwing 
was  practiced  by  a  vulgar  mob,  and  this  induced  Blair,  who  lived 
on  Washington  avenue,  to  send  his  family  out  of  tow^n.  Union 
men  were  attacked  in  the  center  of  the  city,  on  the  streets  and  in 
the  cars. 

The  State  of  Kentucky  had  600  arms  repaired  at  the  St.  Louis 
Arsenal,  which  Major  Hagner  desired  to  forward  per  steamer  "Po- 
cahontas"  to  Louisville.  The  Captain  of  the  boat,  being  intimidated 
by  Minute  Men,  refused  to  accept  them,  and  they  were  left  on  the 
Levee.  At  11  o'clock  p.  m.  of  April  26,  the  guns  were  seized  by 
Minute  Men  and  loaded  on  a  dray,  but  were  recovered  on  Pine 
and  Main  streets  by  the  police  and  shipped  per  steamer  ''Julius  H. 
Smith'''  to  Governor  Harris  of  Tennessee.  Captains  Duke  and  Green, 
the  agents  sent  to  Jefferson  Davis  for  arms,  were  successful  in  their 
mission.  Davis  was  acquainted  with  the  locality  of  the  St.  Louis 
Arsenal,  he  approved  the  plan  of  its  capture  and  gave  Captains  Duke 
and  Green  an  order  for  the  needed  guns  on  the  Baton  Rouge  Ar- 
senal, and  in  a  letter  of  April  23  wrote  to  Governor  Jackson: 

"After  learning  as  well  as  I  could,  from  the  gentlemen  accredited  to  me, 
what  was  needful  for  the  attack  on  the  Arsenal,  I  have  directed  that  Captains 
Greene  and  Duke  should  be  furnished  with  two  twelve  pounder  howitzers  and 
two  thirty-two  pounder  guns,  with  the  proper  ammunition  for  each.  These, 
from  the  commanding  hills,  will  be  effective  against  the  garrison  and  break 
the  enclosing  walls  of  the  place.  I  concur  with  you  as  to  the  great  importance 


Organization.  213 

of  capturing  the  Arsenal  and  securing  its  supplies,  rendered  doubly  important, 
by  the  means  taken  to  obstruct  your  commerce,  and  render  you  unarmed  vic- 
tims of  a  hostile  invasion.  We  look  anxiously  and  hopefully  for  the  day  when 
the  star  of  Missouri  shall  be  added  to  the  constellation  of  the  Confederate 
States  of  America. 
"With  the  best  wishes,  I  am, 

"Very  respectfully  yours, 

"JEFFEBSON  DAVIS." 

There  were  a  number  of  Union  men  in  the  old  Militia  Com- 
panies marching  with  General  Frost  to  the  Southwest.  They  saw 
the  growing  disloyalty  of  the  State  troops,  threw  up  their  com- 
missions and  abandoned  that  service.  Major  Schaeffer  resigned  on 
April  17,  stating:  "I  can  not  reconcile  it  with  my  ideas  of  military 
fealty  that  a  part  of  your  command  has  hoisted  another  flag  than 
the  only  true  flag  of  the  United  States."  General  Frost  ordered  the 
Major  before  a  court  martial,  which  Schaeffer  disregarded.  A  few 
days  later  he  was  elected  Lieutenant-Colonel  of  the  Second  Regi- 
ment Missouri  Volunteers.  Colonel  J.  N.  Pritchard,  Surgeon  F.  M. 
Cornyn,  Adjutant  John  S.  Cavender  also  left  the  State  service 
and  many  men  from  the  ranks  followed  their  lead. 

The  muster  of  numerous  troops  at  the  Arsenal  prompted  the 
Governor  to  call  the  Legislature  for  the  2d  of  May  and  to  assemble 
tin-  Missouri  Militia  in  their  respective  districts  on  the  3d  of  May. 
The  Governor  also  asked  the  banks  immediately  to  advance  the 
$50.000  which  they  had  promised  for  the  July  interest.  State 
Quartermaster-General  James  Harding's  report  revealed  that  out- 
side of  the  arms  already  in  the  hands  of  the  militiamen,  the  State 
owned  only  1.000  muskets,  two  cannon  and  a  few  swords.  James 
Harding  purchased  at  St.  Louis  70  tons  of  gunpowder,  a  couple 
hundred  rifles  and  some  camp  equipage  and  sent  it  under  guard  of 
Captain  Kelly's  Company  to  Jefferson  City. 

Towards  the  end  of  April,  General  Price  gave  the  St.  Louis  "Re- 
public" some  information  relative  the  Governor's  intentions,  which 
the  latter  disavowed  in  the  following  letter,  thereby  plainly  proving 
his  Secession  proclivities: 

"EXECUTIVE  CHAMBER,  Jefferson  City,  April  28,  1861. 
"J.  W.  TUCKKR.  Esq. 

"My  Dear  Sir:   I  write  this  in  confidence  and  under  a  state  of  mind  very 
peculiar.     .     .     .     Governor  Price  called  on  me  a  few  days  since.     .     .     . 
asked  me  what  I  thought  as  to  the  time  of  calling  the  Convention.     I  told 
him  not  to  be  in  a  hurry,  but  wait  until  the  Legislature  met,  and  to  be  here 


214  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

at  that  time,  so  that  we  could  consult  with  the  members  from  all  parts  of 
the  State,  and  fix  upon  a  proper  time;  that  in  my  judgment  we  should  not 
go  out  of  the  Union  until  the  Legislature  had  time  to  arm  the  State  to  some 
extent  and  place  it  in  a  proper  position  of  defense.  If  it  be  the  purpose  of 
Paschall  and  Price  to  make  me  endorse  the  position  of  the  Republic  and  the 
miserably  base  and  cowardly  conduct  of  Governor  Price's  submission  conven- 
tion, then  they  are  woefully  mistaken.  Lashed  and  driven,  as  they  have 
been,  by  an  indignant  and  outraged  constituency,  from  their  position  of 
unconditional  Union,  they  are  now  seeking  shelter  under  the  miserable 
absurdity  of  armed  neutrality. 

"About  the  only  truth  in  Paschall's  article  is  that  in  which  he  states  my 
policy  to  be  a  pe"ace  policy.  This  is  true.  I  am  for  peace,  and  so  is  every- 
body except  Lincoln  and  Frank  Blair  ...  I  do  not  think  Missouri  should 
secede  today  or  tomorrow,  but  I  do  not  think  good  policy  that  I  should  so 
disclose.  I  want  a  little  time  to  arm  the  State,  and  I  am  assuming  every 
responsibility  to  do  it,  with  all  possible  despatch.  Missouri  should  act  in 
concert  with  Tennessee  and  Kentucky.  They  are  all  bound  to  go  out  and 
should  go  together  if  possible. 

"My  judgment  is  that  North  Carolina,  Tennessee  and  Arkansas  will  be 
out  in  a  few  days,  and  when  they  go  Missouri  should  follov  .  Let  us  then 
prepare  to  make  our  exit.  We  should  keep  our  own  counsel.  Every  man  in 
the  State  is  in  favor  of  arming  the  State.  Then  let  it  be  done.  All  are 
opposed  to  furnishing  Mr.  •  Lincoln  with  soldiers.  Time  will  settle  the 
balance. 

"Nothing  should  be  said  about  the  time  or  the  manner  in  which  Missouri 
should  go  out.  That  she  ought  to  go,  and  will  go  at  the  proper  time,  I  have 
no  doubt.  She  ought'  to  have  gone  out  last  winter,  when  she  could  have 
seized  the  public  arms  and  public  property  and  defended  herself.  .  .  . 

"Call  on  every  country  paper  to  defend  me,  and  assure  them,  I  am  fighting 
under  the  true  flag.  Who  does  not  know  that  every  sympathy  of  my  heart 
is  with  the  South? 

"The  Legislature,  in  my  view,  should  sit  in  secret  session,  and  touch 
nothing  but  the  measures  of  defense.  Let  the  measures  of  Messrs.  Sturgeon, 
Paschall,  Taylor  &  Co.,  in  regard  to  their  railroads,  all  go  by  the  board;  I 
have  not  the  patience  or  the  time,  to  talk  of  such  matters  now.  Let  us 
first  preserve  our  liberties  and  attend  to  business  affairs  afterward.  Let  all 
our  energies  and  all  our  means  be  applied  to  our  defense  and  safety. 

"Yours  truly, 

"C.  F.  JACKSON. 
"Governor  of  Missouri." 

Though  the  State  had  decided  against  Secession,  M.  Jeff  Thomp- 
son, Inspector  Fourth  Military  District  Missouri,  offered  Jeff  Davis 
several  Companies  for  the  Confederate  service,  while  the  latter  wrote 
to  Governor  Jackson  April  26 :  "Can  you  arm  and  equip  one  Regi- 
ment Infantry  for  service  in  Virginia?"  in  answer  to  which  the 


Organization.  215 

Governor  states:  "Our  Legislature  has  just  met  and  I  doubt  not 
will  give  me  all  necessary  authority  over  the  matter.  Missouri  can 
and  will  put  100,000  men  in  the  field.  We  are  using  every  means 
to  arm  our  people  and  until  we  are  prepared  must  move  cautiously." 
The  partisans  of  Governor  Jackson  were  less  imbued  with  the  neces- 
sity of  caution,  as  the  following  report  shows: 

"KANSAS  CITY,  May  4,  1861. 

"The  storehouse  at  this  place  was  forcibly  entered  last  night  at  half  past 
one  o'clock  by  about  fifty  armed  men,  who  carried  off  one  hundred  and  two 
carabines,  thirty-seven  muskets,  nine  pistols,  eighty-six  sabres  and  thirty-four 
thousand  cartridges.  L.  C.  EASTON,  Asst.  Q.-M.  (U.  S.) 

And  on  May  6  the  above  mentioned  Jeff  Thompson,  Inspector 
of  Missouri  Militia,  writes  to  President  Jeff  Davis  from  the  neigh- 
borhood of  St.  Joseph:  "I  have  eight  Companies  here  in  camp  of 
instruction  by  order  of  our  Governor,"  etc.  This  admits  the  in- 
ference that  the  camp  of  instruction  at  Camp  Jackson  was  also 
reported  to  Jefferson  Davis,  President  of  the  Confederate  States. 

The  Missouri  Legislature  met  at  Jefferson  City  on  May  2  and  re- 
elected  McAffee,  of  Secession  proclivities,  Speaker.  The  Governor 
asked  the  Assembly  to  "place  the  State  at  the  earliest  practicable 
moment,  in  a  complete  state  of  defense,"  because  she  must  unite 
her  destinies  with  those  of  the  other  Slave-holding  States.  He  also 
recommended  for  this  purpose  secret  sessions,  to  which  the  Legisla- 
ture acceded  by  initiating  the  same  after  the  3d  of  May.  The  pres- 
ence of  a  few  staunch  and  fearless  Union  men,  like  John  D.  Steven- 
son, James  Peckham  *  *  *  put  a  restraint  upon  the  Seces- 
sionists and  delegated  their  most  important  consultations  to  special 
committees  and  private  rooms.  The  military  bill  was  the  all-import- 
ant measure  before  the  Legislature,  but  its  progress  was  considerably 
checked  by  parliamentary  tactics.  At  the  same  time  there  were 
three  Confederate  flags  flying  at  Jefferson  City,  and  each  flag- raisin ^ 
was  made  the  occasion  for  firing  the  Southern  heart.  It  was  stated 
about  the  same  time  that  General  James  S.  Rains,  of  subsequent 
Confederate  fame,  had  received  a  letter  from  Sarcoxie.  stating  that 
the  Indian  Chief  Ross  was  willing  to  furnish  15,000  armed  men  in 
support  of  the  State  of  Missouri,  also  that  Rains  sent  the  letter  to 
Governor  Jackson  with  the  endorsement,  "I  would  advise  your  open- 
ing correspondence  at  once  with  Ross."  Whether  true  or  not,  this 
appears  to  be  only  another  flagging  stone  for  an  undesirable  locality, 
for  although  these  Indian?  were  Slave-holders  their  avowed  policy 


216  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

was  to  maintain  neutrality,  which  makes  the  above  offer  very  im- 
probable. 

CAMP  JACKSON  ESTABLISHED. 

Pursuant  to  the  Governor's  instruction  and  the  order  of  Briga- 
dier-General D.  M.  Frost,  the  old  and  new  State  Militia  organi- 
zations assembled  at  Lindell  Grove,  situated  east  of  Grand  avenue, 
between  Olive  and  Laclede,  and  the  grounds  were  named  in  honor 
of  the  Governor,  Camp  Jackson.  The  oath  which  the  new  troops 
and  the  recruits  for  the  depleted  Militia  Companies  took,  enjoined 
only  fealty  to  the  State  of  Missouri  and  its  head,  Governor  Jack- 
son. Agreeably  to  the  professed  sentiments  of  the  latter  and  to  the 
predilections  of  its  officers  and  troops,  camp  streets  were  named  after 
the  President  of  the  Seceded  States,  "Jefferson  Davis,"  and  after 
the  man  who  directed  the  attack  on  Fort  Sumter,  "Beauregard." 
While  this  was  not  done  officially,  but  only  by  a  portion  of  the 
troopers,  it  indicated  their  tendency,  and  General  Frost  was  justly 
held  responsible  for  it. 

According  to  Colonel  Peckham's  work,  "Lyon  and  1861."  the 
following  State  troops  went  into  camp  at  Lindell  Grove : 

D.  M.  Frost,  Brigadier-General,  commanding;  Hy.  W.  Williams, 
Quartermaster;  R.  S.  Voorhies,  Lieutenant-Colonel.  Adjutant-Gen- 
eral; Jos.  Scott,  Surgeon;  N.  Wall,  Major  Commissary;  Wm.  D. 
Wood.  Aide-de-Camp. 

FIRST  REGIMENT. 

John  Knapp,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  commanding;  Wm.  C.  Bu- 
chanan, Adjutant;  N.  Hatch.  A.  (}.  M.  and  A.  C.  S. ;  A.  J.  P.  Gareshe, 
Judge  Advocate;  John  B.  Drew,  Paymaster;  Louis  T.  Pimm, 
Surgeon. 

Company  A,  St.  Louis  Grays.  Martin  Burke,  Captain.  51. 

Company  B,  Sarsfield  Guards,  Chas.  W.  Rogers.  Captain.  46. 

Company  C,  Washington  Guards,  Robert  Tucker,  Captain.  48. 

Company  D.  Emmet  Guards,  Phil  W.  Coyne,  Captain. 

Company  E,  Washington  Blues,  Jos.  Kelly,  Captain.  45. 

Company  F,  Laclede  Guards,  Fraser,  Captain. 

Company  G,  Missouri  Guards,  Geo.  \V.  West.  Captain. 

Company  H,  Jackson  Guards,  Geo.  W.  Fletcher,  Captain.  46. 

Company  I.  Grimsley  Guards.  R.  N.  Hart,  Captain.  4s. 

Company  K,  Davis  Guards,  Jas.  Longuemare.  Captain,  65. 

Squadron  of  Dragoons,  Emmet  McDonald,  Captain. 


JOHN  T.  FIALA. 

Lieutenant-Colonel  2d  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Missouri  Volunteers. 
From  Photograph  by  Gustav  Cramer. 


Organization.  217 


SECOND  REGIMENT. 

John  S.  Bowen,  Colonel. 

A.  E.  Steen,  Lieutenant-Colonel. 

J.  R.  Shaler,  Major. 

Engineer  Corps,  Wm.  H.  Finney,  First  Lieutenant,  40. 

Company  A,  Independent  Guards,  Charles  Fredericks,  Captain,  45. 

Company  B,  Missouri  Videttes,  O.  H.  Barrett,  Captain,  45. 

Company  C,  Minute  Men,  Basil  W.  Duke,  Captain. 

Company  D,  Minute  Men,  McLaren  Guards,  Sanford,  Captain,  61. 

Company  E,  Minute  Men,  Colton  Green,  Captain. 

Company  F,  Minute  Men,  Jackson  Grays,  Garland,  Captain,  65. 

Company  G,  Minute  Men,  Dixie  Guards,  Campbell,  Captain,  48. 

Company  H,  Minute  Men,  Southern  Guards,  J.  H.  Shackelford, 
Captain,  45. 

Company  I,  Minute  Men,  Carondelet  Rangers,  Jas.  M.  Lough- 
borough,  Captain,  50. 

About  750  men  with  six  Companies  not  reported. 

Besides  the  above,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Bowen  was  ordered  to  report 
to  General  Frost  at -St.  Louis  with  one  Company  Mounted  Rifles  and 
a  Battery  of  Light  Artillery. 

The  camp,  as  all  military  camps,  soon  became  very  popular  with 
all  those  who  admire  incipient  heroes,  and  as  the  wealthiest  fam- 
ilies in  St.  Louis  came  mostly  from  the  South,  the  camp  was  soon 
the  resort  of  what  is  usually  termed  "the  best  society,"  a  term  which 
deservedly  should  be  applied  only  to  those  who  are  most  useful  to 
*,he  community. 

It  would  be  wrong  to  estimate  the  Secession  strength  according 
to  the  roster  of  the  Companies  entering  the  camp  on  May  6,  for 
there  was  a  continual  accession  of  young  men  from  all  parts  of  the 
State  who  were  willing  to  aid  Frost  in  any  movement  he  might 
make;  besides  a  very  large  portion  of  the  American  population  of 
the  city  were  Southern  sympathizers,  and  in  the  first  days  of  May, 
1861,  even  a  great  many  Irishmen  would  have  followed  their  old 
Democratic  and  Southern  leaders  in  a  fight  against  Union  Repub- 
licans. With  a  bold,  aggressive  policy,  inaugurated  at  an  earlier 
date,  General  Frost  could  have  commanded  thousands  of  men,  who 
soon  afterwards  became  passive  and  resigned  "lookers  on,"  or  even 
quite  active  Union  men. 


218  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

The  time  allotted  by  the  State  law  for  the  duration  of  a  militia 
camp  was  six  days,  but  under  the  terms  of  the  new  militia  law  then 
before  the  Legislature,  a  legal  continuance  was  expected.  With  the 
new  men  arriving  from  the  State,  a  third  Regiment  was  to  be  formed. 
A  change  of  the  camp  to  the  heights  southwest  of  the  Arsenal  was 
contemplated:  as  this  would  have  greatly  endangered  the  Arsenal, 
Captain  Lyon  emphatically  stated  that  he  could  not  permit -this,  nay, 
even  that  if  attempted  he  would  destroy  such  camp,  which  ended 
the  scheme. 

On  the  8th  of  May  the  steamer  "J.  C.  Swon"  landed  a  cargo  of 
war  material  on  the  Levee,  consigned  to  Greeley  &  Gale,  a  Union 
firm,  and  marked  "Tamaroa  Marble."  The  goods  were  part  of 
those  seized  by  the  Secessionists  at  the  Baton  Rouge  Arsenal  and 
sent  by  Jefferson  Davis  at  the  request  of  Governor  Jackson,  and  were 
transferred  the  same  night  in  over  fifty  dray  loads  to  Camp  Jackson 
and  turned  over  to  Major  Shaler.  A  portion  of  these  goods  was 
forwarded  to  Jefferson  City,  under  the  escort  of  a  Company  from 
the  camp.  Colton  Green  acted  as  the  Governor's  agent  in  this  tran- 
saction. It  is  said  that  a  seizure  of  these  goods  was  discussed  by 
the  Union  authorities,  but  that  this  was  deferred  in  order  that  the 
same  should  serve  as  evidence  of  the  treasonable  nature  of  Camp 
Jackson.  The  probability  is  that  General  Prentiss  at  Cairo  was 
advised  too  late,  for  he  certainly  could  have  stopped  any  vessel  pass- 
ing that  point.  Conflicting  reports  indicate  that  it  was  the  original 
intention  to  seize  that  war  material,  and  that  the  plea  of  using  it  as 
evidence  against  Camp  Jackson  was  only  an  excuse  for  the  failure 
of  its  detention.  The  facility  of  transportation  by  river  was  at 
all  events  great.  Already  April  27,  or  fully  ten  days  before  this 
invoice  of  Secession  arms  arrived,  the  steamer  "City  of  Alton" 
quietly  dropped  down  to  the  Arsenal  and  received  30,000  stand 
of  arms,  which  Avere  conveyed  to  Alton  and  thence  to  Springfield, 
Illinois.  Captain  Harry  Stone,  Company  "C,"  First  Missouri;  Com- 
pany "A,"  Second  Missouri,  and  a  section  of  Backhoff's  Battery 
forming  the  escort.  The  bitterness  of  feeling  about  the  removal  of 
arms  is  shown  in  an  editorial  of  the  St.  Louis  "Republic,"  calling  it  a 
"gross  outrage,"  and  threatening  Captain  Harry  Stone  that  it  would 
not  be  safe  to  show  himself  on  Fourth  street.  The  "City  of  Alton" 
also  carried  May  1,  five  tons  of  powder  to  the  same  destination.  In 
the  meantime,  Lyon  had  occupied  more  buildings  and  positions  for 
troops  in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  the  Arsenal  and  fortified 
*he  place  itself  to  best  advantage. 


Organization.  219 

it  was  fortunate  for  his  purpose  that  the  expenses  not  strictly 
warranted  by  the  Army  Regulations  could  be  met  by  the  energetic 
assistance  of  the  Committee  of  Safety:  for  excellent  as  the  Army 
Regulations  may  have  proved  for  ordinary  times,  they  certainly 
did  not  fit  such  an  emergency  as  that  of  1861. 

The  First  Regiment  Missouri  Volunteers  was  completed  on  April 
27,  and  the  officers  elected  Francis  P.  Blair,  Colonel;  George  L.  An- 
drews. Lieutenant-Colonel,  and  John  M.  Schofield,  Major.  The 
latter  divided  his  time  between  the  duties  of  a  mustering  officer  and 
those  of  an  instructor  of  officers  in  tactics  and  military  administra- 
tion. The  other  Volunteer  Regiments  were  mustered  in  about  the 
same  time,  namely,  the  Second:  Colonel,  Henry  Boernstein;  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel, Fred  Schaeffer;  Major,  B.  Laibold.  The  Third: 
Colonel,  Francis  Sigel;  Lieutenant-Colonel,  A.  Albert;  Major,  Henry 
Bischoff.  The  Fourth:  Colonel,  Nicolas  Schuettner;  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  A.  Hammer;  Major,  F.  Niggemann.  The  Fifth,  Colonel, 
Chas.  E.  Salomon;  Lieutenant-Colonel,  Ch.  D.  Wolff:  Major,  F.  W. 
Cronenbold;  the  Field  and  Staff  of  the  Fifth  was  only  mustered  in 
May  18.  The  dating  of  commissions  of  Regimental  Commanders 
did  not  all  coincide  with  the  actual  completion  of  the  Regiments:  in 
fact,  a  strict  regularity  in  the  organizations  could  not  bo  observed  on 
account  of  the  great  need  of  troops  for  immediate  service. 

ARMING  THE   HOME   GUARD   OR  UNITED   STATES   RE- 
SERVE CORPS,  MISSOURI  VOLUNTEERS. 

Upon  the  repeated  representations  of  the  perilous  situation  of  the 
St.  Louis  Arsenal  and  the  Union  element  in  the  city  of  St.  Louis 
and  the  State  of  Missouri.  President  Lincoln  authorized  the  Secre- 
tary of  War  to  issue  the  following  order: 

WASHINGTON  CITY,  D.  C.,  April  30,  1861. 

"Sir:  The  President  of  the  United  States  directs  that  you  enroll  in  the 
military  service  of  the  United  States  the  loyal  citizens  of  St.  Louis  and 
vicinity,  not  exceeding  with  those  heretofore  enlisted,  ten  thousand  in  num- 
ber, for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  and 
for  the  protection  of  the  peaceable  inhabitants  of  Missouri,  and  you  will,  if 
deemed  necessary  for  that  purpose  by  yourself  and  by  Messrs.  Oliver  D. 
Filley,  John  How,  James  O.  Broadhead,  Samuel  T.  Glover,  J.  J.  Witzig  and 
Francis  P.  Blair,  Jr.,  proclaim  martial  law  in  St.  Louis.  The  additional 
force  hereby  authorized  shall  be  discharged  in  part  or  in  whole,  if  enlisted, 
as  soon  as  it  appears  to  you  and  the  gentlemen  above  named,  that  there  is 
no  danger  of  an  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  enemies  of  the  Government  to 


220  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

take  military  possession  of  the  City  of  St.  Louis,  or  put  the  city  in  the  con- 
trol of  a  combination  against  the  Government  of  the  United  States;  and 
whilst  such  additional  force  remains  in  the  service,  the  same  shall  be  gov- 
erned by  the  Rules  and  Articles  of  War,  and  such  special  regulations  as 
you  may  prescribe,  and  shall  like  the  force  heretofore  directed  to  be  enrolled 
be  under  your  command. 

"I  am,  etc.,  "L.  THOMAS, 

"Adjutant  General. 

"Captain  Nathaniel  Lyon, 

"Second  Infantry,  commanding  at  St.  Louis." 

This  order  was  indorsed: 

"It  is  revolutionary  times,  and,  therefore,  I  do  not  object  to  the  irregularity 
of  this.  "W.  S."  (for  Winfield  Scott.) 

Also: 

"Approved,  April  30,  1861.  A.  LINCOLN." 

When  this  order  reached  St.  Louis  in  the  first  days  of  May,  the 
Home  Guard  or  Reserve  Regiments  and  Companies,  for  which  it 
was  intended,  were  nearly  completely  organized,  and  several  mem- 
bers of  the  Safety  Committee  invited  the  representatives  of  these 
troops  on  the  evening  of  May  3  to  the  St.  Louis  Turner  Hall  in 
order  to  be  informed  about  them,  and  were  most  agreeably  surprised 
and  almost  incredulous. when  reports  were  made  that  all  was  ready 
for  the  organization  in  the 

First  Ward  of  the  first  Regiment  of ; 1200  men 

Second  Ward  of  the  second  Regiment  of 900  men 

Third  and  Fourth  Wards  of  the  third  Regiment  of .  .  1000  men 

Franklin  Ave.,  etc.,  of  the  fourth  Regiment  of 1000  men 

Tenth  Ward  of  the  fifth  Regiment  of 1000  men 


The  last  nearly  complete;  a  total  of 5100  men 

Next  day  the  following  order  was  issued : 

ST.  Louis  ARSENAL,  May  4,  1861. 

"Colonel  Chester  Harding  has  authority  to  proceed  with  the  organization 
of  Regiments,  to  be  enrolled  in  the  United  States  service,  for  the  defense  of 
the  loyal  citizens  of  St.  Louis,  and  protecting  the  property  and  enforcing  the 
laws  of  the  United  States.  N.  LYON," 

"Captain  Second  Infantry,  Commanding." 

To  "proceed  with  the  organization"  meant  in  this  instance  only 
the  making  out  of  muster  rolls,  the  election  of  field  officers  and  the 
appointment  of  the  commissioned  and  non-commissioned  staff.  This 


Organization.  221 

work  was  completed  on  May  5  and  6  and  on  the  7th  of  May  the 
First  Regiment  United  States  Reserve  Corps,  Missouri  Volunteers, 
Colonel  Henry  Almstedt,  marched  into  the  Arsenal  and  was  mus- 
tered into  service  with  twelve  Companies,  aggregating  near  1,200 
men.  A  few  hours  later  the  Second  Regiment  United  States  Reserve 
Corps,  Missouri  Volunteers,  Colonel  Hermann  Kallmann,  with  nine 
Companies,  or  900  men,  took  the  oath  at  the  Arsenal.  Next  day, 
the  8th  of  May,  the  Third  Regiment  United  States  Reserve  Corps, 
Missouri  Volunteers,  Colonel  John  McNeil,  with  twelve  Companies, 
nearly  1,200  men,  swore  in  and  was  followed  the  same  day  by 
the  Fourth  Regiment  United  States  Reserve  Corps,  Missouri  Vol- 
unteers, Colonel  B.  Gratz  Brown,  with  twelve  Companies.  The  Fifth 
Regiment  United  States  Reserve  Corps,  Missouri  Volunteers,  Colonel 
Charles  G.  Stifel,  was  completed  and  mustered-in  the  llth  day  of 
May. 

The  men  of  the  Home  Guard  or  Reserve  Regiments  stayed  at 
their  own  residences.  Their  muskets  were  kept  on  gun  racks  at 
their  respective  headquarters.  There  were  daily  roll  <mlls  with  oc- 
c;i>i<>nal  dress  parades,  which  were  not  very  "dressy,"  as  every  one 
paid  for  his  own  uniform  of  jeans  or  other  cheap  material.  Fre- 
quent drills  started  at  first  in  a  variegated  manner,  but  soon  took 
shape  and  became  systematic  when  Hardee's  Tactics  were  adopted 
and  officers  and  sergeants  ordered  to  attend  drilling  school  by  MIH- 
rise.  Every  one  was  studying  the  little  book,  which  was  a  faithful 
pocket  companion  of  men  ambitious  to  perfect  themselves.  This 
diligence  soon  told:  for  all  that  was  learned  in  the  morning  at  the 
officers'  school  was  already  practically  applied  during  the  exercises 
of  the  Company  in  the  evening,  imparting  a  precision  in  the  manual, 
as  well  as  the  most  necessary  evolutions,  which  alone  could  render 
^hese  large  bodies  of  men  serviceable. 

It  will  remain  forever  a  memorable  fact  that  within  ten  days 
from  April  21,  when  the  order  authorizing  the  muster-in  of  troops 
was  issued  to  Captain  Lyon,  to  the  first  day  of  May,  five  Regiments, 
not  of  previously  organized  militia,  but  of  actual  Volunteers,  one 
Battalion  of  Artillery  and  one  Company  of  Pioneers,  and  within 
ten  days  more  to  May  11,  five  more  Regiments  of  Reserves  did  enter 
the  United  States  service  in  a  Slave  State.  Such  results  were  only 
possible  under  the  favorable  circumstances  which  shaped  the  dis- 
position of  the  Union  men  of  St.  Louis.  For  this  reason  the  causes 
which  resulted  in  the  spirit  of  our  population  were  given,  as  well 
as  the  events  which  step  by  step  led  to  the  final  issue. 


222  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Lou',*  in  1861. 

About  this  time  new  ideas  matured  in  St.  Louis  which  very  soon 
should  materially  aid  the  success  of  the  Union  armies.  Years  back, 
a  boy  came  to  St.  Louis  from  Indiana,  whose  family,  on  account 
of  sickness  of  the  father,  got  into  very  straightened  circumstances, 
which  the  enterprising  lad  helped  to  relieve  by  selling  apples  on 
the  streets.  This  boy  was  James  B.  Eads,  a  mechanical  genius  and  in 
1861  a  successful  merchant,  boatbuilder  and  leading  spirit  in  the 
St.  Louis  Wrecking  Company.  Captain  Eads  suggested  the  arming 
:>f  vessels  for  military  service  on  the  Mississippi  and  its  tributaries. 
Missouri's  great  lawyer,  Edward  C.  Bates,  of  Lincoln's  Cabinet,  be- 
came a  most  energetic  supporter  of  the  proposition,  and  with  Eads 
and  John  Rodgers  of  the  navy,  laid  the  plans  for  the  Mosquito  fleet 
and  the  gunboats.  The  steamers  "Conestoga,"  "Taylor"  and  "Lex- 
ington" were  put  in  "commission/'  at  first  with  a  protection  for  mus- 
ket balls  only,  but  seven  better  protected  vessels  were  to  be  constructed 
at  the  Marine  Railway  in  Carondelet  and  at  Mound  City,  111.  These 
vessels  should  soon  carry  their  thunder  to  Fort  Donelson,  Shiloh  and 
Memphis,  and  light  up  the  darkening  shades  of  Vicksburg  while 
passing  its  water  batteries  in  the  gloom  of  night.  They  were  a  most 
forcible  argument  in  favor  of  free  labor. 

The  bold  conception  of  these  gunboats  was  only  surpassed  by 
the  skill  and  promptness  of  their  construction.  Nearly  all  of  them 
were  built  within  a  hundred  days  and  delivered  near  contract  time. 
They  were  175  feet  long,  50  feet  beam,  6  feet  depth  of  hold  in  the 
clear,  and  drew  5  feet  of  water,  and  their  speed  was  nine  miles  an 
hour.  The  sides  were  slanting  outward  from  the  bottom  of  the  boat 
to  the  water  line  at  an  angle  of  45  degrees,  and  from  the  water  line 
the  sides  receded  back  at  the  same  angle,  forming  a  casemate  of 
twelve  feet  above  deck.  The  hulls  were  made  of  wood,  bottom  five- 
inch  plank,  sides  four-inch  plank  and  sheathed  with  two  and  one- 
half-inch  iron.  The  boats  were  bulkheaded  into  compartments  to 
prevent  their  sinking  when  pierced  by  cannon  balls.  The  gundeck 
was  about  one  foot  above  water  and  the  vessels  were  pierced  to  carry 
thirteen  heavy  guns,  namely,  three  nine-inch  guns  in  the  bow.  four 
small  ones  on  each  side,  and  two  smaller  ones  astern.  The  slanting 
casemate  extended  across  the  hull  near  the  bow  and  stern,  forming  a 
quadrilateral. 

The  first  gunboat  was  launched  October  12  from  the  Eads  yards 
and  was  called  "St.  Louis,"  but  the  name  was  changed  to  "De  Kalb" 
by  the  War  Department,  as  there  was  another  commissioned  ves- 


Organization.  _»-_>o 

sel  called '"St.  Louis."  The  other  vessels  were  called  "Carondelet." 
"Cincinnati,"  "Louisville,"  "Mound  City,"  "Cairo"  and  "Pitts- 
burgh." 

WAR  DEMOCRATS. 

After  the  first  days  of  May,  1861,  events  in  the  East  and  near 
Washington,  had  a  less  direct  influence  on  the  Department  of  the 
\\Yst.  It  was  of  the  greatest  importance  that  almost  the  entire 
Northern  Democracy  wheeled  into  the  Union  Camp,  animated  by 
the  words  of  their  ablest  leader,  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  who  at  the 
Wigwam  in  Chicago,  before  a  meeting  of  ten  thousand  people,  de- 
clared the  injustice  of  the  Southern  demands  and  deH.uiuiii •<!  the 
action  of  the  Seces.-ioni-ts  as  a  conspiracy.  He  said  in  the  cnnix-  of 
his  remarks: 

"Every  man  must  be- for  the  United  States  or  against  it.  There  can  be  no 
neutrals  in  this  war,  only  patriots  or  traitors.  .  .  .  They  (the  Secession- 
ists) expected  to  present  a  United  South  against  a  divided  North.  They  hoped 
in  the  Northern  States  party  questions  would  bring  civil  war  between  Demo- 
crats and  Republicans.  .  .  .  Their  scheme  was  carnage  and  civil  war  in 
the  North.  There  is  only  one  way  to  defeat  this,  by  closing  up  the  ranks.  It 
is  a  sad  task  to  discuss  questions  so  fearful  as  civil  war;  but  sad  as  it  is, 
bloody  and  disastrous  as  I  expect  it  will  be,  I  express  it  my  conviction  before 
God  that  it  is  the  duty  of  every  American  citizen  to  rally  around  the  flag 
of  his  country." 

Within  a  few  weeks  later  Douglas  died,  leaving  a  last  message  to 
his  sons:  to  be  true  to  the  Union.  About  the  same  time  another 
staunch  leader  of  Democracy,  Ben  Butler,  planted  a  Battery  of 
Howitzers  on  a  viaduct  to  keep  the  wavering  city  of  Balf  imore  within 
the  proper,  limits  of  its  public  duties,  while  the  Democratic  Slave 
State  of  Kentucky  mustered  without  delay  fourteen  Companies  for 
the  Union  service.  It  is  a  noteworthy  fact  that*  the  Slave-holding 
Border  States  furnished  to  the  Union  armies  during  the  war  over 
300,000  men,  Missouri  heading  the  column  with  over  106,000. 

Facts  like  these  weigh  heavily  in  shaping  convictions,  and  many 
A  doubtful  mind  was  stopped  short  by  their  consideration  from  mak- 
ing a  fatal  plunge  in  the  wrong  direction. 


CHAPTER     VIII. 
THE  WAR  IN  MISSOURI. 


UNION  SCHEMES. 

Colonel  Peckham  relates  that  on  May  7,  the  day  when  the  First 
and  Second  Regiment  of  Reserves  were  sworn  in,  Lyon  stated  in 
presence  of  L.  A.  Dick,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Chester-  Harding  and 
Colonel  F.  P.  Blair,  in  a  confidential  manner,  "Mr.  Dick,  we  must 
take  Camp  Jackson,  and  ,we  must  take  it  at  once,"  explaining  the 
menacing  nature  of  that  camp,  and  the  rapidly  increasing  danger 
of  delay,  and  also  pointing  to  the  non-committal  portion  of  the  com- 
munity, whom  actual  powrer  may  sway  either  way.  The  parties 
present  acceded  to  his  views,  still  it  was  deemed  best  to  consult  the 
Committee  of  Safety  before  taking  a  step  fraught  with  great  con- 
sequences. 

There  is  a  widely  spread  and  generally  believed  story  out  that 
on  the  8th  or  9th  of  May,  in  the  afternoon,  Lyon  drove  through 
Camp  Jackson  in  disguise  of  a  lady,  heavily  veiled,  etc.,  armed  with 
two  Colts  revolvers;  some  more  detail  was  given,  namely,  that  this 
happened  in  the  disguise  of  Mrs.  Alexander,  Blair's  mother-in- 
law's  dresses,  and  in  Colonel  Dick's  buggy.  Another  version  stated 
the  dress  belonged  to  a  Miss  Graham.  The  adventure  appears  useless 
on  the  face  of  it:  because  a  military  man  of  Lyon's  capacity  and 
education  could  secure,  and  no  doubt  had,  all  possible  information, 
without  exposing  himself  to  a  street  row  and  possible  mob  violence, 
and  what  good  would  the  two  revolvers  have  done  him  in  a  camp 
of  1,400  men?  Although  the  story  had  been  repeated  by  reliable 
men,  it  must  be  considered  that  Lindell  Grove,  which  held  Camp 
Jackson,  was  a  well  known  locality,  stretching  eastward  from  the 
present  Grand  avenue,  between  Olive  and  Laclede  avenue;  its  high- 
est elevations  were  on  its  western  and  eastern  boundary ;  Olive  street 
crossed  the  central  depression  of  the  ground  on  a  dike  and  the  gen- 
eral slope  of  the  territory  was  towards  the  south,  while  the  compara- 
itvely  few  trees  offered  very  little  shelter.  Th,ese  very  poor  conditions 

(224) 


JAMES  B.  EADS. 

Captain  of  Steamboats. 

From  Painting  of  St.  Louis  Engineers'  Club. 


The,   War  in  Missouri.  225 

for  defense  could  readily  be  observed  from  the  public  streets  by  the 
large  number  of  persons  who  vi-ited  the  camp  or  passed  by  it.  Plats 
of  the  locality,  with  measurements  to  the  very  inch,  could  be  obtained 
in  several  public  and  private  offices.  I'nder  such  circumstances,  it 
will  require  very  positive  and  direct  evidence  to  admit  the  fact  of 
the  above  adventure.  A  surviving  member  of  Colonel  Dick's  family 
at  Washington,  D.  C.,  knows  nothing  about  it. 

Captain  Lyon  convened  the  members  of  the  Committee  of  Safety 
-•n  the  afternoon  of  -May  '.»  at  the  Ar.-enal  and  strongly  argued  for 
the  immediate  nece.->ity  of  capturing  the  troops  and  seizing  the 
war  material  at  Camp  .Jackson.  Frank  Blair,  O.  D.  Filley,  J.  J. 
Witzig  and  .las.  O.  Broadbead.  the  eminent  Democratic  lawyer,  fully 
acceded  to  Lynn's  view-:  John  How  hesitated,  while  Sam  Glover, 
an  eminent  Republican  lawyer,  i-tronu'ly  advocated  legal  proceedings 
by  having  the  I'nited  States  Marshal  to  serve  first  a  "\Vrit  of  Re- 
plevin" on  General  Fro-t  for  the  United  States  arms  and  war  ma- 
terial illegally  in  his  possession,  and  if  this  should  be  denied,  then 
the  Tinted  States  Marshal  should  call  upon  Captain  Lyon  for  armed 
support.  The  imminent  passage  of  the  "Military  Act"  by  the  Legis- 
lature at  Jefferson  City,  and  General  Harney's  prospective  return 
on  the  llth  day  of  May,  strongly  supported  immediate  action.  Al- 
though tlie  idea  of  having  the  United  States  Marshal  with  his  Writ 
of  Replevin  was  still  insisted  upon,  Captain  Lyon  himself  was  clear 
in  his  mind  that  no  chance  should  be  given  to  the  commander  of 
Camp  Jackson  to  avoid  the  breaking  up  of  his  camp  and  the  dis- 
arming of  his  troops  by  an  ostensibly  yielding  course.  It  was  not  a 
point  of  law  that  was  in  question:  but  the  supremacy  of  the  Union 
or  Srers-ion  authority.  The  United  States  flag  did  not  shield  loyal 
Union  troops  at  Fort  Sumter,  why  should  the  name  of  the  State 
shield  disloyal  Militia  in  St.  Louis.  The  proofs  of  disloyalty  were 
overwhelming,  the  power  to  put  an  end  to  this  menace  to  the 
Union  cause  was  in  Lyon's  hand  and  Harney  was  on  the  road. 

\Yith  that  .-ingleness  of  purpose  which  characterized  the  whole  life 
of  Lyon  and  which  secured  him  a  glorious  success,  he  determined  to 
use  no  subterfuge,  but  to  take  the  camp,  which  harbored  the  avowed 
enemies  of  the  Union.  The  decision  once  reached,  Lyon  gave  prompt 
orders  to  the  commanders  of  all  Regiments  and  Batteries  to  have 
their  troops  in  readme^  at  their  respective  headquarters  on  the 
morn  in  i>  of  May  10,  and  then  and  there  await  further  orders.  By 
the  aid  of  Giles  F.  and  O.  D.  Filley  a  sufficient  number  of  horses 
were  bought  and  secured  to  complete  the  teams  for  the  Artillery. 

15 


226  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

There  was  little  commotion  on  the  9th,  though  Wm.  T.  Sher- 
man, at  the  time  Superintendent  of  the  Fifth  Street  Railway,  who 
was  that  day  casually  at  the  Arsenal,  noticed  that  sharp  cartridges 
were  distributed  among  the  troops.  Sherman  had  not  long  before 
resigned  the  directorship  of  a  military  school  in  Louisiana,  had 
been  to  Washington,  where  he  was  not  immediately  appreciated,  left 
there,  in  disgust,  and  when  approached  in  April  by  Frank  P.  Blair, 
in  the  presence  of  Henry  T.  Blow,  to  assume  the  command  of  the 
Department  of  the  West,  had  declined  the  offer  on  account  of  hav- 
ing recently  assumed  a  civil  position.  Still  his  interest  in  military 
affairs  remained  unabated.  He  offered  his  services  to  the  Govern- 
ment at  Washington  on  May  8  and  was  appointed  Colonel  of  the 
Thirteenth  Regiment  of  Regular  Infantry  on  May  14,  to  start  a 
career  of  great  usefulness  to  his  country  and  great  renown  to  himself. 

CAPTURE  OF  CAMP  JACKSON. 

Early  morning  on  May  10,  a  horseman  was  seen  galloping  south- 
ward on  the  Carondelet  Road  to  Jefferson  Barracks.  He  took  orders 
to  the  First  Volunteers,  which  camped  there,  to  march  without  delay 
and  with  forty  rounds  of  cartridges  to  the  Arsenal,  fully  eight  miles 
distant.  They  started  about  eight  o'clock,  were  headed  at  the  Ar- 
senal by  two  Companies  of  Regulars  under  Lieutenant  Sweeney, 
and  followed  their  Colonel,  Frank  P.  Blair,  and  the  commander  of 
all  the  troops,  Captain  Nathaniel  Lyon.  This  column  moved  north 
on  Seventh  street  to  Chouteau  avenue  and  westward  on  the  latter 
until  coming  in  full  view  of  Lindell  Grove,  they  saw  the  Secessionists 
run  to  their  cannons  and  rally  to  arms.  From  here  this  column 
advanced  across  the  commons  in  a  diagonal  line,  alternating  the 
"quick  step"  with  "double  quick,"  to  a  narrow  lane  west  of  the  camp, 
and  marched  on  same  northward  to  Olive,  passing  Frost's  sentinels 
within  twenty  yards.  A  part  of  the  First  Volunteers  was  still  in 
the  western  lane  when  the  head  of  its  column,  marching  eastward 
on  Olive,  met  the  Union  troops  coming  westward  from  the  city. 

The  Second  Volunteers,  Colonel  Boernstein,  started  from  Marine 
Hospital,  marched  on  Broadway  to  Chouteau  avenue  and  followed 
that  avenue  and  the  route  taken  by  Lyon  and  Blair;  the  distance 
was  near  six  miles.  Six  pieces  of  artillery  and  the  Third  Volunteers 
under  Colonel  Francis  Sigel  started  from  the  Arsenal,  marched  up 
Broadway  to  Olive  and  out  Olive  to  the  camp,  the  Artillery  taking 
position  on  the  elevated  ground  at  the  east  end,  also  north  of  the 


Thi     \\'nr  in 

camp,  commanding  its  entire  length  and  threatening  it  thus  in  case 
of  a  combat,  with  a  most  destructive  fire.  The  Fourth  Volunteers, 
Colonel  Nic  Schuettner,  also  started  from  the  Arsenal  with  the  Third, 
but  branched  off  on  Market  street  and  followed  that  street  and  La- 
clede  avenue  to  the  southern  line  near  the  east  end  of  the  camp. 
The  Reserve  Regiments  were  disposed  as  follows:  From  the  First 
Reserve,  Colonel  Almstedt,  one  Battalion  under  Lieutenant-Colonel 
R.  J.  Rombauer,  marched  from  Jaeger's  Garden  on  Tenth  and  Sid- 
ney, across  the  commons  to  Jefferson  avenue;  thence  to  the  east  end 
of  Camp  Jackson,  and  took  position  on  the  left  of  the  Artillery. 
From  the  Second  Reserve,  Colonel  Kallmann,  one  Battalion  under 
Lieutenant-Colonel  J.  T.  Fiala,  marched  from  Soulard  Market,  north 
to  Olive  and  west  on  Olive  to  the  camp,  and  took  position  southwest 
of  the  First  Reserve.  The  Third  Reserve,  Colonel  John  McNeil, 
formed  at  the  St.  Louis  Turner  Hall  on  Tenth  and  Walnut ;  marched 
out  on  Pine  street,  then  turned  to  Clark  avenue,  following  this  to 
west  of  Jefferson  avenue  and  formed  there  the  line  in  front  of  a 
little  church  and  near  the  southeast  corner  of  the  camp:  The  Fourth 
Reserve,  Colonel  B.  Gratz  Brown,  marched  out  on  Morgan  to  near 
the  northeast  corner  of  the  camp,  and  guarded  with  the  Third  Re- 
serve the  approaches  to  town,  forming  an  actual  reserve  force  for 
Lyon's  command  and  cutting  off  the  approach  to  the  camp  from 
the  city. 

Some  of  the  Regulars  and  the  completed  Companies  of  the  Fifth 
Volunteers,  under  Colonel  C.  E.  Salomon,  held  the  Arsenal,  while 
one  Battalion  of  the  First  Reserve,  under  Major  Philip  Brimmer, 
and  one  Battalion  of  the  Second  Reserve,  under  Major  Julius  Rapp, 
occupied  the  streets  and  guarded  the  approaches  to  the  Arsenal, 
with  the  order  to  pass  no  one.  The  Fifth  Reserve,  Colonel  Charles  G. 
Stifel,  not  yet  armed,  but  ready  for  muster,  was  assembled  at  head- 
quarters. Stifel's  Brewery. 

The  distance  which  each  column  had  to  march,  being  known 
to  Captain  Lyon,  he  timed  their  starting  to  secure  the  simultaneous 
arrival  in  their  respective  positions,  in  order  to  surround  the  camp 
from  all  sides. 

As  soon  as  the  inhabitants  noticed  Regiment  near  Regiment  to 
press  westward  on  parallel  streets  with  the  cadence  of  fate,  and 
observed  the  waves  of  glittering  bayonets  roll  steadily  onward  along 
the  avenues  and  many  thousand  serious,  determined  men  move 
like  veterans  toward  one  destination,  an  indescribable  excitement 


228 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


CAMP  JACKSON  IN  1861. 


The   War  in  Missouri. 


229 


CAMP  JACKSON'S  PRESENT  SUBDIVISION. 


230  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

spread  among  the  people.  The  rumor  of  the  Union  host's  march 
towards  Camp  Jackson  spread  like  wild  fire  through  the  city.  The 
simultaneous  movement  on  various  streets  bewildered  the  popula- 
tion, and  set  large  numbers  of  men  that  belonged  to  the  camp,  as 
well  as  their  friends,  in  motion,  of  whom  Seharf  says  in  the  History 
of  St.  Louis:  "Numbers  of  men  seized  rifles,  shotguns  or  whatever 
other  weapons  they  could  lay  hands  upon  and  rushed  pell  mell  to 
the  assistance  of  the  State  troops,  but  were  of  course  obstructed  in 
their  designs,"  still  many  of  them  gathered  near  the  camp,  while 
the  majority  of  men,  women  and  children  were  actuated  by  curiosity 
only,  and  rushed  in  wagons,  buggies  and  on  horseback,  most  of  them, 
however,  on  foot,  like  a  living  stream,  ahead,  on  the  side  and  be- 
hind the  troops  and  towards  Camp  Jackson;  not  at  all  deterred  by 
the  certainty  that  in  case  of  a  conflict,  even  a  great  many  specta- 
tors must  lose  their  lives.  From  the  pavements,  from  windows,  even 
from  roofs,  people  gazed  upon  the  martial  array.  Mothers  of  Union 
sons  cast  saddened  looks  upon  their  passing  offsprings,  while  sisters 
and  wives  looked  wistfully  after  the  vanishing  ranks;  nor  was  the 
anguish  of  the  families  in  the  center  of  town  less,  creating  anxiety 
in  the  older  persons,  and  often  disdain  akin  to  hatred  in  the  more 
demonstrative  girls  and  boys,  who  ostentatiously  withdrew  from  sight 
and  slammed  many  a  door  and  shutter  in  order  to  give  patent  ex- 
pression to  their  sentiments. 

There  were  some  memorable  incidents  on  the  march  of  the  Union 
troops.  Ulysses  S.  Grant,  at  the  time  not  in  service  in  Missouri, 
was  standing  near  the  Arsenal  gate  when  the  Union  Battalions 
filed  out  and  wheeled  northward  on  Carondelet  Road  (now  Broad- 
way), opposite  the  then  quite  modest  Anheuser-Busch  Brewery. 
Some  bystander  made  a  scurrilous  remark  upon  the  troops  as  they 
poured  out  from  the  Arsenal  gate  which  Grant  rebuked  in  his  quiet 
but  decided  manner,  as  he  was  in  full  accord  with  the  plan  to  cap- 
ture the  camp.  A  few  blocks  north  of  the  Arsenal,  Colonel  Sigel 
tried  to  pass  to  the  head  of  his  Regiment,  which  filled  the  street, 
and  galloped  along  the  pavement,  when  his  horse  slipped  on  a 
flagging  stone,  falling,  unfortunately,  on  Sigel's  leg.  He  was  picked 
up  and  carried  into  the  next  store,  where  his  leg  was  bandaged  up 
by  a  physician,  and  being  unable  to  mount  a  horse,  Sigel  followed 
his  command  later  on  in  a  carriage.  The  accident  caused  no  delay 
in  the  march ;  the  next  in  command,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Francis  Has- 
sendeubel,  leading  the  troops  to  their  position.  Wm.  T.  Sherman, 


The  War  in  Missouri.  231 

while  on  the  road  to  his  office  at  the  Fifth  Street  Railway,  heard  at 
every  corner  "of  the  streets  that  the  Dutch  were  moving  on  Camp 
•Jackson."  He  returned  to  his  residence,  and  being  beseeched  by  a 
lady  in  the  neighborhood  to  look  after  her  son,  started  out  with  his 
own  little  boy  and  some  friends  towards  Camp  Jackson. 

According  to  John  C.  Abbott's  History,  General  D.  M.  Frost, 
being  advised  of  Lyon's  movements,  dispatched  Colonel  Bowen  with 
the  following  letter: 

CAMP  JACKSON,  Mo.,  May  10,  1861. 
( '  \ri.viN  X.  LYON. 

"Sir:  I  am  constantly  in  receipt  of  information  that  you  contemplate  an 
attack  upon  my  camp;  while  I  understood  that  you  are  impressed  with  the 
idea  that  an  attack  upon  the  Arsenal  and  United  States  troops  is  intended  on 
the  part  of  the  Militia  of  Missouri;  ...  I  would  be  glad  to  know  from 
you  personally  whether  there  is  any  truth  in  the  statements  that  are  con- 
stantly poured  into  my  ears.  So  far  as  regards  any  hostility  being  intended 
towards  the  United  States  or  its  property  or  representatives  by  any  portion 
of  my  command,  or,  as  far  as  I  can  learn,  and  I  think  I  am  fully  informed, 
of  any  other  part  of  the  State  forces  I  can  say  positively  that  the  idea  has 
never  been  entertained.  ...  I  trust  that,  after  this  explicit  statement, 
we  may  be  able,  by  fully  understanding  each  other,  to  keep  far  from  our 
borders,  the  misfortunes  which  so  unhappily  afflict  our  common  country. 

"I  am,  etc., 

"BRIG. -GEN.  D.  M.  FROST." 

Colonel  Bowen  met  Captain  Lyon  at  the  head  of  the  column,  in 
full  march,  and  handed  him  <  Iriieral  Frost's  letter,  but  Lyon  had 
n  mi  It-  up  his  mind  to  take  the  camp,  and  having  the  summons  for 
its  surrender  in  his  pocket,  not  only  declined  to  read  Frost's  letter, 
but  pushed  forward  without  delay. 

The  Tnion  columns  had  arrived  on  time  and  completely  sur- 
rounded the  camp :  the  troops  stood  silently  at  their  arms,  many 
in  full  sight  and  short  musket  range  of  the  Secessionists.  The 
cam  ion-  stood  unlimbered  in  commanding  position,  and  guards  pre- 
vented all  ingress  or  egress.  Immediately  after  the  arrival,  Cap- 
tain Lyon  sent  to  General  Frost,  through  B.  G.  Farrar,  the  follow- 
ing summons : 

"HEADQUARTERS  UNITED  STATES  TROOPS,  St.  Louis,  May  10,  1861. 
"GENERAL  D.  M.  FROST,  Commanding  Camp  Jackson. 

Sir:  Your  command  is  regarded  as  evidently  hostile  toward  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States.  It  is  for  the  most  part  made  up  of  those  Seces- 
sionists who  have  openly  avowed  their  hostility  to  the  General  Government, 
and  have  been  plotting  the  seizure  of  its  property  and  the  overthrow  of  its 


232  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

authority.  You  are  openly  in  communication  with  the  so-called  Southern 
Confederacy,  which  is  now  at  war  with  the  United  States,  and  you  are  receiv- 
ing at  your  camp  from  the  said  Confederacy,  and  under  its  flag,  large  supplies 
of  the  material  of  war,  most  of  which  is  known  to  be  the  property  of  the 
United  States.  These  extraordinary  preparations  plainly  indicate  none 
other  than  the  well-known  purpose  of  the  Governor  of  this  State,  under  whose 
order  you  are  acting,  and  whose  purpose  recently  communicated  to  the  Legis- 
lature, has  just  been  responded  to  by  that  body,  in  the  most  unparalleled 
legislation,  having  in  direct  view  hostilities  to  the  General  Government  and 
co-operation  with  its  enemies. 

"In  view  of  these  considerations,  and  of  your  failure  to  disperse  in  obedi- 
ence to  the  proclamation  of  the  President,  and  in  view  of  the  eminent  neces- 
sities of  State  policy  and  welfare,  and  the  obligations  imposed  upon  me  by 
instructions  from  Washington,  it  is  my  duty  to  demand,  and  I  do  hereby 
demand  of  you,  an  immediate  surrender  of  your  command,  with  no  other 
conditions  than  that  all  persons  surrendering  under  this  demand  shall  be 
humanely  and  kindly  treated. 

"Believing  myself  prepared  to  enforce  this  demand,  one-half  hour's  time 
before  doing  so,  will  be  allowed  for  your  compliance  therewith. 
"Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"N.  LYON, 
"Captain  Second  Infantry,  Commanding  Troops. 

Before  the  granted  period  expired,  General  Frost  sent  word  ask- 
ing for  more  time  and  a  conference  to  arrange  matters,  to  which 
Lyon  answered  on  the  back  of  Frost's  note,  writing  on  the  pommel 
of  his  saddle,  that  unless  an  unconditional  surrender  was  made  with- 
in ten  minutes,  he  would  open  fire.  The  cause  for  this  peremptory 
demand  was,  no  doubt,  the  rapidly  growing  crowd  of  men  around 
the  Union  troops,  which  used  threatening  and  abusive  language,  evi- 
dently warming  up  for  a  riot.  To  the  last  summons  General  Frost 
answered  : 

"CAPTAIN  N.  LYOX,  Commanding  U.  S.  Troops. 

"Sir:  I  never  for  a  moment  conceived  the  idea  that  so  illegal  and  uncon- 
stitutional demand,  as  I  have  just  received  from  you,  would  be  made  by  an 
officer  of  the  United  States  Army. 

"I  am  wholly  unprepared  to  defend  my  command  from  this  unwarranted 
attack,  and  shall,  therefore,  be  forced  to  comply  with  your  demand. 
"I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant. 

"D.  M.  FROST, 
"Brig.  Gen.  Comdg.  Camp  Jackson,  M.  V.  M." 

One  Company  of  Regulars  had  advanced  to  a  post  and  board 
fence  within  fifty  yards  of  the  hostile  front,  with  the  instruction  of 
storming  a  near  Battery  as  soon  as  firing  commenced:  but  their 


CONSTANTIN   BLANDOVSKI. 

Captain  3d  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers. 
Prom  Original  Painting  by  Karl  Wimar. 


.The  War  in  Missouri.  233 

position  was  so  much  exposed  that  the  very  first  volley  would  not 
have  left  one  of  them  unhurt.     Luckily,  General  Frost's  correct 
judgment,  realizing  the  situation,  prevented  all  useless  bloodshed. 
He  surrendered  the  camp  unconditionally,  and  deserves  credit  fgr 
this  act,  for  a  fight  against  a  superior  force  of  five  to  one,  after  be- 
ing surprised  in  the  trap  of  his  camp,  would  have  been  sheer  mad- 
ness.    There  was  no  special  sign  of  glorification  among  the  Union 
troops  when  the  news  of  the  surrender  was  learned.     Some  com- 
manders told  their  men:  "Put  green  twigs  to  your  hats;  they  have 
surrendered,"  but  there  was  no  cheering  nor  exultant  exclamations. 
During  the  suspense  of  waiting,  some  shouting  was  heard  from  the 
camp,  in  answer  to  tin    information  of  the  unavoidable  result;  after 
the  message  of  surrender  was  dispatched  all  the  late  Minute  Men, 
Secessionists  and  Militia  stacked  arms  at  the  command  of  their  offi- 
cers and  after  few  preliminaries  were  arranged,   marched  out  of 
camp  and  passed  between  the  files  of  the  First  Volunteers,  which 
had  opened  ranks  and  faced  inward.     So  far  everything  went  on 
rational  lines,  and  had  the  troops  escorting  the  prisoners  marched 
off  and  those  designated  to  guard  the  property  in  the  camp  occupied 
their  position,  there  would  have  been  no  lives  lost.     Lyon,  after  dis- 
mounting, was  kicked  by  his  horse  and  disabled  for  the  time  being. 
There  seems  to  have  been  no  proper  staff  to  expedite  matters,  and 
the  starting  was  delayed  beyond  measure.     In  the  meantime  the 
crowd  around  the  troops,  particularly  in  the  neighborhood  of  the 
prisoners  grew  in  numbers  and  their  rage  in  intensity;  captives  were 
called  by  name  and  cheered,  while  epithets  and  curses  were  hurled 
at  their  captors.    Hurrahs  for  "Jeff  Davis"  and  shouts  of  "Damn  the 
Dutch"   were  frequent  and  soon  followed  by  missiles  of  dirt  and 
stones.    Revolvers  were  pulled  on  Lyon  and  Blair  and  other  officers. 
All  these  indignities   wen-   patiently   borne  by   the   troops,   until   a 
drunken  man  tried  to  break  through  the  ranks,  and  being  pushed 
back,  fired  and  wounded  an  officer.     A  few  shots  were  now  fired 
from  Union  soldiers,  when  the  column  was  set  in  motion  but  soon 
halted  again.     Captain  Rufus  Saxton,  at  the  head  of  the  Regulars, 
was  shot  at  three  times,  while  the  crowd  around  the  man  who  shot, 
goaded  him  on,  when  the  most   aggressive  man  was  struck  down 
with  the  bayonet.     The  yells  and  general  abuse  continued  around 
the  long  stretched  column  on  several  points.     Company  F,  Third 
Volunteers,  was  guarding  the  western  gate  when  a  crowd  of  rowdies, 
cursing  and  swearing,  began    hostile    demonstrations    by    a'busing 


234  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Loui*  in  IK'il. 


shouts,  stone-throwing  and  pistol  shots,  which  killed  one  man  and 
mortally  wounded  Captain  Blandovski.  Some  one  from  the  Union 
officers  now  commanded  "Fire,"  which  was  repeated  by  several 
Companies.  At  the  place  where  the  worst  assault  was  made,  fifteen 
persons  were  killed  and  a  number  wounded,  among  them  innocent 
spectators.  The  mob  was  firing  on  the  rear  of  the  column  from  both 
sides  of  the  line,  and  in  dispersing  continued  to  fire  on  the  troops, 
and  it  is  here  where  most  fatalities  occurred.  Many  troopers  fired 
high  more  to  intimidate  than  to  hurt,  otherwise  the  fatalities  would 
have  been  ten  times  their  number.  In  the  fusillade,  which  possibly 
might  have  been  prevented  by  more  forbearance  and  patience,  and 
particularly  by  a  timely  clearing  of  the  grounds,  the  innocent, 
suffered  with  the  guilty.  Captain  Constantine  Blandovski  of  the 
Third  Volunteers,  was  mortally  wounded  while  his  Company  was 
standing  at  rest:  a  scion  of  Poland,  he  fell  as  so  many  of  his  co- 
patriots,  on  battlefields  crimsoned  in  defense  of  popular  rights.  It 
seems  to  be  the  fate  of  the  Niobe  of  nations  that  her  sons  should 
find  honorable  graves  wherever  liberty  raises  her  banner.  The 
firing  was  on  Olive  street  and  could  not  be  seen  from  the  positions 
of  the  Fourth  Volunteers  or  First  and  Second  Reserves.  They  only 
heard  the  bullets  break  through  the  top  of  the  trees.  The  First 
Reserve  did  not  even  have  the  muskets  loaded,  but  practiced  the 
manual  of  "Charge  Bayonets"  as  a  notice  of  what  possibly  may 
have  to  follow. 

On  his  errand  of  kindness,  W.  T.  Sherman  reached  the  camp 
after  the  surrender;  he  witnessed  the  shot  fired  by  the  man  who  tried 
to  break  through  the  ranks,  and  when  firing  commenced  he  and 
his  party  threw  themselves  on  the  ground  and  afterwards  run  to  a 
gully  to  protect  his  son.  This  circumstance  is  related  by  Sherman 
in  his  Memoires,  in  which  he  also  says:  The  great  mass  of  the 
people  on  that  occasion  were  simply  curious  spectators,  though  men 
were  sprinkled  through  the  crowd  calling  out,  "Hurrah  for  Jeff 
Davis,"  and  others  were  particularly  "abusive  of  the  damned 
Dutch."  It  was  lucky  for  Sherman  and  the  Union  that  the  bullets 
flew  high  where  he  stood,  otherwise  some  brilliant  pages  of  Ameri- 
can history  would  never  have  been  written. 

The  captives  stood  quietly  between  the  files  of  Union  troops  :  their 
behavior  was  manly  and  considerate.  They  did  not  encourage  the 
demonstrative  sympathizers,  neither  by  word  nor  action.  They 
were  no  doubt  convinced  of  the  uselessness  of  mob  violence  where 


The  War  in  Missouri.  235 

their  own  organized  efforts  were  of  no  avail.  The  cause  of  the  shoot- 
ing was  a  lawless  mob  spirit,  which  was  here,  as  in  every  other  in- 
stance, disgraceful,  contemptible  and  not  to  be  tolerated  in  any  civ- 
ilized community. 

Abbot  writes  in  his  History  of  the  Civil  War: 

General  Frost  surrendered;  the  line  was  formed  with  an  advance  and 
rear  guard  between  which  the  prisoners  stood,  with  a  single  file  of  soldiers 
on  each  flank.  It  was  near  sunset  when  the  order  to  move  was  given. 

"An  antipathy  to  the  Germans,  who  composed  a  large  proportion  of  the 
Home  Guards,  increased  the  bitterness  with  which  the  defeated  rebels 
regarded  the  loyal  soldiery.  The  crowd  pressed  thick  and  close  upon  the 
rear  of  the  troops.  .  .  A  few  stones  were  thrown;  a  few  pistol  shots  were 
heard;  then  suddenly  a  volley  of  rifles,  then  another,  then  another.  Then  min- 
gled with  the  sharp  ring  of  the  rifle  rose  the  shrieks  of  women  and  children,  as 
they  rushed  frantically  from  the  scene,  the  crowd  scattering  in  all  directions. 
Some  were  struck  with  chance  bullets  as  they  ran.  It  is  said  there  were 
twenty-five  in  all  killed  and  wounded." 

"For  a  whole  hour  the  soldiers  had  received  patiently  and  without  retalia- 
tion a  storm  of  vituperation  and  abuse  from  the  mob.  Emboldened  by  this 
impunity,  the  miscreants  commenced  throwing  stones  and  at  length  pistol 
shots  were  fired  and  two  of  the  soldiers  fell.  Forbearance  then  became  a 
crime,  and  the  fire  was  returned." 

The  episode  of  the  firing  at  Camp  Jackson  after  the  surrender 
was  variously  commented  upon,  according  the  different  party  po- 
sition and  the  deficient  informations,  which  the  limited  field  of 
vision  of  witnesses  could  give.  That  it  was  wantonly  provoked  can 
be  readily  seen  from  the  account  of  Thos.  L.  Snead,  a  devoted  Se- 
cessionist, and  at  that  time  Secretary  and .  Aide-de-Camp  to  Gov- 
ernor Jackson,  who  in  hi?  valuable  work.  "The  Fight  for  Missouri," 
on  page  171.  writes: 

"The  Militia  having  stacked  their  arms,  were  formed  into  line,  and  con- 
ducted out  of  the  camp  on  their  way  to  the  Arsenal.  They  had  moved  but  a 
short  distance  when  they  were  halted,  and  kept  standing  on  a  line  parallel 
with  and  a  few  yards  from  Olive  street,  which  was  occupied  by  Lyons'  troops. 
During  the  halt  which  lasted  several  hours,  great  numbers  of  men,  women 
and  children  gathered  around  the  prisoners  and  their  captors.  They  were, 
of  course,  intensely  agitated  and  as  the  excitement  grew,  began  to  jeer  at 
and  abuse  "the  Dutch  Blackguard"  (so-called  in  derision  because  one  of 
the  German  companies  called  itself  "die  Schwartze  Garde").  Suddenly  a 
few  shots  were  fired  and  were  followed  almost  immediately  by  volley  after 
volley  extending  in  regular  succession  down  the  line  of  troops,  until  appar- 
ently a  full  Regiment  had  thus  fired  by  company.  Twenty-eight  people  lay 
dead  and  mortally  wounded.  Among  them  were  three  prisoners  and  an 
infant  in  the  arms  of  its  mother." 


236  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1801. 

Another  Confederate  writer  said:  "It  was  there  the  blood  of  in- 
nocent men  and  women  was  shed  by  Lyon's  troops  without  real 
cause."  This  is  not  just.  The  innocent  people  were  mixed  with  a 
crowd  of  rowdies,  who  made  a  wanton  attack  upon  the  troops  with 
invectives,  stone-throwing  and  shooting,  inflicting  mortal  wounds 
and  trying  to  break  through  the  ranks. 

At  last  the  welcome  order  of  ''Forward,  March!"  was  given.  At 
the  head  was  a  section  of  Artillery,  followed  by  the  Battalion  of  the 
First  Reserve,  next  between  the  open  ranks  of  the  First  Volunteers, 
the  captives  with  their  officers  in  front,  followed  by  the  Second  Vol- 
unteers; the  Battalion  of  the  Second  Reserves  closing  the  rear.  Afl 
the  column  passed  down  Olive  street,  doors  and  shutters  were  again 
slammed,  if  not  already  shut  before;  here  and  there  a  shout  for 
"Jeff  Davis"  was  heard  in  the  distance,  or  a  knit  brow  frowned  down 
upon  the  marching  troops,  who  had. been  on  their  legs  since  morn- 
ing, without  food  or  refreshment  of  any  kind,  were  fatigued  but 
in  good  spirits,  notwithstanding  the  gloom  of  the  streets,  the  pris- 
oners and  the  frosty  appearance  of  the  houses.  About  midway 
down  town,  the  column  wheeled  to  the  right,  marched  south  to 
Chouteau  avenue  and  east  to  Broadway.  Already  on  Chouteau  ave- 
nue sympathetic  people  gathered  on  the  pavements.  Union  flags 
appeared  and  handkerchiefs  were  waved  by  the  fair  hands  and  the 
animation  of  the  spectators  increased  block  by  block  :  but  when  Broad- 
way or  Carondelet  avenue  was  reached,  the  entlni>i<i>ni  <»f  the  hun- 
dreds and  thousands  on  the  sidewalks,  at  windows  and  on  porches, 
knew  no  bounds;  cheer  after  cheer  was  given,  flowers  thrown,  all 
houses  were  decked  with  flags,  until  the  whole  avenue  looked  like 
a  living  sea  with  a  big  stream  of  glistening  bayonets  flowing  south- 
ward. This  was  the  crowning  day  of  several  months  of  unusual 
exertion  and  care,  and  it  was  the  first  great  Union  Success  in  the 
Civil  War.  It  gave  St.  Louis  peace  and  settled  the  fate  of  Secession 
in  Missouri.  But  for  the  rowdy  element  of  the  city,  the  day  would 
not  have  been  marred  by  the  loss  of  a  single  life. 

The  prisoners  were  housed  in  the  Arsenal  and  guarded  by  the  First 
Volunteers,  all  made  as  comfortable  as  possible;  the  Second  Volun- 
teers marched  to  Marine  Hospital,  and  the  Reserves,  after  leaving 
the  usual  one  Company  to  guard  their  respective  armories  and  head- 
quarters, dispersed  to  their  neighboring  homes. 

Conditional  Union  men  and  many  ultra  conservatives  found  fault 
with  the  capture  of  Camp  Jackson,  because  not  all  the  men  in  the 


The  War  in  Missouri.  237 

camp  were  disloyal.  No  doubt  many  Union  men  were  also  mem- 
bers of  the  State  Militia:  but  nearly  all  of  them  withdrew  from  the 
organization  before  or  at  the  time  of  forming  the  camp,  as  for  in- 
stance, Christ  A.  Stifel  from  the  Missouri  Dragoons,  of  which  Com- 
pany rims.  A.  Stifel  was  also  a  member;  Bernard  Laibold,  J.  N. 
Pritchard,  Tony  Niederwieser,  F.  M.  Cornyn,  Jacob  Riseck,  John 
S.  Cavender,  Jacob  Melter,  John  B.  Gray,  Fred  Schaefer,  nearly  all 
having  been  officers  of  the  Militia,  and  many  others,  left  on  ac- 
count of  the  disloyal  character  of  the  camp  or  the  spirit  which  char- 
acterized the  Southwest  Expedition  preceding  it.  Captain  Joseph 
Bpyce,  a  Confederate  officer,  and  a  contemporary  historical  writer, 
who  since  held  many  offices  of  public  trust,  says:  Most  of  the  cap- 
tured entered  the  Confederate  army,  though  some  joined  the  Federal 
forces. 

The  State  flag  which  waved  in  Camp  Jackson  was  carried  to 
Memphis,  and  was  always  in  front  of  the  First  Missouri  Confed- 
erate Infantry  during  four  years  of  the  war;  and  Snead  tells  of  the 
Second  Regiment  Militia,  known  as  Minute  Men,  under  Colonel 
Bowei i,  that :  "Not  one  of  them  proved  false  to  the  cause  to  which 
he  pledged  his  faith."  What  cause?  They  had  pledged  themselves 
to  support  and  obey  the  Governor  of  the  State,  Claiborne  F.  Jack-on. 
and  the  commander  of  the  camp,  General  D.  M.  Frost,  both  of  whom 
were  avowed  Secessionists  and  enemies  of  the  Union.  For  all  these 
reasons  and  the  obvious  sound  policy  of  removing  the  battlefield 
t'rom  the  streets  »i  St.  Louis,  the  capture  of  Camp  Jackson  became 
an  imperative  duty. 

The  following  was  the  oatli  which  the  Missouri  State  Militia  had 
taken : 

''Swear  that  you  will  honestly  and  faithfully  serve  the  State  of 
Missouri  against  all  her  enemies,  and  that  you  will  do  your  utmost 
to  sustain  the  constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  State-." 

"The  utmost"  which  a  Staterights  Secessionist  could  do  under 
the  circumstances  was  not  a  perceptible  quantity.  For  all  that, 
it  was  difficult  to  understand  General  Frost's  activity  at  the  time. 
The  Confederate  writer,  J.  C.  Moore,  says  about  it:  "General  Frost 
was  getting  ready  to  take  the  Arsenal,  but  never  quite  succeeded  in 
completing  his  preparations." 

Speaking  of  the  surrender  of  Camp  Jackson,  the  same  writer 
asks:  "Why  did  he  put  himself  in  a  position  to  provoke  an  attack 
if  he  did  not  intend  to  fight?  Why  did  he  ask  for  siege  guns  to 


238  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

reduce  the  Arsenal  if  he  could  not  keep  them  when  he  got  them? 
If  he  could  not  defend  himself,  why  did  he  not  retreat — why  did 
he  not  t.ikc  tho  Arsenal  before?  He  had  the  authority  to  do  it." 

DAYS  OF  EXCITEMENT. 

The  Third  and  Fourth  Regiments  Volunteers  and  two  Companies 
of  Regulars  were  detailed  to  guard  Camp  Jackson,  or  rather  to  guard 
the  war  material  which  was  stored  there.  This  comprised  many 
balls  and  bombs  packed  in  ale  barrels:  Artillery  pieces  marked 
"Marble,"  invoiced  via  Iron  Mountain  Railroad,  which  were  recog- 
nized by  L.  I).  Immels  as  being  those  with  which  he  practiced  under 
Totten  at  Little  Rock  before  they  were  seized  by  the  Secessionists; 
"sixteen"  inch  brass  mortars  with  a  number  of  shells;  three  "thirty- 
two-pounders,"  with  outfit.  This  was  the  heavy  ordnance  intended 
and  sent  by  Jefferson  Davis  for  the  capture  of  the  Arsenal,  for  stop- 
ping navigation  and  reducing  Cairo.  There  were  besides  six  brass 
field  pieces,  1,200  rifles,  a  large  outfit  of  camp  and  pioneer  utensils, 
tents,  twenty-five  kegs  of  powder  and  other  material,  all  of  which 
proved  that  this  material  was  intended  for  war  on  a  large  scale, 
to  be  carried  on  with  the  assistance  of  the  Confederate  States. 

If  there  was  comparative  quiet  in  the  Union  quarters,  the  excite- 
ment in  the  center  of  town  knew  no  bounds;  crowds  cheering  Jeff 
Davis  and  the  Secession  flag  and  cursing  the  Union  leaders  and  the 
"Dutch"  surged  from  street  to  street;  schemes  wrere  laid  to  mob 
the  "Missouri  Democrat"  and  the  "Anzeiger  des  Westen"  news- 
papers, and  mobs  started  in  that  direction:  it  was,  however,  their 
good  fortune  that  they  were  stopped  by  Captain  McDonough  with 
a  strong  police  force,  for  the  Union  men  were  in  large  numbers  at 
both  places  and  fully  prepared  to  give  the  mob  a  very  warm  re- 
ception. An  indignation  meeting  was  held  at  the  Courthouse,  at 
which  the  Secession  sympathizers  and  State  Rights  schemers  uttered 
the  most  violent  speeches,  some  using  expressions  and  threats  below 
the  dignity  of  decent  men.  No  wonder  that  men  without  educa- 
tion or  judgment  were  excited  to  a  frenzy  of  rage  and  prone  to 
commit  atrocious  deeds.  According  to  Colonel  Peckham,  a  dead 
German  was  found  next  morning  on  Market  near  Fifteenth;  one 
on  Clark  avenue  and  Tenth,  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Turner 
Hall;  one  on  Franklin  avenue  and  Seventh;  one  shot  in  the  breast 
on  Chestnut  and  Sixth,  and  one  maltreated  on  Ninth  and  Market, 
and  John  C.  Moore  says  in  his  History:  "Now  and  then  a  citizen 


The    ]\'ar  in   M'lxxonrl.  239 

under  the  darkness  of  night  was  done  to  death  in  the  street,  and 
they  who  did  the  deed  of  blood  were  never  discovered.'' 

When  the  Fifth  Reserve  Regiment  under  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Robert  White  returned  on  the  llth  from  its  muster  at  the  Arsenal, 
on  nnrihwest  corner  of  Fifth  and  Walnut,  it  was  attacked  from  the 
steps  of  the  church,  of  which  Scharf  in  the  History  of  St.  Louis 
writes:  "Large  crowds  were  collected  on  this  corner,  who  hooted 
and  hissed  as  the  Companies  passed,  and  one  man  standing  on  the 
step  of  the  church,  fired  a  revolver  into  the  ranks.  A  soldier  fell 
dead,  when  two  more  shots  were  fired  from  the  windows  of  the  house 
near  by.  At  this  juncture  the  head  of  the  column  turned  and  fired 
along  the  street."  Six  men  lay  dead  at  different  points  and  several 
were  wounded.  It  was  stated  that  by  careless  firing  the  soldiers 
killed  some  of  their  own  men.  The  aggressive  mob  dispersed  and 
the  persons  that  caused  the  trouble  were  never  brought  to  justice. 

In  the  meantime  parole  papers  were  made  out  at  the  Arsenal 
and  when  completed,  all  prisoners  were  placed  on  board  of  a  ship 
and  sent  up  town,  in  order  to  save  them  from  the  unpleasant  pas- 
sage through  the  Union  Wards  of  the  city.  They  little  appreciated 
this"  considerate  measure,  for  as  soon  as  they  were  away  from  shore 
they  gave  three  cheers  for  Jefferson  Davis.  One  of  the  prisoners, 
Captain  Emmett  McDonald,  declined  to  be  paroled.  As  there  was 
danger  of  a  "Habeas  Corpus"  act  to  be  sworn  out  for  him,  he  was 
taken  over  the  same  evening  to  Arsenal  Island,  and  there  kept  under 
guard,  but  later  on  released. 

General  Harney  returned  to  St.  Louis  on  May  llth.  He  found 
the  city  in  the  height  of  excitement,  and  was  approached  by  con- 
servatives and  Southern  sympathizers  to  send  the  Home  Guard  out 
of  town.  Blair  informed  Harney  that  the  Home  Guard  or  Reserve 
troops,  were  enlisted  for  service  in  the  city  only,  and  could  not  be 
sent  out  of  town  without  their  own  consent.  There  was  in  reality 
no  rational  foundation  for  the  spite  against  the  Home  Guards  or 
Reserve  Regiments,  for  at  Camp  Jackson  they  did  not  fire  a  shot 
and  at  Walnut  and  Broadway,  the  Fifth  Reserve  only  used  their 
arms  after  they  were  shot  at.  The  hatred  against  the  Home  Guard, 
Volunteers  included,  was  rooted  in  nativistic  and  political  animosity, 
mixed  with  social,  religious  and  temperance  prejudices.  Most  Home 
Guards  were  voters,  naturalized  citizens,  or  their  descendants  and 
their  officers  nearly  all  had  seen  military  service  in  Europe.  There 
was  an  apprehension,  however,  that  they  might  retaliate  for  the 
many  outrages  committed  on  their  friends  and  comrades. 


240  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

A-  Rev.  Galu.-h;i  Anderson  argued  in  his  interesting  book  on  that 
period,  that  the  threats  pronounced  at  the  Courthouse  meeting  to 
go  to  the  Southern  wards,  carry  murder,  arson  and  worse  into  the 
homes  of  the  Dutch,  might  have  struck  the  guilty  conscience  of  the 
advocates  of  violence  with  just  apprehensions. 

Under  these  circumstances  it  was  not  difficult  for  evil  designed 
persons,  to  start  on  May  12th  a  panic  iu  the  center  of  town,  with  the 
assertion  that  the  Home  Guards  or  Reserve  Regiments  are  prepar- 
ing for  a  raid  to  clean  out  the  Secessionists.  All  at  once  a  large  por- 
tion of  the . residents  in  the  middle  of  the  city  got  on  the  move; 
vehicles  of  every  sort  were  pressed  into  service:  a  rush  was  made  for 
steamboats  and  ferries,  and  the  most  ludicrous  scenes  were  enacted 
in  a  panic,  for  which  there  seems  to  have  been  no  foundation  :  for  the 
men  in  the  Reserve  Regiments  were  the  substantial  citizens  of  the 
Union  Wards  and  the  most  law-abiding  people  of  the  community. 
Mayor  Taylor,  aware  of  the  folly  of  the  panic,  quieted  the  fleeing 
crowd  with  the  assurance  that  the  Home  Guards  were  loyal  to  their 
officers  and  did  not  endanger  neither  the  life  nor  the  property  of 
peaceful  inhabitants.  Mayor  Taylor's  exertions,  and  the  absence  of 
every  vestige  of  movement  by  Volunteer  or  Reserve  troops,  quieted 
the  excited  nerves,  stopped  the  exodus  and  brought  even  those  hack 
who  were  unfortunate  to  get  far  away. 

General  Harney  nevertheless  moved  the  Regulars  with  sonic  Artil- 
lery near  to  his  headquarters  on  Fourth,  near  Market  street,  placed 
two  cannon  in  the  street,  and  lodged  the  relieves  in  a  livery  stable 
near  by,  and  issued  the  following  apologetic  proclamation : 

"MILITABY  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  WEST,  St.  Louis,  May  12,  1861. 
"To  THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE  STATE  OF  MISSOURI  AND  CITY  OF  ST.  Louis. 

"I  have  just  returned  to  this  post,  and  have  assumed  the  military  com- 
mand of  this  Department. 

"No  one  can  more  deeply  regret  the  deplorable  state  of  things  existing 
here  than  myself.  The  past  can  not  be  recalled.  I  can  only  deal  with  the 
present  and  the  future. 

"I  most  anxiously  desire  to  discharge  the  delicate  and  onerous  duties  de- 
volved upon  me,  so  as  to  preserve  the  public  peace.  I  shall  carefully  abstain 
from  the  exercise  of  any  unnecessary  powers,  and  from 'all-interference  with 
the  proper  functions  of  the  public  officers  of  the  State  and  City.  I,  therefore, 
call  upon  the  public  authorities  and  the  people  to  aid  me  in  preserving  the 
public  peace. 

"The  military  force  stationed  in  this  Department  by  the  authority  of  the 
Government,  and  now  under  my  command,  will  only  be  used  in  the  last 


ADOLPHUS  BUSCH. 
Corporal  3d  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Missouri  Volunteers. 


The  War  in  Missouri.  241 

resort,  to  preserve  the  peace.  I  trust  I  may  be  spared  the  necessity  of  resort- 
ing to  martial  law,  but  the  public  peace  must  be  preserved,  and  the  lives  and 
property  of  the  people  protected.  Upon  a  careful  review  of  my  instructions, 
I  find  I  have  no  authority  to  change  the  location  of  the  Home  Guards. 

"To  avoid  all  cause  of  irritation  and  excitement,  if  called  upon  to  aid  the 
local  authorities  in  preserving  the  public  peace,  I  shall  in  preference  make 
use  of  the  Regular  Army. 

"I  ask  the  people  to  pursue  their  regular  avocations,  and  to  observe  the 
laws,  and  orders  of  their  local  authorities,  and  to  abstain  from  the  excite- 
ments of  public  meetings  and  heated  discussions.  My  appeal,  I  trust,  may 
not  be  in  vain,  and  I  pledge  the  faith  of  a  soldier  to  the  earnest  discharge 
of  my  duty. 

"WM.  S.  HABNEY, 
"Brig.  Gen.  U.  S.,  Commanding  Department." 

What  did  General  Harney  regret?  The  capture  of  Camp  Jackson? 
The  organization  of  a  Union  host  which  secured  peace  to  St.  Louis? 
The  recovery  of  United  States  property,  cannon,  mortars  and  ammu- 
nition, seized  from  United  States  Arsenals,  by  the  enemies  of  the 
Union,  and  sent  to  a  treacherous  Governor,  to  enable  him  to  levy 
war  upon  the  United  States?  It  was  sad  that  by  chance  some  innocent 
people  were  shot  in  retaliation  for  an  uncalled  for,  useless  and  das- 
tardly attack;  but  could  Harney  not  realize  that  a  few  more  energetic 
and  timely  acts  like  that  of  the  capture  of  Camp  Jackson  would  have 
saved  to  our  people,  North  and  South,  half  a  million  of  lives  and 
untold  misery? 

When  General  Harney  again  assumed  command  in  St.  Louis  on 
May  llth,  he  found  himself  confronted  with  a  changed  condition  of 
affairs;  when  he  left  for  Washington  April  20,  there  were  less  than 
500  Regulars  at  the  St.  Louis  Arsenal  and  a  stronger  body  of  Seces- 
sionists in  town;  when  he  returned  on  May  11,  all  the  Secessionists 
were  captives  and  ten  thousand  Union  men,  well  organized  and  offi- 
cered, were  at  his  command.  Never  during  the  whole  war  had  a 
Union  General  a  more  brilliant  chance  to  make  a  short  and  victorious 
campaign  against  the  sprouting  Secessionism  of  the  State.  It  was  a 
chance  similar  to' the  one  which  General  Dufour  improved,  when  in 
the  course  of  a  short  three  weeks  in  1847,  he  vanquished  and  disarmed 
the  seven  Secession  Cantons  of  Switzerland.  But  Harney  failed  to 
improve  the  occasion,  and  the  two  weeks  he  still  remained  in  com- 
mand were  disastrous  to  the  Union  cause,  as  he  gave  an  utterly  dis- 
comfited enemy  time  to  organize  his  resistance.  This  is  all  the  more 
incomprehensible,  as  Harnev  appreciated  the  treasonable  character 


242  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

of  Camp  Jackson,  and  could  not  possibly  be  blind  to  the  Secession 
proclivities  of  Governor  Jackson.  In  a  letter  which  Harney  wrote 
to  General  Scott  on  May  13,  he  approved  Captain  Lyon's  conduct  in 
capturing  Camp  Jackson,  and  on  May  14  he  published  a  proclama- 
tion to  the  people  of  Missouri,  in  which  he  called  the  Military  Bill 
"an  indirect  Secession  Ordinance  in  conflict  with  the  Constitution  and 
laws  of  the  United  States,  .  .  .  not  by  any  means  to  be  obeyed 
by  the  people  of  Missouri"  and  "the  whole  power  of  the  United  States 
would,  if  necessary,  be  exerted  to  maintain  the  State  in  her  present 
position  in  the  Union." 

Harney  referred  in  that  proclamation  to  the  proofs  of  the  treasona- 
ble character  of  Camp  Jackson ;  to  "Davis"  Avenue  and  "Beauregard" 
street;  to  the  Minute  Men  wearing  the  uniform  of  the  Southern  Con- 
federacy; to  the  arms  and  cannon  unlawfully  taken  from  Baton 
Rouge  and  sent  to  the  Camp  by  Jefferson  Davis,  and  concludes  that 
within  the  scope  of  his  command,  "the  supreme  law  of  the  land  must 
and  shall  be  maintained,"  and  adds,  "I  shall  deem  it  my  duty  to 
suppress  all  unlawful  combinations  of  men,  whether  formed  under 
pretext  of  military  organization  or  otherwise."  Harney  also  asked 
the  Government  for  10,000  stand  of  arms,  to  issue  to  reliable  Union 
men  and  asks  the  Governors  of  Iowa  and  Minnesota,  who  were  also 
in  the  Department  of  the  West,  to  send  him  9,000  men,  to  be  em- 
ployed in  Missouri.  Instead  of  improving  his  time  and  moving  with 
the  ample  force  of  about  7,000  into  the  State,  leaving  3,000  in  St. 
Louis,  he  wasted  the  precious  moments. 

SECESSIONIST  WAR  MEASURES. 

While  the  Union  troops  in  St.  Louis  were  marching  on  Camp  Jack- 
son, the  Legislature  in  Jefferson  City  held  a  secret  session,  considering 
first  of  all  the  Governor's  recommendations  relative  to  the  Military 
Bill,  which  was  only  opposed  by  the  few  decided  Union  members.  In 
the  afternoon,  Governor  Jackson  hastily  entered  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives and  informed  the  members  that  Lyon  had  captured  the 
State  troops  at  Camp  Jackson.  The  news  created  an  excitement  as  if 
lightning  had  struck  the  hall ;  but  the  Secessionist  members  proved 
equal  to  the  emergency,  and  after  a  brief  and  bitter  burst  of  abuse, 
heaped  upon  Lyon,  Blair  and  the  Dutch,  took  up  the  Military  Bill, 
-smothered  all  suggested  amendments  and  passed  it  in  both  Houses; 
ten  thousand  dollars  were  appropriated  to  cultivate  the  friendship  of 


The  War  in  Missouri  243 

the  Indians  in  the  Territory;  one  million  was  borrowed  from  the 
Banks,  and  bonds  for  another  million  decreed  for  the  absolute  use 
of  the  Governor,  whose  powers  were  enlarged  to  equal  those  of  any 
despot;  the  semi-annual  interest  money  was  diverted  to  military  u-  - 
and  the  School  Fund  seized  for  the  same  purpose.  The  few  Union 
members  were  powerless,  the  measures  receiving  an  almost  unanimous 
vote.  Some  acts  had  little  practical  bearing  upon  immediate  events. 
such  as  the  purchase  of  foundries  for  the  casting  of  cannon,  or  of 
real  estate  for  armories  and  factories  of  arms  and  of  constructing  a 
State  road  to  Arkansas;  but  all  these  measures  proved  that  the  State 
authorities  sized  up  their  prospective  difficulties.  Before  adjourning 
on  the  loth,  the  Legislature  requested  the  Governor  to  call  out  the 
Militia. 

One  of  the  few  stanch  Union  members  of  the  Legislature,  James 
Peckham,  from  St.  Louis,  graphically  describes  the  scenes  in  that 
Legislature,  on  the  eve  of  May  10,  1861. 

"Nearly  every  individual  was  armed,  some  with  many  more  weapons  than 
others.  Members  in  their  seats  were  surrounded  by  guns  of  every  descrip- 
tion, some  leaning  against  desks,  some  against  chairs,  some  held  between  the 
knees,  some  leaning  against  the  wall,  some  laying  on  the  floor,  and  some 
across  desks.  Many  members  had  belts  strapped  around  their  waists,  and 
from  one  to  three  pistols  or  bowie  knives  fastened  to  them.  The  scene  in 
the  House  particularly  was  exceedingly  grotesque  and  ludicrous.  Many 
showed  faces  pale  with  fear;  others  exhibited  the  anxiety  natural  in  any 
crisis;  a  few  sought  to  impel  the  movements  of  the  doubtful  into  the  Secesh 
ranks,  while  the  leaders  proposed  measures  for  adoption  and  dared  opposi- 
tion." 

At  midnight  the  toll  of  bells  aroused  the  people  of  Jefferson  City. 
Legislators  hurried  to  their  halts  and  were  informed  by  the  Governor 
that  two  Union  Regiments  were  on  their  way  to  the  Capital.  The 
Legislature  voted  for  the  Governor  almost  dictatorial  powers:  "to 
repel  invasion  or  put  down  rebellion." 

Dispatches  were  sent  all  over  the  State,  calling  for  armed  help,  as 
it  was  anticipated  that  Union  forces  would  seize  the  Capitol  and  State 
Government.  Colonel  N.  C.  Claiborn  was  dispatched  with  an  engine 
toward  St.  Louis  to  reconnoitre  the  threatened  Union  advance  upon 
Jefferson  City.  He  proceeded  to  the  limits  of  St.  Louis  County,  but 
did  not  find  any  sign  of  the  anticipated  military  movement,  for  the 
hindrance  of  which  the  bridges  over  the  Gasconade  and  Osage  rivers 
were  to  be  destroyed,  otherwise  only  to  be  guarded.  Both  of  these 
bridges  are  large  structures  and  would  require  considerable  time  to 


244  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

be  replaced.  On  returning,  the  guard  at  the  Osage  actually  burned 
down  a  portion  of  the  bridge.  Whether  this  was  done  intentionally 
or  not,  the  effect  upon  the  facility  of  communication  remained  the 
same.  Still  there  was  no  faith  in  the  security  of  the  Capital;  the 
powder  on  hand  was  removed ;  likewise  the  funds  in  the  State  Treas- 
ury. The  Secessionists,  armed  with  any  kind  of  weapon  they  could 
lay  hands  on,  wore  cockades  in  token  of  their  party  affiliation,  and 
enacted  all  kinds  of  scenes ;  it  added  an  especial  interest  to  the  situ- 
ation, that  the  majority  of  the  permanent  inhabitants  of  Jefferson 
City  were  Union  people.  It  has  been  often  asserted  that  there  is  only 
one  step  from  the  sublime  to  the  ridiculous ;  the  patriot  and  the  pol- 
troon often  march  to  the  same  music,  but  while  the  one  bleeds  in  the 
front,  the  other  manages  to  keep  busy  in  the  rear,  never  forgetting 
the  adage  that  discretion  is  the  better  part  of  valor.  This  applies 
equally  to  men  of  all  parties  and  has  been  the  experience  since  times 
immemorial. 

The  sign*  of  the  sinking  ship  became  very  apparent  at  Jeft'eix.n 
City;  the  more  cautious  left  in  every  direction.  The  Governor  and 
State  officers  packed  their  most  important  document* :  families  were 
sent  away,  and  all  preparations  made  for  a  flight,  from  which  many- 
many  a  one  should  never  return  to  that  most  beautiful  spot,  the  capi- 
tol  of  the  State  of  Missouri. 

One  measure  of  considerable  importance  for  the  military  develop- 
ments in  Missouri  was  the  appointment  of  Sterling  Price  as  Major 
General  of  the  Missouri  State  Guard,  a  position  created  by  the  new 
Military  bill.  Granting  that  Price  made  a  mistake  in  espousing  the 
Secession  cause,  he  still  enjoyed  the  confidence  and  love  of  the  men 
under  his  command  to  an  extent  wThich  proved  that  he  was  head  and 
shoulder  above  most  of  his  contemporary  fellow  officers. 

Sterling  Price  was  born  1809  in  Virginia,  came  to  Missouri  in 
1830.  He  was  a  member  of  the  Legislature,  Speaker  of  the  House 
and  in  1844  Congressman ;  went  to  the  Mexican  war  as  Colonel  of 
Cavalry,  suppressed  an  insurrection  of  New  Mexicans  and  Pueblo 
Indians,  who  had  murdered  Governor  Charles  Bent,  and  had  several 
of  the  insurrectionists  hung.  It  seems  his  "State  Right"  notions  had 
not  fully  developed  then.  Price  was  Governor  of  Missouri  Irom  1853 
to  1857,  being  elected  as  a  compromise  candidate  of  the  Benton  and 
anti-Benton  factions.  After  the  civil  war  Price  went  to  Mexico,  took 
service  under  Emperor  Maximilian  against  the  Mexican  Republic, 
returned  to  St.  Louis  and  died  here  in  1867. 


The  War  in  Missouri.  245 

The  organization  of  the  Missouri  State  Militia  was  completed 
under  the  new  law,  by  the  designation  of  nine  military  districts  and 
the  appointment  of  nine  Brigadier  Generals,  namely :  A.  W.  Doni- 
phan,  Monroe  M.  Parson,  James  S.  Rains,  John  B.  Clark, 
M.  L.  Clark,  N.  W.  Watkins,  B.  Randolph,  William  J.  Slack  and 
James  H.  McBride;  they  were  to  rank  in  the  order  named;  Henry 
Little,  a  West  Pointer,  was  made  Assistant  Adjutant  General  and 
Alfred  W.  Jones  and  Richard  T.  Morrison  Aid  de  Camps;  W.  N. 
Snodgrass  and  Henry  W.  Cross,  Surgeon  and  Assistant  Surgeon. 
General  Price  sent  to  the  Brigade  Commanders  an  order  to  complete 
their  organization,  appoint  their  staff  and  hold  themselves  in  readi- 
noss  to  protect  citizens  of  the  State,  regardless  of  political  opinion, 
and  as  the  Militia  is  under  the  Constitution  of  Missouri  and  that  of 
the  United  States,  to  avoid  collision  with  any  armed  bodies  unless  in 
an  emergency,  to  protect  the  life,  liberty  and  property  of  the  people ; 
also  that  the  flag  of  the  State  of  Missouri  shall  be  the  only  flag  used. 

The  Governor  sent  out  commissions  with  orders  to  enroll  and 
organize  the  troops  for  active  service.  Nearly  all  of  the  Brigadiers 
named  were  soon  conspicuous  in  fighting  the  battles  of  Secession  and 
for  the  Southern  Confederacy.  Volunteers  had  gathered  at  Jefferson 
City,  also  entire  Companies  from  Cooper  and  Callaway  counties,  and 
one  Company  from  Jackson  County  with  the  four  brass  cannon, 
seized  at  the  Liberty  Arsenal;  Kelly's  Company  from  St.  Louis  was 
also  there;  all  these  Companies  formed  a  Regiment,  and  elected 
John  S.  Marmaduke  their  Colonel. 

GENERA  MI  ARNEY'S  FAILURE. 

In  St.  Louis  questions  of  authority  were  near  a  crisis.  Advised  by 
Blair,  that  he  had  no  legal  power  to  dissolve  the  Home  Guard,  Har- 
ney  issued  a  circular  to  their  Commanders,  to  meet  him  at  his  resi- 
dence. Colonel  Henry  Almstedt  of  the  First  Reserve,  who  knew 
Harney  from  previous  military  service,  on  reading  the  circular,  said 
more  pointedly  than  politely,  "I  know  the  stinker;  I  will  not  go." 
Another  field  officer  suggested  the  propriety  of  .attending,  in  keeping 
with  the  request  of  the  Commanding  General.  This  view  does  not 
seem  to  have  prevailed  at  all  in  other  Regiments,  for  at  the  appointed 
hour,  8  p.  m.,  only  Colonel  John  McNeil  of  the  Third  and  Lieutenant 
Colonel  R.  J.  Rombauer  of  the  First  Regiment  attended.  Harney 
sought  information  with  regard  to  the  spirit  of  the  Home  Guard,  and 


246  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

after  a  longer  conversation,  learned  that  they  would  regard  any 
attempt  to  disarm  them  as  treason ;  that  the  Home  Guard  Regiments 
had  organized  themselves  for  maintaining  the  Union  cause  in  St. 
Louis  and  are  resolved  to  carry  out  that  purpose.  McNeil's  humorous, 
though  very  determined,  remarks  left  the  brave  " Indian  fighter"  in 
a  rather  contemplative  mood.  No  more  was  heard  of  dissolving  the 
Home  Guard.  On  May  12  ultra  conservatives  held  a  meeting  at  the 
Mayor's  office.  They  still  dreamt  of  a  possible  compromise  between 
the  North  and  the  South.  The  capture  of  Camp  Jackson  was  con- 
sidered by  them  a  very  radical  step.  The  bold  measures  of  the  pre- 
ceding days  filled  them  with  terror,  and,  under  the  influence  of  a 
partisan  press  and  home  relations,  they  flattered  themselves  to  be  able 
to  change  the  inexorable  logic  of  events.  The  result  of  consultation 
was  a  confidential  mission  of  Messrs.  Yeatman  and  Gamble  to  Presi- 
dent Lincoln,  in  order  to  secure  the  removal  of  General  Lyon.  To 
counteract  this  influence,  Colonel  F.  A.  Dick  proceeded  to  Washing- 
ton on  behalf  of  the  Committee  of  Safety,  and  at  the  request  of  Gen- 
al  Lyon,  Charles  L.  Bernays,  editor  of  the  Anzeiger,  who  was  per- 
sonally acquainted  with  President  Lincoln,  followed  to  the  National 
Capital.  Messrs.  Yeatman  and  Gamble  found  in  Secretary  Bates  a 
strong  support,  \vhile  Lyon's  cause  was  championed  by  Montgomery 
Blair,  that  stanchest  friend  of  Missouri  Union  men.  There  was  a 
meeting  of  all  parties  at  the  President's,  and  Colonel  Dick's  repre- 
sentation of  unanswerable  facts  carried  the  day.  It  no  doubt  weighed 
heavily  in  the  scale,  that  the  entire  Union  press  of  the  country  was 
highly  elated  and  quite  enthusiastic  upon  the  capture  of  Camp  Jack- 
son. 'As  a  result  of  the  above  consultation,  Montgomery  Blair  wrote 
to  Ben  Farrar  of  St.  Louis  on  May  17 :  "Dear  Sir — The  inclosed  dis- 
patches are,  first  a  Commission  for  Lyon  (as  a  Brigadier  General  for 
the  period  of  the  war)  and  a  leave  of  absence  for  Harney."  The  lat- 
ter was  to  be  placed  into  the  hands  of  Colonel  Frank  Blair,  to  be 
used  at  discretion,  as  circumstances  dictate.  Montgomery  Blair  con- 
cluded his  letter  with  the  following  statesmanlike  words :  "I  do  not 
feel  that  it  is  right  to  keep  Harney  in  command,  without  the  appro- 
bation of  those  immediately  concerned.  It  is  better  to  mortify  him 
than  to  endanger  the  lives  of  many  men,  and  the  position  of  Mis- 
souri in  the  present  conflict."  Montgomery  Blair  evidently  gauged 
the  character  of  the  Southern  people  better  than  Yeatman,  Gamble  or 
Bates ;  he  knew  that  having  commenced  the  war,  they  would  fight  it 
out  to  the  bitter  end.  Harney's  own  experience  bore  out  this  truth, 


The  War  in  Missouri.  247 

for  his  searching  patrol  of  May  17,  gathered  from  Police  Head- 
quarters and  the  Tobacco  warehouse,  hundreds  of  rifles,  two  cannon 
and  other  war  material. 

Partisan  outrages  were  at  this  time  reported  from  all  sides  in  Mis- 
souri, and  Harney,  possibly  with  the  best  intentions,  yielded  to  the 
suggestions  of  his  Southern  friends  and  invited  General  Price  to  a 
conference  on  May  21,  which  measure  seems  to  have  been  planned 
1>\  the  Secessionists  for  the  sole  purpose  of  gaining  time.  By  the 
agreement  made  at  this  conference,  the  Union  men  of  the  State  were 
left  to  the  tender  mercies  of  the  Secession  Governor  and  his  Militia, 
while  Harney  promised  to  keep  the  Union  forces  in  their  present 
positions  until  the  Courts  decide  upon  the  constitutionality  of  the 
Military  Bill.  Harney  evidently  forgot  the  proverb  that  "Time  and 
Tide  wait  for  no  man."  The  public  was  notified  of  the  adopted 
agreement  by  Harney 's  proclamation  : 

To  THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE  STATE  OF  MISSOURI. 

"I  take  great  pleasure  in  submitting  to  you  the  following  paper,  signed  by 
General  Price,  commanding  the  forces  of  the  State,  and  by  myself  on  the  part 
of  the  Government  of  the  United  States.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  united  forces 
of  both  governments,  are  pledged  to  the  maintenance  of  the  peace  of  the 
State,  and  the  defense  of  the  rights  and  the  property  of  all  persons  without 
distinction  of  party.  This  pledge,  which  both  parties  are  authorized  and 
empowered  to  give  by  the  governments  which  they  represent,  will  be  by  both 
most  religiously  and  sacredly  kept,  and  if  necessary  to  put  down  evil  disposed 
persons,  the  military  powers  of  both  governments  will  be  called  out  to 
enforce  the  terms  of  the  honorable  and  amicable  agreement  which  has  been 
made.  I,  therefore,  call  upon  all  persons  in  this  State  to  observe  good  order, 
and  respect  the  rights  of  their  fellow-citizens,  and  give  them  the  assurance 
of  protection  and  security  in  the  most  ample  manner." 

"WM.  S.  HABNEY, 
"Brigadier  General  Commanding." 

The  Harney-Price  agreement  in  brief  declared  above  the  signature 
of  both  Generals,  a  solemn  determination  of  the  proper  authorities, 
which  must  have  meant  United  States  and  State,  to  suppress  all 
unlawful  proceedings  (an  expression  which  left  the  greatest  latitude 
for  construction  to  each),  but  Price  was  to  maintain  order  within  the 
State,  while  Harney  publicly  declares,  that  under  those  circum- 
stances, he  has  no  wish  and  can  have  no  occasion,  to  make  military 
movements.  There  was  a  hope  attached  "that  the  unquiet  elements 
.which  have  threatened  *o  seriously  to  disturb  the  public  peace  may 
soon  subside,  and  be  remembered  only  to  be  deplored." 


248  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

This  was  a  surrender  of  the  State  to  the  Secessionists,  and  a  blame 
for  the  capture  of  Camp  Jackson,  which  Harney  himself  had 
approved  after  his  return  to  St.  Louis  on  May  11,  and  the  char- 
acter of  which  camp  he  had  pronounced  as  treasonable.  It  is  also, 
very  suggestive  with  regard  to  the  ethical  worth  of  this  agreement 
that  it  was  made  about  the  date  fixed  by  Governor  Jackson  in  a  letter 
to  David  Walker,  President  of  the  Arkansas  Secession  Convention, 
upon  which  date  Missouri  would  secede  "if  Arkansas  will  only  get 
out  of  the  way,  and  give  her  a  free  passage." 

Could  this  strange  introduction  to  a  still  stranger  document  be 
countenanced  by  the  authority  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  which  already  four  days  earlier  appointed  Lyon  Brigadier 
General,  and  gave  Frank  P.  Blair  discretionary  power  to  suspend 
Harney?  The  State  of  Missouri,  party  of  the  first  part,  and  the 
United  States,  party  of  the  second  part,  treat  as  sovereign  States  upon 
the  same  footing.  This  is  a  virtual  acknowledgement  of  the  right 
of  Secession,  while  the  agreement .  would  not  have  protected  Union 
people  out  in  the  State,  nor  Secessionists  in  the  City.  It  was  an 
entirely  one-sided  agreement,  as  the  Southern  sympathizers  would 
have  continued  to  build  up  their  organizations,  while  General  Harney 
himself  would  have,  "upon  the  honor  of  a  soldier,"  faithfully  kept 
his  promise,  until  the  other  side  had  troops  enough  to  defeat  him 
in  St.  Louis. 

General  Price  certainly  was  convinced  that  the  agreement  with 
Harney  was  binding  on  the  latter,  for  when  he  arrived  in  Jefferson 
City  he  sent  the  troops  and  men  from  other  Military  Districts  home 
to  their  respective  Commanders,  to  be  embodied  in  their  local 
organizations.  Had  he  anticipated  an  early  attack  by  the  Federal 
Army,  he  would  have  probably  concentrated  every  available  man  at 
Jefferson  City,  and  defended  the  very  strong  line  of  the  Missouri  and 
Osage  rivers. 

Characteristic  of  the  unsettled  condition  of  the  times  which 
influenced  even  men  of  unusual  power,  is  a  private  letter  of  President 
A.  Lincoln,  to  F.  P.  Blair,  relative  Harney's  Command: 

"WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  May  18,  1861. 
HON.  F.  P.  BI.AIR. 

"My  Dear  Sir:  We  have  a  good  deal  anxiety  here  about  St.  Louis.  I  under- 
stand an  order  has  gone  from  the  War  Department  to  you  to  be  delivered  or 
withheld  in  your  discretion,  relieving  General  Harney  from  his  command.  I 
was  not  quite  satisfied  with  the  order,  when  it  was  made,  though  on  the 


The  War  in  Missouri.  249 

whole,  I  thought  it  best  to  make  it:  but  since  then  I  have  become  more  doubt- 
ful of  its  propriety.  I  do  not  write  now  to  countermand  it,  but  to  say,  I 
wish  you  would  withhold  it,  unless  in  your  judgment,  the  necessity  to  the 
contrary  is  very  urgent.  There  are  several  reasons  for  this.  We  better  have 
him  a  friend  than  an  enemy.  It  will  dissatisfy  a  good  many,  who  otherwise 
would  be  quiet.  More  than  all,  we  first  relieve  him,  then  restore  him,  and 
now  if  we  relieve  him  again,  the  public  will  ask,  'Why  all  this  vacillation?' 

"Still,  if  in  your  judgment,  it  is  indispensable,  let  it  be  so. 

"Yours  very  truly, 

"Private."  .  "A.  LINCOLN. " 

After  a  conversation  with  General  Lyon,  Blair  made  up  his  mind 
not  to  suspend  Harney,  unless  absolutely  necessary,  but  the  ominous 
agreement  of  Harney  with  Price  convinced  the  members  of  the 
Safety  Committee  that  the  Union  cause  was  seriously  threatened  by 
the  very  acts  of  its  own  Commander.  General  Harney  might  have 
had  the  best  intentions,  but  the  consequences  of  his  actions  would 
have  been  disastrous,  and  in  a  letter  of  May  22,  the  Committee  of 
Safety  made  a  most  earnest  and  exhaustive  report,  together  with  cer- 
tain recommendations  to  President  Lincoln  on  the  conditions  of 
affairs  in  St.  Louis. 

Voicing  the  sentiments  of  the  Union  men,  the  Committee  charged 
the  State  authorities  and  a  majority  of  the  Legislature  with  abetting 
the  seceded  States  in  their  attempt  to  overthrow  the  Government  of 
the  United  States.  They  referred  to  Governor  Jackson's  insulting 
denial  to  furnish  troops  to  put  down  the  rebellion ;  to  his  message  to 
the  extra  session  of  the  Legislature,  in  which  he  pointed  out  Mis- 
souri's duty  in  case  of  a  separation  of  the  States,  to  side  with  the 
seceders  and  of  his  strenuous  attempt  to  arm  the  people  of  Missouri, 
in  order  to  get  the  State  into  a  fit  condition  for  resistance  against  the 
Union;  the  Committee  directed  attention  to  the  recent  iniquitous 
legislation,  which  by  honest  and  dishonest  means,  diverted  the  funds 
of  the  State  and  the  School  Fund,  to  the  single  object  of  arming  the 
State,  when  she  had  no  enemy  to  contend  with  unless  she  chose  to 
make  an  enemy  of  the  Federal  Government,  and  that  all  these 
preparations  plainly  show  the  intention  of  the  State  authorities  to 
carry  Missouri  out  of  the  Union.  The  very  oath  of  the  Missouri 
Militia,  repudiated  the  allegiance  to  the  Union ;  Companies  of 
"Minute"  Men  were  organized  under  the  flag  of  the  Confederate 
States,  and  an  encampment  was  formed  under  General  Frost,  an 
unqualified  Secessionist,  who  threatened  time  and  again  to  take  the 
United  States  Arsenal.  Frost's  Command  was  composed  chiefly  of 


250  The,  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

Companies  drilled  under  a  rebel  flag;  arms  were  brought  from  rebel 
States,  on  boats  bearing  the  rebel  flag,  falsely  labeled  and  directed. 
and  taken  out  secretly  to  their  camp ;  for  these  and  many  more  rea- 
sons, Camp  Jackson  was  broken  up  by  Union  forces  of  St.  Louis. 

The  Safety  Committee  further  stated  that  if  some  Union  men 
were  also  taken  in  the  camp,  they  were  found  in  bad  company.  The 
accidents  which  happened  at  the  capture  of  the  Camp  were  to  be 
deplored ;  but  the  result  has  been  most  beneficial  to  the  cause  of  the 
Union.  Since  then,  again  a  body  of  men  assembled  at  the  State 
Capital,  set  in  hostile  array  against  the  General  Government;  that 
body  ought  to  have  been  dispersed  as  an  unlawful  combination ; 
instead  of  this,  General  Harney  arranged  a  settlement  with  their 
Commander  in  Chief,  General  Price,  by  which  ostensibly  the  rights 
of  loyal  citizens  should  be  protected  by  the  State  authorities.  Citizens 
are  dissatisfied  with  this  arrangement,  as  it  leaves  the  safety  of  Union 
men  driven  from  their  homes,  to  the  protection  of  the  very  power 
which  imperilled  them.  Great  many  complaints  had  been  made 
against  General  Harney  on  account  of  making  the  above  arrange- 
ment. Another  objection  was  also  raised  against  that  agreement, 
because  Secession  is  not  distinctly  repudiated;  because  it  gives  the 
State  the  right  to  arm  under  the  provisions  of  the  Military  law, 
which  defied  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  and  the  authority 
of  the  General  Government;  there  were  no  provisions  in  the  agree- 
ment to  disband  the  Military  organizations  gotten  up  in  different 
parts  of  the  State  and  no  good  will  come  of  it,  as  it  only  puts  off  the 
evil  day  when  the  enemy  will  be  better  prepared  to  make  resistance. 
"But,  hoping  that  a  faithful  and  literal  execution  of  the  arrange- 
ments will  be  required,  we  are  disposed  to  acquiesce  in  wThat  has  been 
done  and  await  the  development  of  the  future."  Satisfied  that  the 
hostility  of  the  State  authorities  towards  the  General  Government 
will  require  the  strictest  vigilance,  to  save  Missouri  to  the  Union  ;  that 
concessions  made  to  treason,  emboldens  it  the  more;  and  only  the 
stern  enforcement  of  Military  law  will  again  establish  the  peace  of 
the  community.  The  Committee  claims  to  represent  the  opinion  of 
the  Union  men  of  St.  Louis  and  of  the  State.  Different  coloring  of 
affairs  have  been  given  by  professed  Union  men,  but  enemies  of  the 
Administration.  Further  on  the  Committee  holds  that  the  State 
authorities  cannot  protect  the  Union  men,  who  in  some  parts  of  the 
State  are  treated  outrageously ;  while  the  present  Union  force  is  fully 
sufficient  to  protect  them  by  establishing  temporary  military  posts 


The  War  in  Missouri.  251 

a-  rallying  points  for  Union  men  driven  from  their  homes.  The 
Commander  should  be  instructed  to  stop  every  Military  organization 
under  the  recent  law,  and  to  notify  the  State  authorities  that  any 
proceedings  under  that  act  are  inconsistent  with  the  allegiance  due 
the  General  Government.  He  should  also  require  the  surrender  of  all 
the  arms  taken  from  the  Liberty  Arsenal  and  from  Kansas  City. 
This  letter  was  signed :  James  O.  Broadhead,  F.  P.  Blair,  Jr. ;  Samuel 
T.  Glover,  Oliver  D.  Filley,  John  How,  John  J.  Witzig,  all  members 
of  the  Safety  Committee. 

NY\\>  kept  on  coming  in  from  different  parts  of  the  State,  report- 
in-  tin-  continuous  organization  of  Secession  forces;  a  correspond- 
ence was  intercepted  proving  that  the  Cherokee  Indian  Chief  Ross, 
had  promised  to  furnish  15,000  men  to  aid  Gov.  Jackson,1  Union 
orieani/ations  were  disbanded:  Gen.  I.  L.  Rains  raised  a  large  force, 
ilu-  -ame  with  which  he  soon  afterwards  attacked  Sigel  at  Carthage; 
troops  were  leathering  at  Jefferson  City  under  Gen.  Sterling  Price; 
the  same  who  a  few  days  later  fought  against  Lyon  at  the  battle  of 
Bomieville  and  who  planted  Batteries  to  prevent  vessels  of  the  United 
States  to  pass  up  the  Missouri  river:  Lieut.  Governor  Reynolds 
openly  proclaimed,  that  notwithstanding  the  Harney-Price  agree- 
ment, the  disowned  Military  Bill  would  be  enforced  and  it  will  be 
seen  later  on.  that  this  was  also  Gen.  Price's  view.  Some  of  the  most 
prominent  Union  men  in  the  State  like  John  S.  Phelps,  Arnold 
Krekel,  J.  H.  Boyd  and  many  others,  reported  the  hostile  gathering 
on  the  Arkansas  frontier  and  that  in  different  parts  of  the  State 
Union  men  were  driven  from  their  homes.  Arms  were  transported 
to  Jefferson  City  from  Arkansas  for  the  use  of  these  hostile  forces, 
while  Union  organ i/at ions,  that  offered  their  services  to  Gen.  Har- 
ney,  were  curtly  told  to  go  home  and  attend  to  their  civic  vocations. 
All  these  circumstances  at  last  induced  Col.  Blair  on  May  30th  to  sus- 
pend Harney  by  handing  him  the  order  from  Washington.  The 
letter  of  the  Committee  of  Safety  from  the  22nd  May  had  at  least 
the  effect  in  Washington,  to  elicit  an  order  from  L.  Thomas,  Ad- 
jutant General  to  Gen.  Harney.  in  wrhich  he  was  seriously  re- 
minded of  his  duties  in  dealing  with  the  disaffected  elements  in  his 

lThis  report,  spread  by  the  Secessionists,  proved  false,  for  reliable  infor- 
mation was  received  later  that  John  Ross,  Chief  of  the  Cherokees,  had 
issued  on  May  17th  a  proclamation  of  neutrality,  in  order  to  save  his  nation 
from  the  ravages  of  war. 


252  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

command,  and  in  which  he  was  told  that  the  authority  of  the 
United  States  is  paramount.  This  letter,  dated  Washington,  May 
27th,  '61,  evidently  reached  Gen.  Harney  the  day  of  his  suspension. 
In  his  letter  to  the  President  of  May  30th,  Fr.  Blair  gives  account 
of  the  circumstances  and  motives  of  his  action,  for  serving  the  order 
of  suspension  on  General  Harney ;  vindicating  the  capture-  of  Camp 
Jackson;  also  Lyons  correct  and  logical  intention  of  following  up 
that  success,  by  clearing  the  State  of  all  hostile  elements,  but  in 
which  Lyon  was  prevented  by  Harney's  reinstatement  in  command, 
stopping  every  advance,  and  also  by  Harney's  agreement  with  Gen- 
eral Price.  Blair  wrote  that  he  waited  to  see  whether  any  good  would 
come  from  that  agreement,  but  matters  grew  worse,  only  Secessionists 
being  protected  by  it;  so  he  delivered  to  Harney  the  order  of  his 
suspension  (dated  May  16)  on  the  thirtieth  of  May.  He,  Blair, 
had  information  from  many  reliable  men,  that  under  the  Harney- 
Price  agreement,  the  Secession  forces  were  energetically  organizing 
and  importing  arms  from  Arkansas,  and  if  that  is  permitted  much 
longer,  the  State  will  be  virtually  handed  over  to  the  rebellion.  He 
had  in  vain  reported  these  affairs  to  General  Harney,  who  only 
answered,  "I  will  tell  Price  about  it,"  to  which  Price  usually  gave 
Harney  evasive  answers. 

Thus  Blair  was  convinced  that  Harney's  removal  was  absolutely 
necessary  and  that  the  Union  forces  in  Missouri  should  be  largely 
increased.  The  letter  suspending  Gen.  Harney  from  the  command 
in  Missouri,  was  accompanied  by  a  letter  from  Montgomery  Blair  to 
Harney,  stating  the  reasons  for  such  suspension ;  these  were  chiefly 
the  political  status  of  Harney's  relatives  in  St.  Louis.  M.  Blair  held 
that  it  was  impossible  for  "men  whose  lives  are  at  stake,  they  say,  to 
be  satisfied  with  the  command  of  one,  whose  intimates  are  openly 
against  them ;  the  order  should  not  be  deemed  by  you  or  by  others,  to 
reflect  upon  your  loyalty."  However  the  great  majority  of  the  Union 
people  of  St.  Louis,  had  no  faith  in  General  Harney's  loyalty,  and 
even  the  most  liberal  minded,  did  not  think  that  his  capacity  was 
adequate  to  the  very  difficult  situation. 

But  in  justice  to  General  Harney,  it  must  be  acknowledged  that 
there  is  ample  proof  which  places  his  Union  fealty  above  all  reason- 
able suspicion.  An  admirer  of  Gen.  Jackson,  he  faithfully  served 
his  country  against  the  Indians.  During  the  critical  days  in  the 
spring  of  1861,  he  told  President  Buchanan,  "some  one  has  your 


The  War  in  Missouri.  2.">:-5 

ear,  who  is  neither  a  friend  of  the  Union  nor  of  yours,"  and  Scharf  re- 
lated that  in  a  letter  to  Col.  John  O'Fallon,  he  eloquently  proclaimed 
his  devotion  to  the  flag  under  which  he  had  fought  for  forty  years 
and  warmly  implores  his  fellow  citizens  "not  to  be  seduced  by  de- 
signing men,  to  become  the  instruments  of  their  mad  ambition,  by 
plunging  the  State  into  the  vortex  of  Secession;"  he  also  wrote: 
"The  soldiers  and  citizens  primary  duty  is  due  to  the  United  States 
government  and  not  to  the  government  of  his  State." 


CHAPTER   IX. 
LYON  IN  COMMAND. 

LIMITED  MEANS. 

The  removal  of  Harney  gave  great  satisfaction  to  the  Union  men. 
At  this  time  the  newly  organized  force  under  Lyon's  command  con- 
sisted of : 

First  Regiment  Volunteers,  Colonel  Blair 1,220  men 

Second  Regiment  Volunteers,  Colonel  Boernstein 1,128  men 

Third   Regiment    Volunteers,    Colonel  Sigel 1,103  men 

Fourth  Regiment  Volunteers,  Colonel  Schuettner 1,027  men 

Fifth  Regiment  Volunteers,  Colonel  Solomon 926  men 

Artillery  Battalion.  Major  Backoff 253  men 

Pioneer  Company.  Captain  Voerster 120  men 

First  Regiment  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Col.  Almstedt 1,195  men 

Second  Regiment  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Col.  Kallmann .  .  .    736  men 

Third  Regiment  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Col.  McNeil 839  men 

Fourth   Regiment   U.   S.   Reserve   Corps,   Col.   B.   Gratz 

Brown 1,169  men 

Fifth  Regiment  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Col.  Stifel 1.014  men 

10,730 

The  first  Reserve  had  one  company  of  Cavalry  under  Captain 
J.  Melter,  which  did  useful  service  as  orderlies  to  Lyon  and  Sigel. 

In  his  report  dated  June  6th,  Lyon  states  his  Brigade  consists  of 
the  five  Regiments  of  Missouri  Volunteers ;  one  Battalion  of  Artil- 
lery; one  Company  of  Sappers  and  Miners  and  one  Company  of 
Rifles.  Lyon  reports  the  five  Regiments  of  United  States  Reserve 
Corps,  to  be  under  the  command  of  Capt.  T.  W.  Sweeney,  appointed 
by  Gen.  Harney  on  May  20th  as  Brigadier  General  of  that  body. 
Field  officers  of  that  body  cannot  recollect  that  Sweeney  was  ever 
elected,  nor  that  he  was  ever  confirmed  from  Washington.  As 
Sweeney  marched  with  his  company  of  Regulars  to  the  Southwest, 
and  according  Lyon's  own  statement  of  the  Reserves:  "They  were 

(254) 


Lyon  in  Command.  2  •">•"> 

sworn  into  service  upon  the  condition  that  they  were  not  to  be 
called  to  perform  duty  outside  of  the  county  of  St.  Louis,"  Sweeney's 
Brigadier  appointment  seems  to  have  been  only  for  the  purpose  to 
give  an  authority  to  a  Regular  Officer,  for  which  there  was  no  war- 
rant in  law,  or  necessity  in  practice.  Memorable  in  this  report,  is 
the  special  notice  Lyon  gives  to  the  members  of  his.  staff,  of  whom 
he  names  seven.  Although  more  than  four-fifths  of  Lyon's  com- 
mand were  foreign  born  citizens  or  their  sons,  many  of  whom  were 
men  of  merit  and  military  experience,  and  not  one  of  them  was 
on  his  staff. 

Following  the  example  of  St.  Louis,  more  than  200  companies  of 
Home  ( luards  organized  all  over  the  State.  These  organizations  took 
a  firm  root  in  the  northern  tier  of  counties,  also  in  St.  Joseph,  Kan- 
sas City.  Hannibal,  Springfield;  in  the  counties  near  St.  Louis  and 
the  middle  of  the  State ;  in  the  small  centers  of  trade  and  manufac- 
ture almiu  the  railroads  and  wherever  a  large  German  popula- 
tion predominated.  There  was  quite  a  strong  aggregation  of  Union 
men  in  the  counties  around  Springfield  in  the  Southwest.  These 
companies  generally  started  spontaneously  for  self  and  home  pro- 
tection, in  which  they  were  most  effective  and  occasionally  did  quite 
valuable  field  service.  It  is  only  natural  that  persons  of  the  same 
political  faith  when  surrounded  by  hostile  elements,  should  heed 
the  golden  adage:  "In  Union  there  is  strength,"  and  as  circum- 
stances admit,  form  more  or  less  compact  organizations  for  mutual 
protection.  The  pressure  for  arms,  aid  and  affiliation  with  the 
United  States  military  in  St.  Louis,  came  from  these  outside 
Union  people  and  was  forwarded  to  Washington  with  the  strongest 
possible  recommendation,  for  using  this  opportunity  to  increase  the 
Union  forces  in  Missouri,  and  for  this  purpose  President  Lincoln 
authorized  General  Lyon  to  arm  these  companies,  though  they  were 
not  regularly  mustered  into  the  service  of  the  United  States. 

About  this  time,  O.  D.  Filley,  chairman  of  the  Safety  Committee, 
issued  a  circular  calling  upon  all  Union  men  in  the  State  to  form  a 
great  Union  party,  from  all  elements  favoring  the  maintenance  of 
the  Union.  The  object  was  mutual  protection  by  association  and 
also  to  facilitate  local  information  from  all  parts  of  the  State.  This 
circular  recommended  for  sparsely  settled  districts,  the  enrollment 
of  all  Union  men  on  lists.  While  all  these  suggestions  do  not  seem  to 
have  had  an  immediate  effect  except  in  a  limited  way,  they  may  have 


256 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


originated  the  idea  of  the  enrolled  Missouri  Militia  of  Governor 
Gamble  in  later  years  and  certainly  assisted  in  the  formation  of 
local  Home  Guards.  There  was  little  organic  connection  be- 
tween these  scattered  companies,  and  their  services  were  most 
valuable  in  their  immediate  vicinities.  They  aided  the  growth 
and  consolidation  of  the  Union  elements  in  the  State,  restricted  mar- 
auding bands  of  Secessionists  to  isolated  districts,  prevented  to  some 
extent  the  intimidation  and  terrorization  of  citizens,  though  often 
many  had  to  flee  on  short  notice  from  house  to  house  and  hide  in 
the  bush  to  escape  captivity  or  annihilation. 

The  heroism,  perseverance  and  fealty  to  conviction  of  our  Missouri 
country  population  deserves  unstinted  praise,  and  will  long  remain  a 
theme  for  romance ;  nor  can  it  be  denied  that  many  similar  incidents 
and  sufferings  can  truthfully  be  told  of  the  votaries  of  antagonistic 
political  convictions. 

The  following  list  of  companies,  taken  from  public  records, 
though  not  complete,  speaks  for  itself: 


to 

<fH.£ 

Home  Guard  Organi-       °  § 
zation  in  State.            6  «• 

y 

<w 
°C 

x  v 

^ 

-8 

c.2rt- 
.3  5  » 

-C   «S  00 

iF1 

0 

Headquarters. 

)  i 

Adair  Co  }•        j 
Benton  Co  6 

57 
99 
606 

May 

May 
June 

!  Adair  Co. 
Kirksville  on  N.  M. 
R.  R. 
Cole  Camp. 

Boonville          3 

351 

August 

Cooper  Co     Mo  Pac    R   R 

Brookfield  1 

87 

June 

Linn  Co.  ,  H.  &  St.  Joe  R  R 

Caldwell  Co  1 

56 

June 

Kingston,  H.  &  St  Joe  R  R 

Cape  Girardeau  4 

326 

June 

C.  G.  Co. 

Carondelet  1 

127 

June 

St.  Louis  Co 

Cass  County      .    .                  1 

76 

July 

Pleasant  Hill  Mo  Pac  R  R 

Clinton  1 

91 

June 

Henry  Co. 

Cole  Co  11 

870 

June 

Jefferson  City,  Mo.  Pac.  R.  R. 

Dallas  Co  4 

364 

June 

Buffalo. 

De  Soto                                     1 

85 

June 

Jefferson  Co     I    M    R    R 

Douglass  Co  1 

77 

July 

Vera  Cruz. 

Fifteenth  Reg't,            >        A 
U.  S.  R.  C  \        4 
Franklin  Co  6 

325 

500 

June 
June 

Polk  Co. 
Washington,  Mo.  Pac.  R  R 

Fremont  Rangers  5 

552 

July 

Cape  Girardeau. 

Fourteenth  Reg't           £        2 
Lexington  ....  \ 
Gasconade  Co  5 

130 
473 

July 
June 

Lafayette  Co. 
Hermann,  Mo.  Pac.  R.  R. 

Gasconade  Co  4 

316 

June 

Hermann,  Mo.  Pac.  R.  R. 

Gentry  Co  S 

530 

June 

Albany. 

Greene  Co.  .                              1 

89 

June 

Sorincrneld. 

L i/o n  in  Comma, i<l. 


257 


.2 
Home  Guard  Organi-       °  § 
zation  in  State.             6  % 

6 

"8  d  ;      S-g-4 

.   0)               -C  J3  CO 

Headquarters. 

Greene  and                      )       10 
Christian  Co.  .  .      \ 

983       June 
320       Sept. 
75       June 

627  .     July 
483       May 
41       June 
74       August 
67       June 
207       June 
62       June 
466       July 
540       June 

1656       July 
210       June 
316       June 

92       June 
1QQ     \  June  & 
M     /     July 
580   May  &  June 
99       June 
75       July 
58       May 
59       August 

233       May 

55       August 

53       August 

1295  !    July 
335       May 

84       July 

70       July 
68       June 
537       May 
43       June 
135  !    June 
750       July 

Springfield  and  Ozark. 

Bethany. 
\  Eleven  companies  notre- 
?      ported,  Warrensburg. 
Edina. 
Mt.  Vernon. 
Lewis  Co. 
Lafayette  Co. 
Chillicothe.H.  &St.JoeR.R. 
Marion  Co. 
Tipton,  Mo.  Pac.  R.  R. 
Maryville. 
Linn,  Mo.  Pac.  R.  R. 

Hermitage. 

Ozark  Co. 
\  Franklin  or  Pacific 
/      Mo.  Pac.  R.  R. 
Sedalia,  Mo.  Pac.  R.  R. 
Rolla.  S.  W.  Br.  R.  R. 
Frisco. 
Hannibal,  H.  &St.  JoeR.  R. 
Iron  Co.  ,  I.  M.  R.  R. 
Washington  Co.  ,  I.  M.  R.  R 

Harrison  Co  7 

Johnson  Co  1 

Knox  Co  7 

Lawrence  Co  6 

Lewis  Co  '       1 

Lexington  1 

Livingston  1 

Marion  Co  2 

Moniteau  Co  1 

Nodaway  Co.  ...                      7 

Osage  Co  6 

Osage  Reg't  and            /       j^ 
Hickory  Co  \ 
Ozark  Co  2 

Pacific  Battalion,            /         g 
St.  Louis  Co  ....  \ 
Pettis  Co  1 

Phelps  Co.  2 

Pike  Co....                             7 

Pilot  .Knob  1 

Potosi  1 

Putnam  Co  1 

Unionville. 
Unionville. 

St.  Louis. 

St.  Louis. 

St.  Louis. 

St.  Charles,  N.  Mo.  R.  R. 
Benton,  C  &  F.  R.  R. 

Unionville. 

Shelbina,  H.  &  St.  Joe  R.R. 
Adair,  N.  Mo.  R.  R. 
Galena. 
Cassville. 
Milan. 
Marshfield. 

Putnam  Co  '           1 

St.  Louis  Co.,                 ) 
Sappers  &  Miners,  '-        2 
J.  D.  Voerster.  .  .  .  > 
St.  Louis  Co.,                 /         -, 
Anton  Gerster  ....  \ 
St.  Louis  Co.,                 /         , 
Edward  Krausnick  \ 
St.  Charles  Co  12 
Scott  Co  4 

Shawnee  Town,               /         , 
Putnam  Co  \ 
Shelby  Co  1 

Shibley's  Point.  .  .                   1 

Stone  Co  6 

Stone  Prairie,  Barry  Co.        1 
Sullivan  Co  2 

Webster  Co.  .  .                          7 

Aggregate  ....                   203 

17,058 

In  a  subsequent  letter  of  Montgomery  Blair  to  Frank  Blair  June  4, 
1861,  he  expresses  the  conviction  that  there  will  be  an  invasion  of 
Missouri  from  Arkansas.  He  also  indorses  the  extension  of  McClel- 


258  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

lan's  Command  over  Missouri,  which  many  thought  to  have  been  a 
grave  error  and  which  it  no  doubt  was,  judging  it  from  a  military 
standpoint.  Mr.  Blair  gives  a  statesman's  reason  for  the  joining  of 
Missouri  to  McClellan's  Department,  namely,  that  this  measure  will 
remove  from  the  mind  of  such  Union  men  in  Missouri  who  do  not 
like  Frank  P.  Blair,  the  idea  that  the  movement  of  Union  troops  here 
were  dictated  by  mere  partisanship,  and  adds : 

"This  is  a  feeling  that  I  see  colors  the  course  of  things  in  Missouri.  It  is 
not  so  much  disunion  as  hostility  to  the  Republicans,  which  gives  Jackson's 
clique  power.  Now,  whilst  I  am  anxious  that  the  Union  feeling  in  the  State 
should  come  to  the  Republicans  (and  it  will  eventually  do  so),  you  must 
be  careful  at  present,  as  far  as  possible,  not  to  arrest  the  Union  feeling  by 
making  it  too  visibly  your  property.  I  see  that  you  have  acted  with  this  be- 
fore you  in  giving  Lyon  the  position  of  General,  and  not  taking  it  yourself. 
It  is  a  full  justification  and  vindication  of  you  that  Harney,  after  denouncing 
the  Military  bill  as  unconstitutional,  proceeded  to  treat  with  Price,  acting 
under  its  authority,  who  did  not,  of  course,  keep  faith,  but  proceeded  at 
once  to  play  out  the  game  intended  by  the  bill  itself. 

"MONTGOMERY  BLAIH." 

To  divest  the  Union  movement  in  St.  Louis  and  Missouri  from  its 
partisan  Republican  coloring  was  extremely  sound  policy ;  for,  while 
every  Republican  was  a  Union  man,  not  every  Union  man  was  a 
Republican.  But  as  the  armed  contest  grew  out  of  the  political  one, 
the  heated  political  campaigns  of  the  immediate  past  naturally 
induced  every  Democrat  to  side  at  first  with  his  recent  partisan  bed- 
fellows, and,  while  every  Secessionist  was  a  Democrat,  not  every 
Democrat  was  a  Secessionist,  not  even  in  the  Southern  States,  far  less 
in  the  Border  States,  and  only  exceptionally  in  the  Free  States.  So 
that  while  the  sympathies  of  most  Democrats  were  at  first  with  the 
South,  the  "rule  or  ruin"  policy  of  that  section  and  the  hostile  armed 
attacks  of  Secession  leaders  and  troops,  sobered  many  Democrats  up, 
and  they  soon  filled  the  ranks  of  Union  Regiments.  A  striking  ex- 
ample of  this  was  given,  by  the  population  of  Irish  descent.  Their 
stronghold  in  St.  Louis  was  the  Ninth  Ward,  also  the  most  Demo- 
cratic Ward;  in  the  spring  of  1861  it  wras  an  acknowledged  menace 
to  every  Union  man.  A  very  small  number  of  Irishmen  joined  the 
first  ten  Union  Regiments;  in  fact,  there  were  Regiments  in  which 
there  was  not  a  single  one.  But  as  soon  as  the  first  events  revealed  the 
true  spirit  of  parties,  they  forsook  the  cause  of  the  slave-owners 
and  joined  the  Union  armies.  This  is  not  astonishing,  for 


Lyon  in  Command.  259 

the  Catholic  religion  discountenanced  Slavery  and  did  not 
even  draw  the  color  line  for  the  road  of  its  votaries  to  heaven.  With 
the  above  exception,  Mr.  Blair's  policy  was  lost  upon  the  conserva- 
tives, for  very  few  of  them  jeopardized  their  lives  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  Union  and  the  abolition  of  Slavery,  two  objects  which 
the  development  of  events  proved  to  be  identical.  The  letter  quoted 
above  also  indicates  that  Frank  P.  Blair  gave  Lyon  the  position  of 
General,  instead  of  taking  it  himself.  No  doubt  some  of  his  old 
party  friends  preferred  Blair  even  to  Lyon,  but  the  knowledge  that 
his  political  activity  would  keep  him  away  from  the  tented  field, 
very  rationally  induced  Blair,  not  to  covet  that  position. 

While  this  Harney  interlude  went  on,  an  army  of  about  15,000 
("11  ion  men  stood  with  grounded  arms;  the  most  precious  time  was 
lost  and  it  took  millions  of  treasure  and  thousands  of  lives  to  repair 
the  damage  caused  l>y  temporizing  at  a  time,  when  energetic  meas- 
ures, so  happily  inaugurated,  would  have  led  to  entirely  different 
results. 

The  unpardonable  neglect  of  Harney,  in  failing  to  utilize  the 
advantages  gained  by  the  capture  of  Camp  Jackson,  was  duly  rep- 
resented to  the  President,  but  the  aid  sought  was  not  adequate  to 
the  occasion.  When  Blair  asked  only  for  the  Leaven  worth  Regulars 
and  the  Kansas  troops  that  were  being  raised  at  that  time,  and  added : 
"We  are  well  able  to  tabe  care  of  this  State  without  assistance  from 
elsewhere,  if  authorized  to  raise  a  sufficient  force  within  the  State; 
and  after  that  work  is  done  we  can  take  care  of  the  Secessionists  from 
the  Arkansas  line  to  the  gulf,  along  the  west  shore  of  the  Mississipi." 
These  were  rather  Utopian  views,  and  if  at  the  time  shared  by  Lyon 
at  all,  were  soon  abandoned,  as  his  repeated  and  urgent  demand  for 
reinforcements,  even  after  the  Regulars  from  Leavenworth  and  two 
Kansas  Regiments  had  joined  him,  fully  proved.  Lyon  knew  well 
that  the  worst  fault  of  a  General  is  to  underrate  the  enemy.  He  urged 
the  Secretary  of  War  and  the  Governors  of  Illinois  and  Iowa  for 
more  troops,  with  which  to  meet  McCulloch,  who  was  reported  to 
be  advancing  from  Arkansas  with  a  considerable  force.  Confed- 
erate writers  claimed  that  besides  the  above  and  the  troops  neces- 
sary at  St.  Louis,  Lyon  had  in  different  parts  of  the  State  several 
thousand  Home  Guards,  well  armed  and  equipped;  the  Iowa  regi- 
ments of  Bates  and  Curtis  on  the  northern  frontier  of  the  State,  and 
troops  concentrating  at  Quincy,  Alton  and  Cairo.  To  these,  they 


260  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

held,  the  State  could  only  oppose  one  thousand  poorly  armed  men 
and  six  pieces  of  Artillery,  and  no  money.  Coming  events  do  not 
bear  out  this  estimate.  Governor  Jackson  could  count  upon  a  large 
contingent  of  excellent  marksmen,  who,  as  pioneers  of  the  West, 
were  better  inured  to  camp  life,  and  were  more  used  to  the  rifle  than 
the  Union  troops  of  Missouri,  who  mostly  hailed  from  the  cities. 

Besides  this,  the  above  estimate  of  the  Confederates  is  misleading, 
for  the  Home  Guards  in  the  State  were  mostly  available  only  in  their 
immediate  neighborhood,  their  arms  were  mostly  poor  and  they  had 
no  equipment  for  field  service,  and  the  troops  in  north  Missouri 
were  absorbed  by  the  needs  of  that  locality. 

MOVES  FOR  TIME  AND  POSITION. 

When  General  Price  learned  of  the  removal  of  Harney  and  succes- 
sion of  Lyon,  he  sent  publicly  an  order  to  the  commanders  of  the 
districts,  stating  that  while  he  and  the  Governor  were  desirous  to 
carry  out  the  Price-Harney  agreement,  and  await  the  decision  of 
the  Missouri  State  Convention,  he  had  apprehensions  General  Lyon 
would  force  the  issue,  by  the  terror  of  a  military  invasion,  which 
ought  to  be  resisted  to  the  last  extremity ;  that  he  himself  intended  to 
prevent  such  an  outrage,  and  that  a  million  of  Missourians  could  not 
be  subjugated.  In  order  to  go  sure  in  the  matter,  General  Price 
issued  at  the  same  time  secret  orders  to  the  Brigadiers,  urging  them  to 
hasten  the  organization  of  troops  in  their  districts  and  to  fit  them  out 
for  immediate  active  service.  The  commanders  were  ordered  to  have 
State  flags  prepared  of  blue  merino,  with  the  gilt  arms  of  the  State 
upon  them.  Similar  reflections  induced  Governor  Jackson,  on  June 
1st,  to  have  the  army  and  workshops  of  the  State  removed  to  Boon- 
ville,  considering  that  that  point  was  more  central  to  the  Secession 
sympathizers,  while  Jefferson  City  had  a  large  Union  and  German 
population.  Price  was  in  hopes  to  be  able  to  hold  Boonville  and  the 
upper  -Missouri  River,  until  the  Confederate  States  could  send  an 
army  to  his  support.  In  the  meantime  conservative  men  persuaded 
Governor  Jackson  and  General  Price  to  have  an  interview  with  Gen- 
oral  Lyon,  for  the  purpose  of  avoiding  a  conflict  with  the  United 
States  troops  and  authority.  General  Lyon  consented,'  and  issued 
on  June  8th,  to  Governor  Jackson  and  General  Price,  a  letter  grant- 
ing safe  conduct  to  St.  Louis  and  return  to  Jefferson  City,  up  to  the 


Lyon  in  Command.  261 

12th  of  June,  for  the  purpose  of  discussing  the  troubles  in  Mis- 
souri. The  parties  met  at  the  Planters  House,  on  June  llth,  name- 
ly: Governor  Jackson,  General  Price,  Thomas  L.  Snead,  the  Gov- 
ernor's private  secretary ;  Colonel  Frank  P.  Blair,  General  Lyon  and 
his  adjutant,  Major  Connant.  Governor  Jackson  professed  a  desire 
for  peace',  without  troope  on  either  side,  and  said:  "The  United 
States  Troops  must  leave  the  State  and  not  enter  it,  and  he  would 
disband  his  own  troops,  and  then  we  should  certainly  have  peace." 
General  Price  held  that  his  course  was  in  perfect  harmony  with  his 
and  General  Harney's  conceptions,  and  that  he  had  made  no  agree- 
ment whatever  with  General  Harney  about  the  enforcement  or  carry- 
ing out  of  the  Military  Bill.  At  tihs  point  a  memorandum  was  read 
by  Lyon,  in  which  Harney  asks  Price  to  review  the  features  of  the 
bill  and  discover  some  means  by  which  its  action  may  be  suspended 
until  a  competent  tribunal  shall  decide  upon  its  validity.  Harney 
in  this  memorandum  refers  to  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  State 
of  Missouri,  without  recognizing  the  existence  of  the  Government 
of  the  United  States,  and  secondly  to  the  express  requirements,  by 
which  troops  within  the  State  not  organized  under  the  provisions 
of  the  Military  Bill,  are  to  be  disarmed  by  the  State  Guards. 
On  the  bottom  of  this  memorandum  was  an  N.B. — "Read  to  General 
Price  in  the  presence  of  Major  H.  L.  Turner,  on  the  evening  of  the 
21st  of  May." 

General  Price  said  he  did  not  remember  hearing  the  paper  read; 
he  said  Hitchcock  and  H.  L.  Turner  were,  to  see  him,  but  he  did  not 
see  or  hear  of  such  a  paper.  Price  insisted  further  that  no  armed 
bodies  of  United  States  troops  should  pass  through  or  be  stationed  in 
the  State,  as  such  would  occasion  civil  war;  that  Missouri  must  be 
neutral,  and  neither  side  should  arm,  Governor  Jackson  to  give 
protection  to  Union  men  and  to  disband  his  State  Troops.  To  this 
General  Lyon  remarked,  that  if  the  government  withdrew  its  forces, 
measures  would  be  resorted  to  for  providing  arms  and  perfecting 
organizations,  which  upon  any  pretext  could  put  forth  a  formidable 
opposition ;  combinations  would  be  formed  to  drive  out  loyal  citizens, 
which  the  government  could  not  protect  if  its  forces  could  not  be 
brought  into  the  State,  and  a  force  could  be  brought  into  the  State 
to  carry  out  the  Secession  program.  The  Government  could  not 
shrink  from  its  duties  nor  abdicate  its  rights.  If  the  Governor  would 
earnestly  set  about  to  maintain  the  peace  of  the  State  and  resist  out- 


262  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

rages  upon  loyal  citizens,  repress  insurrection,  and  in  case  of  violent 
combinations  call  upon  the  United  States  troops  for  assistance,  the 
government  purpose  would  be  subserved  and  the  rights  and  dignity 
of  the  State  not  infringed. 

AVhen  the  verbal  conference  failed,  which  was  a  foregone  conclu- 
sion, Governor  Jackson  still  sought  to  gain  more  time  and  proposed 
to  continue  the  consultation  through  correspondence,  which  was 
declined,  General  Lyon  stating  that  their  views  were  too  widely  apart 
and  it  wrould  lead  to  nothing ;  but  'he  proposed  that  each  one  should 
briefly  put  down  his  viewrs  and  they  should  be  published.  Governor 
Jackson  was  not  disposed  to  agree  to  this.  Gereral  Lyon  reminded  the 
Governor  that  heretofore  Missouri  had  the  fostering  care  of  the  Fed- 
eral Government,  but  by  the  failure  of  the  chief  executive  to  comply 
with  constitutional  requirements,  she  will  be  made  to  feel  its  power. 
Blair's  more  diplomatic  arguments  were  from  the  beginning  super- 
seded by  Lyon's  more  direct  statements,  and  after  a  conference  of 
nearly  five  hours,  it  became  evident  that  conceptions  of  right  and 
wrong  were  too  divergent  to  admit  a  common  basis  for  agreement. 
After  this  became  manifest,  according  to  Thomas  L.  Snead,  the  Gov- 
ernor's secretary,  who  was  present  during  the  entire  conference, 
Lyon,  still  in  his  seat,  spoke  slowly  and  with  peculiar  emphasis: 
"Rather  than  concede  to  the  State  of  Missouri  the  right  to  demand 
that  my  government  shall  not  enlist  troops  within  her  limits,  or 
bring  troops  into  the  State  whenever  it  pleases,  or  move  its  troops 
at  its  owrn  will  into,  out  of  or  through  the  State ;  rather  than  concede 
to  the  State  of  Missouri,  for  one  single  instant,  the  right  to  dictate 
to  my  government  in  any  matter,  however  unimportant,  I  would 
(rising  as  he  said  this,  and  pointing  in  turn  to  every  one  in  the 
room)  see  you,  and  you,  and  you,  and  you,  and  you,  and  every  man 
woman  and  child  in  this  State,  dead  and  buried."  Turning  to  the 
Governor,  he  said :  "This  means  war.  In  an  hour  one  of  my  officers 
will  call  for  you  and  conduct  you  out  of  my  lines."  With  these 
words  Lyon  left  the  room  without  further  ceremony.  There  never 
was  a  plausible  basis  for  this  conference.  The  Governor  considered, 
or  at  least  publicly  professed,  Camp  Jackson  to  be  a  legitimate  State 
military  camp,  and  Lyon  captured  it  as  a  nucleus  of  a  Secession 
army;  the  Governor  considered  the  Federal  Government  a  military 
despotism,  while  every  fiber  in  General  Lyon  was  loyal  to  the  Union 
and  in  sympathy  with  the  aims  of  the  administration ;  the  Governor 


Lyon  in  Command.  263 

believed  in  the  right,  and  for  Missouri  as  a  slave  state,  even  in  the 
honorable  obligation  of  Secession,  while  General  Lyon  held  and  was 
in  duty  bound  to  hold  diametrically  opposite  convictions.  Under 
such  circumstances  there  was  no  chance  for  an  agreement. 

There  seems  to  be  only  one  explanation  for  this  conference.  Gov- 
ernor Jackson  must  have  become  aware  that  the  Federal  commander 
contemplated  to  make  a  forward  movement  into  the  State  very  soon. 
While  neither  side  was  quite  ready,  Governor  Jackson  certainly 
nt •( '(led  the  time  must,  and  it  is  therefore  fair  to  credit  him  with  this 
M-heme,  to  defer  the  armed  conflict. 

After  the  conference  broke  up,  Governor  Jackson  and  General 
Price  speeded  hack  to  Jefferson  City,  and  resolved  while  still  on 
train  to  destroy  the  large  bridges  over  the  Gasconade  and  Osage  Riv- 
ers: not  as  great  military  leaders  had  formerly  done  on  the  line  of 
their  own  retreat,  but  on  the  line  of  the  advance  of  the  Union  host. 

HOSTILITIES  COMMENCE. 

<  Mivernor  Jackson  and  General  Price  arrived  at  Jefferson  City  at 
'2  a.  m.  on  the  12th.  First  of  all  General  Price  ordered  the  telegraph 
wires  cut :  next  he  sent  Captain  Kelly  with  a  company  and  proper 
tools,  post  haste,  to  destroy  the  bridges.  Kelly's  attempt  to  blow  up 
the  draw  of  the  Gasconade  bridge  failed;  the  torch  being  applied 
the  draw  fell  into  the  river.  On  returning,  the  same  party  burned 
the  west  span  of  the  Osage  bridge.  The  state  officers  at  Jefferson 
City  were  in  great  haste  to  pack  their  important  documents  for  the 
l>rn-])ective  flight  from  the  capital,  while  Snead,  the  Governor's  Secre- 
tary, was  hard  at  work  all  night  on  the  governor's  proclamation, 
which  went  to  press  soon  after  daylight.  With  this  proclamation 
(luvernor  Jackson  tried  to  influence  the  undecided  portion  of  the 
(•(immunity,  by  shifting  the  blame  of  unjust  aggression  upon  the 
Federal  authority,  which  design  was  favored  by  the  circumstance 
that  Missouri  slave  owners  had  a  pecuniary  interest  in  common  with 
the  seceded  state>.  and.  besides  this,  most  of  her  native  citizens  were 
of  Southern  extraction,  had  friends  and  relatives  in  the  South,  many 
of  them  were  reared  in  the  South  and  looked  upon  the  "peculiar  in- 
stitution" as  being  approved  even  by  religion.  Besides  this,  ultra 
conservative  men  from  the  North  and  the  South  wanted  peace  at  any 
price,  and  did  not  see  that  public  opinion  at  the  North  had  diverged 


264  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

from  that  at  the  South  to  an  extent  that  either  Slavery  or  the  Union 
had  to  cease.  Although  Governor  Jackson  had  repeatedly  declared 
that  Missouri  must  join  her  fate  with  the  South  and  support  the  se- 
ceded States,  he  still  was  in  hopes,  first  to  organize  and  arm  the  State 
under  the  mask  of  neutrality.  When  this  intention  was  foiled,  he 
tried  to  make  the  best  of  the  situation  by  open  war  measures,  such 
as  the  burning  of  the  bridges,  and  the  following  proclamation: 

"To  THE  PEOPLE  OF  MISSOURI: 

"A  series  of  unprovoked  and  unparalleled  outrages  have  been  inflicted  upon 
the  peace  and  dignity  of  this  Commonwealth,  and  upon  the  rights  and  liberties 
of  its  people,  by  wicked  and  unprincipled  men,  professing  to  act  under  the 
authority  of  the  United  States  Government.  The  solemn  enactments  of  your 
Legislature  have  been  nullified;  your  volunteer  soldiers  have  been  taken 
prisoners;  your  commerce  with  your  sister  States  has  been  suspended;  your 
trade  with  your  own  fellow-citizens  has  been,  and  is,  subjected  to  the  haras- 
sing control  of  an  armed  soldiery;  peaceful  citizens  have  been  imprisoned 
without  warrant  of  law;  unoffending  and  defenseless  men,  women  and  children 
have  been  ruthlessly  shot  down  and  murdered;  and  other  unbearable  indig- 
nities have  been  heaped  upon  your  State  and  yourselves. 

.  After  this  eloquent  introduction,  which  misconstrued  the  dire  ne- 
cessities of  the  Federal  authority,  Governor  Jackson  extolls  his  own 
patience;  his  desire  to  maintain  peace  through  the  Price-Harney 
agreement ;  relates  the  disavowal  of  that  arrangement  by  the  Federal 
Government  and  the  recall  of  General  Harney,  which  he  calls  a 
dismissal;  refers  to  the  interview  with  Lyon  and  Blair  (which  has 
been  previously  related  in  this  work),  and  terminates  his  proclninn- 
tion  with  the  following  high-sounding  appeal : 

"Now,  therefore,  I,  C.  F.  Jackson,  Governor  of  the  State  of  Missouri,  do,  in 
view  of  the  foregoing  facts,  and  by  virtue  of  the  powers  vested  in  me  by  the 
Constitution  and  laws  of  this  Commonwealth,  issue  my  proclamation,  calling 
the  militia  of  the  State,  to  the  number  of  fifty  thousand,  into  the  active 
service  of  the  State,  for  the  purpose  of  repelling  said  invasion,  and  for  the 
protection  of  the  lives,  liberty  and  prosperity  of  the  citizens  of  this  State. 

"And  I  earnestly  exhort  all  good  citizens  of  Missouri  to  rally  under  the 
flag  of  their  State  for  the  protection  of  their  endangered  homes  and  firesides, 
and  for  the  defense  of  their  most  sacred  rights  and  dearest  liberties. 

"In  issuing  this  proclamation,  I  hold  it  to  be  my  solemn  duty  to  remind 
you  that  Missouri  is  still  one  of  the  United  States;  that  the  Executive  De- 
partment of  the  State  Government  does  not  arrogate  to  itself  the  power  to 
disturb  that  relation;  that  that  power  has  been  wisely  vested  in  a  conven- 
tion, which  will  at  the  proper  time  express  your  sovereign  will;  and  that 
meanwhile  it  is  your  duty  to  obey  all  constitutional  requirements  of  the 


Lyon  in  Oommand.  265 

Federal  Government.  But  it  is  equally  my  duty  to  advise  you  that  your 
first  allegiance  is  due  to  your  own  State,  and  that  you  are  under  no  obligation 
whatever  to  obey  the  unconstitutional  edicts  of  the  military  despotism  which 
has  enthroned  itself  at  Washington,  nor  to  submit  to  the  infamous  and  de- 
grading sway  of  its  wicked  minions  in  this  State.  No  brave  and  true-hearted 
Missourian  will  obey  one  or  submit  to  the  other.  Rise,  then,  and  drive  out 
ignominiously  the  invaders  who  have  dared  to  desecrate  the  soil  which 
your  labors  have  made  fruitful,  and  which  is  consecrated  by  your  homes. 

"Given  under  my  hand  as  Governor  and  under  the  great  seal  of  the  State  of 
Missouri,  at  Jefferson  City,  this  twelfth  day  of  June,  1861. 

"By  the  Governor, 

"CLAIBOBNE  F.  JACKSOX, 
"B.  F.  MASSEY, 

"Secretary  of  State." 

Hide  it  as  he  may,  the  Governor  eould  not  cover  up  his  sinister 
intentions,  even  by  the  words  of  his  own  proclamation ;  for,  divested 
of  its  verbiage  calculated  to  potentiate  the  State  right  notions  and 
partisan  prejudices  of  the  people,  he  would  permit  the  United  States 
troops  to  occupy  St.  Louis  only,  the  balance  of  the  State  would  be  left 
to  his  discretion,  and  he  would  call  United  States  troops  when  he 
thought  necessary,  which  emergency,  considering  the  Governor's 
disposition,  would  never  arise.  The  Governor  had  calculated  that, 
even  if  he  should  fail  to  carry  Missouri  into  the  Southern  Confeder- 
acy, the  State  should  at  least  remain  a  neutral  wedge  between  the 
States  of  Illinois,  Iowa,  Kansas  and  Arkansas,  permitting  the  Seceded 
States  west  of  the  Mississippi  to  use  their  forces  towards  the  Ohio  and 
the  East.  Nothing,  however,  showrs  the  flagrant  inconsistency  of  Gov- 
ernor Jackson  more  than  his  sudden  change  in  the  appreciation  of 
measures  and  men.  On  the  llth  of  June  he  treats  with  the  rep- 
resentatives of  the  Federal  Government  about  terms,  as  he  avers, 
to  pacify  Missouri,  and  next  day,  namely  on  the  12th  of  June,  he 
proclaims  the  Federal  authority  "  a  military  despotism  whicli  hus 
enthroned  itself  at  Washington,"  and  he  calls  Lyon  and  Blair,  with 
whom  he  had  treated  for  terms  on  the  preceding  day,  "wicked  miji- 
ions  of  that  despotism."  The  Governor's  proclamation  of  the  12th 
gravely  reflects  on  his  sincerity  on  the  llth.  Considering  the  un- 
deniable treason  of  Governor  Jackson  in  sending  his  agents  with 
letters  to  Jefferson  Davis  to  secure  cannon  and  mortars  for  the  in- 
tended reduction  of  the  United  States  Arsenal  at  St.  Louis;  con- 
sidering his  promise  made  on  April  19th  to  David  Walker,  President 
of  the  Arkansas  Convention,  that  Missouri  will  be  ready  for  Secession 


266  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

in  less  than  thirty  days;  considering  the  Governor's  appointment  of 
violent  Secessionists  as  Major  and  Brigadier  generals  of  the  Militia, 
and  also  his  letter  to  Tucker — all  his  sophisms  lose  every  vestige  of 
moral  force. 

Besides  the  proclamation,  telegrams,  letters  and  messengers  were 
now  sent  from  Jefferson  City,  to  urge  a  still  more  speedy  organiza- 
lioii.  General  Parsons  was  ordered  to  retreat  with  the  small  force 
collected  at  Jefferson  City,  westward  along  the  Missouri  Pacific 
Railroad  to  Tipton,  a  point  south  of  Boonville.  All  the  rail  rolling 
Mock  was  taken  to  Tipton,  and  the  railroad  bridges  were  burned  be- 
hind the  last  train.  Governor  Jackson,  several  State  officers  and 
Captain  Kelly's  company  boarded  the  steamer  "White  Cloud,"  and 
arrived  at  Boonville  on  the  morning  of  June  13th.  Brigadier  Gen- 
eral Clark  had  been  ordered  to  concentrate  his  men  at  Boonville,  and 
the  Governor  found  several  hundred  of  them  there,  while  many  more 
were  on  the  road  and  arrived  the  next  two  days.  On  the  loth  of  June, 
a  report  reached  Boonville  that  a  skirmish  had  taken  place  at  Inde- 
pendence.  and  that  State  troops  assembling  at  Lexington  were  threat- 
ened by  a  large  force  from  Kansas.  Upon  this  General  Price  left 
Clark  in  command  at  Boonville.  with  instructions  to  retreat  fight- 
ing, toward  General  Parsons,  while  he  proceeded  to  attend  to  the 
affairs  at  Lexington.  The  question  arises  here.  Why  did  Governor 
Jackson  and  his  advisers  flee  from  Jefferson  City?  Had  he  been 
true  to  his  oath  of  office  and  his  duties  as  Governor,  he  could  have 
remained  at  the  head  of  the  State  to  the  end  of  his  term.  But,  as  he 
had  conspired  for  Secession  and  the  Confederacy,  notwithstanding 
the  great  popular  vote  for  the  Union,  the  evidence  was  so  strong 
against  him  that  he  did  not  dare  to  face  the  threatening  impeach- 
ment by  the  Convention. 

LYOX'S  ADYAXCK  INTO  THE  STATK. 

When  the  proclamation  of  Governor  Jackson  proved  to  General 
Lyon  that  the  former  had  thrown  off  his  mask,  and  the  burning  of 
the  Missouri  Pacific  Railroad  bridges  emphasized  by  their  revolu- 
tionary nature  the  hostile  words  of  the  (JovcrnorV  proclamation, 
the  forward  movements  into  the  State  could  no  longer  be  post- 
poned and  were  formally  resolved  upon.  Two  lines  of  operation  were 
adopted — the  one  southwest,  via  Rolla  to  Springfield:  the  other  al- 


Lyon  in  Command. 


267 


most  due  west  via  Missouri  River  to  Jefferson  City  and  the  center  of 
the  State.     The  direction  of  all  other  affairs  at  the  Arsenal  and  in  the 


V 


V 


\ 


fc 
o 

PL, 


Department  was  left  to  Colonel  Chester  Harding,  Assistant  adjutant 
general,  who  was  authorized  to  sign  Lyon's  name  to  all   orders. 


268  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

Chester  Harding  was  considered  one  of  the  ablest  lawyers  of  St. 
Louis,  of  an  even,  considerate  disposition  and  great  mental  cap- 
acity. 

The  southwest  column  was  started  first.  One  Battalion  with  sev- 
eral field  pieces  and  camp  equipage,  under  Lieut.  Colonel  Hassen- 
deubel,  started  June  llth.  The  second  Battalion,  under  command 
of  Colonel  Sigel,  started  on  the  13th,  with  six  guns  and  one  howitzer, 
under  Major  Bischoff,  and  two  rifle  companies  under  A.  Albert  and 
Joseph  Conrad  via  Pacific  to  Rolla.  Colonel  Solomon,  with  the 
Fifth  Missouri  Volunteers,  followed  on  the  15th  to  the  same  point, 
and  Colonel  B.  Gratz  Brown,  with  the  Fourth  Regiment  Reserves, 
and  six  pieces  of  artillery,  took  up  the  same  route.  General  Lyon 
ordered  Sigel,  with  the  whole  command,  to  Springfield,  with  in- 
structions to  march  thence  westward  to  Mt.  Vernon  and  Neosho, 
in  order  to  intercept  Jackson  and  Price's  commands  on  their  South- 
ward march,  while  yielding  to  Lyons  pressure  from  the  North. 
Sigel  wras  enthusiastically  cheered  on  his  march  to  Rolla,  where  he 
hauled  down  a  Secession  flag  and  hoisted  the  Stars  and  Stripes.  Two 
companies  of  State  Guards,  which  had  been  stationed  there,  fled 
before  the  Union  troops.  These  Secessionists  probably  formed  the 
nucleus  of  a  marauding  band  which  later  infested  the  roads  to  the 
West  and  the  South,  though  beyond  destroying  here  and  there  some 
wagons,  they  could  do  little  damage,  for  the  roads  were  solid  and 
the  rivers  had  no  bridges. 

The  column  under  the  direct  command  of  General  Lyon  started  on 
the  13th  of  Jun.e.  At  11  o'clock  a.  m.  the  steamer  latan  took  on 
board  part  of  the  First  Regiment,  Missouri  Volunteers,  under  Lieut. 
Colonel  Andrews,  two  companies  of  Regulars  under  Captain  Lathrop 
and  a  section  of  Totten's  Light  Battery.  At  2  p.  m.  General  Lyon  and 
his  staff,  with  the  balance  of  the  First  Volunteers  and  the  Regulars, 
1500  men  in  all,  with  the  necessary  camp  equipage,  horses,  wagons 
and  provisions,  started  on  the  steamer  J.  C.  Swon,  following  the 
latan  up  the  river.  The  boats  were  enthusiastically  cheered  on 
leaving  the  Arsenal;  their  destination  was  correctly  surmised  to  be 
Jefferson  City.  Passing  St.  Charles,  about  8  p.  m.,  the  steamers  laid 
by  for  the  night.  Starting  early  in  the  morning  of  the  14th,  they 
steamed  past  Augusta,  the  home  of  the  veteran  champion  of  free 
institutions,  Friederich  Muench.  Above  the  headquarters  of  a  Home 
Guard  Company,  formed  at  Augusta  a  week  sooner,  floated  the  Union 


Lyon  in  Command.  269 

flag,  and  here,  in  Washington  and  Hermann,  cheer  after  cheer  greet- 
ed the  Stars  and  Stripes.     All  these  were  German  settlements,  and 
thus   far   the   vessels   steamed   up   stream   in    comparative   safety. 
Here  the  large  bottoms  extend  chiefly  on  the  North  side  of  the  river, 
while  the  South  shore  is  skirted  with  high,  rocky  bluffs,  wooded  where 
the  soil  permits ;  above  high-water  mark  along  the  foot  of  the  bluffs* 
runs  the  Missouri  Pacific  Railroad,  surveyed  here  in  1853,  when 
a  party  of  young  engineers  traced  the  line  through  these  primeval 
forests,  and  after  the  day's  fatigues  listened  in  their  camp  to  the 
doleful  tunes  of  the  whip-poor-will.    How  changed  were  the  relations 
in  Ilial  short  period,  and  the  fate  of  members  from  that  small  party 
of  engineers  is  a  vivid  example  of  the  distraction  of  the  people  of 
M  issouri.    The  chief  of  the  party  and  the  builder  of  the  Osage  bridge 
both  fell  at  the  head  of  a  Union  regiment  at  Vicksburg;  an  as- 
sistant  from  Massachusetts  married  into  a  Southern  family  and  be- 
came Governor  Jackson's  Quartermaster  General,  notwithstanding 
that  his  brother  was  Lyon's  Adjutant;  the  rodman  went  back  to 
Maryland  to  aid  the  Southern  cause;  the  axmen,  two  Hungarians, 
got  to  the  command  of  a  Union  regiment  and  company,  while  the 
son  of  the  Emerald  Isle  probably  turned  up  in  a  Union  Irish  brigade. 
After  the  ships  of  Lyon  passed  the  mouth  of  the  Gasconade,  their 
safety   was   highly  questionable.    Callaway  County,  which  fringes 
here   the   North   shore   of   the   Missouri   River,    was   inhabited   by 
Southern  sympathizers,  who  were,  not  likely  to  betray  any  move- 
ment hostile  to  the  Union  forces.    Considering  that  a  single  cannon 
ball  would  pass  through  one  of  those  light  river  boats  from  stem 
to  stern,  and  that  a  well-protected  Battery  could  be  thrown  up  on 
shore  on  short  notice,  it  was  very  fortunate  for  Lyon's  command  that 
the  enemy's  enterprise  was  not  on  a  level  with  his  intentions.    West 
of  the  mouth  of  the  Osage,  the  situation  became  even  worse,  because 
both  shores  were  under  absolute  control  of  the  Secessionists.     Never- 
theless Lyon  occupied  Jefferson  City  without  opposition  on  June 
15th,  and  was  cordially  welcomed  by  a  large  delegation  of  citizens, 
headed  by  Governor  Thomas  L.  Price.     After  disembarking,  the 
troops  occupied  without  delay  all  high  and  commanding  positions, 
such  as  the  penitentiary,  the  capitol,  and  raised  upon  the  latter, 
under  the  animating  accords  of  the  "Star  Spangled  Banner,"  the 
flag  of  the  Union,  with  the  good  intention  that  it  should  not  be 
lowered  from  there  through  all  the  vicissitudes  of  the  war.    A  false 


270  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

report  was  current  at  Jefferson  City  that  Governor  Jackson  had  been 
at  Boonville  on  the  evening  of  the  14th,  but  had  left  since  for 
Arkansas.  Some  travelers  that  escaped  from  Boonville  in  a  skiff 
brought  the  news  that  the  place  was  being  fortified,  and  that  about 
one  thousand  men  were  there  concentrated  and  more  were  ex- 
pected. 

Colonel  Boernstein,  with  the  kSecond  Volunteers,  arrived  per  train 
at  Hermann,  waited  there  for  the  steamer  Louisiana  and  followed  the 
latan  and  Swon,  which  had  passed  before  him  up  the  river. 

BATTLE  OF  BOONVILLE. 

Leaving  Boernstein  with  three  companies  in  charge  of  Jefferson 
City,  Lyon's  command,  consisting  of  the  First  Volunteers,  a  Battalion 
of  the  Second  Volunteers,  Companies  of  Regulars,  Totten's  Battery, 
and  a  few  Pioneers,  in  all  about  1700  men,  embarked  on  the  steamers 
A.  McDowellj  latan  and  City  of  Louisiana,  on  June  16th,  in  the 
afternoon,  and  passed  the  night  on  board,  laying  by  on  account  of 
unsafe  navigation ;  the  command  passed  Rockport"  in  the  morning  of 
June  17th,  and  learning  that  the  enemy,  a  few  miles  ahead,  was 
fortifying  a  position,  they  disembarked  at  the  foot  of  an  island  in 
a  bottom,  beyond  the  reach  of  ordinary  artillery  from  the  bluffs, 
and  about  eight  miles  distant  from  Boonville.  One  steamer  with 
a  howitzer  and  a  Company  for  escort  was  dispatched  up  the  river 
to  make  a  diversion  and  also  to  silence  a  Battery  which  the  Secession- 
ists had  posted  on  the  river  bank,  in  order  to  stop  all  navigation. 

Lyon,  with  the  main  force,  proceeded  cautiously  along  the  bottom 
road  towards  Boonville,  having  been  informed  that  the  place  con- 
tained from  three  to  four  thousand  defenders,  among  whom  were 
several  companies  from  Cooper  County  under  command  of  Captain 
Robert  McCulloch.  Parsons  had  been  ordered  to  march  from  Tipton 
to  Boonville,  twenty  miles  distant.  Of  this  John  C.  Moore  writes: 
"Parsons  did  not  obey  the  order,  though  he  had  a  day  and  a  half  in 
which  to  reach  the  designated  point.  The  governor  insisted  on 
fighting  at  Boonville."  Colonel  Marmaduke  was  directed  to  march 
with  all  available  men  against  Lyon,  and  retard  his  advance  until 
Parsons'  arrival,  possibly  also  to  give  some  citizens  of  Boonville  a  bet- 
ter chance  to  leave  the  city,  and  also  to  give  Quartermaster  General 
James  Harding  time  to  arrange  for  the  destruction  of  such  ordnance 


L  i/im   in  Com  iiKiml.  '271 

stores  which  in  case  of  a  retreat  could  not  be  removed.  Marmaduke. 
with  near  five  hundred  men,  inarched  to  the  foot  of  the  hills,  but 
when  the  advance  guard  of  Lyon's  column  drove  in  his  pickets  and 
skirmishers,  he  took  a  better  position  about  a  mile  to  the  rear,  posting 
his  men  in  a  lane  and  later  on  the  brow  of  the  hill,  wrhich  caused 
Lyon  to  deploy  his  line,  taking  the  Second  Volunteers  to  his  right, 
the  First  Volunteers  and  Regulars  to  the  left.  In  this  position  sev- 
eral men  were  wounded,  but  Totten's  Battery,  taken  to  the  front, 
forced  Marmaduke  again  to  fall  back,  when  an  order  came  to  him 
from  Governor  Jackson  to  retreat  and  to  join  Parson's  command, 
which  was  said  to  be  fast  approaching  from  Tipton.  The  retreat  com- 
menced at  first  in  good  order,  but  a  more  rapid  Artillery  fire  soon 
turned  it  into  a  rout.  Sonic  shots  fired  from  the  steamer  McDowell 
with  the  howit/<T.  under  Captain  Voerster.  hastened  the  abandon- 
ment of  Camp  Vest,  for  fear  that  the  retreat  might  be  cut  off.  A 
third  stand  was  contemplated  near  the  fair  grounds,  a  mile  east 
of  Boonville.  which  was  frustrated  by  the  fire  of  the  Union  Infantry 
and  Artillery.  The  loss  on  the  Federal  side  was  reported  as  two  killed 
and  nine  wounded:  from  the  Secessionists  two  killed  and  six  wound- 
ed, besides  the  captured  or  missing.  Abbot  gives  the  eiieinyV  loss 
from  twenty  to  fifty.  The  lo.-se-  on  both  sides  were  out  of  proportion 
to  the  lively  musketry  firing,  owing  to  a  sound  policy  of  keeping 
young  troops  busy. 

The  correspondent  of  the  Missouri  Democrat  stated  about  the 
battle  of  Boonville  that  "the  engagement  was  short;  the  flight  of  the 
Secessionists  commenced  soon  after  8  o'clock  a.  m.  and  lasted  until 
11  a.  m.  A  vigorous  pursuit  was  prevented  by  the  lack  of  Cavalry 
and  by  Lyon's  resolution  to  spare  the  city.  The  few  prisoners  cap- 
tured, mostly  young  men  from  the  neighborhood,  were  nearly  all 
paroled.  Two  cannon,  fifty  firearms,  twenty-five  tents,  a  larger 
quantity  of  boots  and  two  Secession  flags,  represented  the  limited 
booty.  Three  hundred  of  the  Secessionists  crossed  the  Missouri 
River  and  retreated  northward;  some  went  southward,  but  the  bulk 
went  towards  the  west.  General  Lyon's  force  reached  the  city  about 
2  p.  m..  having  advanced  eight  miles  since  8  a.  m.  As  three-fourths 
of  the  Boonville  people  were  Union  men,  the  Federal  soldiers  were 
welcomed  as  friend-,  and  their  hearts  were  gladdened  by  the  ap- 
pearance of  many  Union  flags  on  public  and  private  buildings. 

Federal  officers  estimated  the  Secession  force  at  Boonville  at  4000, 


272  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

that  of  the  Union  army  at  2000 ;  but  Lyon  had  the  great  advantage 
of  being  able  to  choose  the  time  and  point  of  attack,  and  of  having 
a  well-served  Artillery  under  Totten  and  partly  under  Captain  John 
A.  Neustaedter,  the  same  who  with  Lieutenant  Carl  Schurz  of  the 
Baden  Artillery  had  in  1849  escaped  through  the  sewers  of  Ras- 
tadt,  from  the  bloody  vengeance  of  reactionary  tyrants.  Lyon  also 
had  an  infantry,  which  could  be  handled  in  large  bodies  without  risk 
of  disorder  or  confusion,  while  the  Secessionists  had  assembled  at 
the  spur  of  the  moment,  were  not  properly  organized  in  Regiments 
or  Brigades  and  could  hardly  be  expected  to  make  a  tenacious  re- 
sistance in  a  retreating  fight.  The  circumstance  that  Price  left 
the  place  before  the  actual  attack;  indicates  his  intention  to  draw 
Lyon  further  from  his  base  and  direct  line  of  operation,  which  was 
towards  the  southwest  from  Jefferson  City,  considering  that  the  real 
danger  for  the  Union  cause  in  Missouri  came  from  the  southwest- 
ern border  of  the  State  and  Arkansas,  and  from  Louisiana  and  Texas. 
This  Lyon  recognized,  stating  in  a  letter  of  June  18  to  Colonel  Hard- 
ing that  he  anticipated  a  hostile  movement  from  Texas.  The  same 
opinion  was  expressed  by  M.  Blair  in  one  of  his  former  letters.  Gen- 
eral Lyon  spoke  modestly  of  the  Boonville  affair,  well  knowing  that 
nowhere  in  the  absolute  realization  of  facts  more  necessary  than  in 
military  matters,  where  the  stake  is  life  and  the  price  human  hap- 
piness. To  General  McClellan,  his  own  superior  commander,  Lyon 
reports  on  the  20th  of  June :  "Boonville  is  an  important  point,  and 
should  have  at  least  a  whole  Regiment,  with  an  advanced  post  at 
Warsaw,  which  is  a  nest  of  rebels  who  at  Camp  Cole  (Cole  Camp) 
massacred  Union  men."  These  words  indicate  more  the  intention 
of  protecting  Union  men  by  occupying  separate  posts  of  the  country 
than  a  purpose  to  prepare  a  strong  base  and  line  of  operation  against 
a  hostile  army,  which  was  expected  to  invade  the  State.  For  Boon- 
ville is  over  fifty  miles  by  river  from  Jefferson  City,  and  Warsaw 
is  only  ten  miles  nearer  to  Boonville  than  to  Jefferson  City  and  only 
twenty  miles  nearer  to  Boonville  than  to  Rolla,  which  latter  had  an 
undisputed  and  safe  railroad  communication  with  St.  Louis,  while 
the  river  communication  was  slow  and  precarious.  The  distance 
from  Rolla  to  Springfield  is  shorter  than  from  any  point  on  the  Mis- 
souri Pacific  Railroad  and  far  more  so  than  from  any  point  of  the 
Missouri  River,  and  the  divide  between  the  Osage  and  Gasconade 
offers  within  a  day's  march  from  Rolla  the  topography  for  .a  good 


HENRY  BOERNSTEIN. 
Colonel  2d  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers. 


Lyon  in  Command.  273 

military  road.  The  easily  interrupted  navigation  of  the  Missouri  was 
too  unsafe  for  a  base  of  supplies.  However,  General  Lyon  had  some 
very  good  reasons  for  following  Governor  Jackson  to  Booriville  in- 
stead of  General  Parsons'  larger  force,  directly  west  along  the  Mis- 
souri Pacific  Railroad.  Lyon  had  no  army  wagons  for  land  trans- 
portation and  the  "red  tape"  of  the  army  regulations  prevented 
him  from  pressing  civil  conveyances  into  immediate  service.  The 
sin ic  applies  to  the  non-reconstruction  of  railroad  bridges.  Besides, 
the  Missouri  River  was  a  tempting,  though  unreliable  means  of  com- 
munication. Along  the  course  of  the  river  were  several  flourishing 
towns,  with  strong  portions  of  Union  population,  and  along  its 
shores  where  the  largest  slave  Counties  of  the  State,  and  the  possession 
of  the  river  hindered  a  free  communication  of  the  hostile  elements 
north  and  south  of  the  same,  and  if  it  did  not  prevent  at  all  events  it 
retarded  their  organization.  It  may  be  noted  here,  incidentally,  that 
the  easy  success  at  Boonville,  to  some  extent  at  least,  led  to  an  under- 
valuation of  the  fighting  capacity  of  the  enemy,  and  that  this  was 
apt  to  lead  to  a  neglect  of  that  caution  which  other  circumstances 
dictated. 

On  leaving  St.  Louis  General  Lyon  had  published  an  address  to 
the  people  of  Missouri,  setting  forth  the  objects  of  the  Union  move 
into  the  State,  in  consequence  of  the  declaration  of  war  by  Governor 
Jackson.  No  copies  of  this  address  had  reached  .Boonville,  and  he 
therefore  issued  another  proclamation  on  June  18th,  reiterating  the 
causes  which  prompted  his  action  towards  Governor  Jackson,  after 
the  latter's  declaration  of  defiance  and  acts  of  warfare.  He  refers  to 
Jackson's  violations  of  the  Harney  agreement  and  his  misleading  the 
people  relative  to  the  intentions  of  the  United  States  Government  in 
protecting  loyal  citizens  and  maintaining  its  supremacy.  Lyon 
warns  the  people  that  the  clemency  of  the  past  should  not  be  mis- 
c< ni-trued  nor  expected  to  shield  additional  provocations,  and  closes 
with  these  words: 

"Having  learned  that  those  plotting  against  the  Government  have  falsely 
represented  that  the  Government  troops  intended  a  forcible  and  violent  in- 
vasion of  Missouri,  for  the  purpose  of  military'  despotism  and  tyranny,  I 
hereby  give  notice  to  the  people  of  this  State  that  I  shall  scrupulously  avoid 
all  interference  with  the  business,  rights  and  property  of  every  description, 
recognized  by  the  laws  of  this  State,  and  belonging  to  law-abiding  citizens; 
but  that  it  is  equally  my  duty  to  maintain  the  paramount  authority  of  the 
United  States,  with  such  force  as  I  have  at  my  command,  which  shall  be  re- 
is 


274  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

tained  only  so  long  as  opposition  shall  make  it  necessary;  and  that  it  is  my 
wish,  and  shall  be  my  purpose,  to  devolve  any  unavoidable  rigor,  arising  in 
this  issue,  upon  those  only  who  provoke  it. 

"All  persons  who,  under  the  misapprehension  above  mentioned,  have  taken 
up  arms,  or  who  are  now  preparing  to  do  so,  are  invited  to  return  to  their 
homes,  and  relinquish  their  hostile  attitude  to  the  General  Government,  and 
are  assured  that  they  may  do  so  without  being  molested  for  past  occurrences. 

"N.  LYON, 
"Brig.  Gen.  U.  S.  Vol.  Com." 

Colonel  Frank  P.  Blair  had  been  with  Lyon  during  the  campaign 
up  to  and  at  the  battle  of  Boonville,  and  was  an  intimate  and  valua- 
ble adviser  of  the  commander. 

Blair's  regiment,  the  First  Missouri  Volunteers,  had  already  by  the 
12th  of  June,  been  reorganized  for  three  years.  The  government  at 
Washington  discovered  early  in  the  war  that  a  three  months'  service 
would  not  answer  the  purpose,  but  that  it  would  even  lead  to  very 
serious  complications,  so  the  policy  was  changed,  and  volunteer 
troops  were  thereafter  enlisted  for  three  years  or  the  war.  Colonel 
Blair  got  leave  to  reorganize  his  Regiment  for  three  years,  about  the 
middle  of  its  three  months'  term,  and  went  at  it  with  his  usual 
energy.  He  left  Lyon's  command  at  Boonville  and  went  to  attend 
to  his  political  duties  as  Congressman  in  Washington.  This  double 
position  was  very  unfortunate,  for  Blair  was  sorely  missed  at  the 
head  of  his  Regiment  and  still  more  so  at  the  side  of  Lyon,  whose 
constant  and  intimate  adviser  he  had  thus  far  been.  Blair's  ac- 
quaintance with  all  parties  in  the  State  opened  to  him  invaluable 
sources  of  information  which  were  not  available  to  Lyon  or  his 
Regular  officers,  who  were,  comparatively  speaking,  strangers.  Even 
Blair's  presence  in  Washington  was  no  offset  for  the  above,  for  al- 
though the  wants  of  the  Union  commanders  were  known  to 
him,  his  activity  at  the  seat  of  government  in  favor  of  Missouri's 
affairs  was  less  efficient  after  the  State  was  attached  to  the  depart- 
ment of  McClellan,  and  still  less  so  after  Fremont  assumed  com- 
mand. 

The  occupation  of  Boonville  and  the  Missouri  River  line  was 
to  some  extent  supported  by  troops  under  General  Hurlbut,  press- 
ing from  the  northeast  southward.  Colonel  Curtis,with  3000  men, 
arrived  on  June  15  at  St.  Joseph,  with  two  engines  of  the  North 
Missouri  Railroad,  from  Macon.  His  men  had  some  skirmishing  with 
bridge  burning  Secessionists,  of  whom  several  were  killed.  The 


Lyon  in  Command.  -  i  •"> 

Second  Reserve  Regiment  and  companies  of  the  Third  Reserve  were 
started  toward  Wentzville,  to  assist  in  the  above  service;  they  cap- 
tured a  few  Secessionists  and  discharged  them  on  their  taking  the 
oath  of  allegiance;  seized  firearms,  contraband  articles  and  some  Se- 
cession flags.  Bridges  had  been  burned  at  Centralia  and  Sturgeon, 
notwithstanding  that  the  resident  population  discountenanced  such 
proceedings  and  outrages  of  marauding  bands.  Although  the  hostile 
opposition  north  of  the  Missouri  River  was  not  well  organized,  still 
General  Harris  and  other  band  leaders  were  active  at  many  points, 
detaining  a  large  number  of  troops,  much  needed  to  strengthen  Gen- 
eral Lyon's  army  south  of  the  river,  thus  securing  peace  to  the  State 
at  a  much  earlier  period.  Another  instance  of  the  decentralizing  exi- 
gencies of  the  war  in  Missouri  was  the  detachment  of  the  Fourth  Mis- 
souri Volunteers  (Black  Jaegers),  under  Colonel  Schuettner,  to 
Cairo  and  Birdspoint,  while  its  rifle  Battalion  was  sent  to  guard  the 
Pacific  Railroad  bridges.  The  Fourth  Missouri  Volunteers  rendered 
good  service  at  Bird-point.  Separated  by  the  broad  Mississippi  River 
from  Cairo,  the  "Schwarze  Jaeger"  raised  intrenchments  at  Birds- 
poiLV  which  latter  was  only  a  high  bottom  projecting  into  the  river, 
hoi.'  «g  the  farm  houses  of  Bird,  surrounded  by  a  few  hundred  acres 
of  open  fields  and  skirted  on  all  sides  by  dense  and  swampy  forests. 
The  Regiment  took  possession  of  the  Cairo  &  Fulton  Railroad,  which 
ran  at  that  time  a  few  miles  beyond  Charleston,  Mo.  The  scouts 
of  the  Fourth  Regiment  extended  into  several  counties;  a  Secession 
company  of  sixty  men  was  taken  prisoner,  and  information  gath- 
ered of  approaching  or  organizing  hostile  forces.  Thus  the  Regiment 
f  on  nod  the  western  outpost  of  Cairo,  the  all-important  point  for  the 
Ohio  and  Mississippi  navigation.  Later  the  Regiment  garrisoned 
Cairo  until  recalled. 

St.  Louis  City  and  Arsenal  were  so  far  chiefly  guarded  by  the 
First,  Second,  Third  and  Fifth  Reserves  and  the  Fifth  Volunteer 
troops,  which  all  made  occasional  scouts  into  the  surrounding  coun- 
try and  often  to  points  in  the  city,  where  depots  of  arms  or  war  ma- 
terial were  suspected.  Most  of  these  scouts  were  without  result  and 
often  an  annoyance  to  citizens,  but  with  a  population  partly  hostile 
to  the  Union,  could  hardly  be  avoided.  An  account  given  by  Lieu- 
tenant Wiliam  M.  Wherry  of  the  Third  Reserve,  who  later  became 
a  General,  best  describes  the  nature  and  circumstances  of  such 
scouts.  He  wrote: 


276  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

"I  was  on  duty  with  the  Regiment  during  the  exciting  days  of  riot  and 
apprehension  succeeding  the  capture  of  Camp  Jackson,  and  on  one  day 
marched  my  company  to  the  Levee,  to  inspect  the  steamer  J.  C.  Swon  for 
powder  and  munitions  of  war.  ...  I  marched  my  troop  in  platoon  front, 
taking  the  whole  street  from  house  to  house,  and  so  avoided  being  surrounded. 
At  the  Levee  the  company  stood  in  line,  while  the  detail  went  on  boat.  The 
crowd  gathered  about  and  began  hooting.  Seeing  that  we  were  about  to  be 
hemmed  in  by  a  mob,  I  'about  faced'  the  rear  rank  and  advanced  both  ranks 
in  opposite  directions,  with  bayonets  at  a  charge,  thus  clearing  a  space;  then 
threw  out  sentinels  and  moved  the  company  back  to  the  center  of  the  space, 
leaving  the  ranks  facing  outward,  thus  preventing  any  attack  and,  as  I  be- 
lieve, bloodshed.  After  the  search  we  marched  back  to  Turner's  Hall  in 
safety." 

General  Lyon  had  at  first  the  intention  to  hold  the  line  of  the 
Missouri  River  even  beyond  Boonville  and  up  to  Kansas  City;  for 
this  his  force  was  inadequate.  The  last  volunteer  regiment,  namely 
the  Fifth,  left  St.  Louis  on  the  16th  of  June,  in  order  to  reinforce 
the  Southwest  column  towards  Springfield.  The  volunteer  com- 
mands from  other  States,  stationed  in  north  Missouri,  were  slow  to 
gain  the  line  of  the  Missouri  River,  held  back  by  their  service  to 
protect  railroads  and  to  awe  the  guerilla  bands  of  the  neighborhood. 
General  Pope  divided  the  railroads  into  sections  and  held  the  citizens 
of  the  neighborhood  responsible  for  all  damages,  but  this  plan  also 
absorbed  many  troops,  much  needed  in  the  Southeast  and  Southwest. 
For  this  reason  volunteers  from  the  First  Reserves  were  called  to 
garrison  Jefferson  City.  Seven  companies  responded  and  arrived 
on  the  20th  of  June  at  Jefferson  City,  occupied  the  capitol  grounds 
and  were  quartered  in  the  basement  of  the  capitol.  Colonel  Boern- 
stein  stated  that  he  expected  an  attack  of  his  position  at  any  time. 
The  field  officers  of  the  First  Reserve  had  seen  active  military  service 
before,  namely  Colonel  Almstedt  in  the  Mexican  war,  Lieut.  Colonel 
Rombauer  in  the  war  for  Hungary's  independence  and  Major  Phil 
Brimmer  had  been  an  officer  in  the  Prussian  army;  they  sug- 
gested that  under  the  circumstances  a  more  complete  outpost  service 
was  requisite.  No  satisfaction  was  given  them  in  this  regard,  but  an 
intimation  that  several  companies  of  the  First  Reserve  should  be  sent 
from  forty  to  sixty  miles  westward  along  the  Pacific  Railroad.  This 
was  three  days  after  the  battle  of  Boonville  and  the  day  after  the 
massacre  of  two  hundred  home  guards  at  Cole  Camp,  though  not 
yet  known  at  Jefferson  City  at  the  time.  The  Secessionists  under 
General  Parsons  and  those  retiring  from  Boonville  were  on  the  line 
of  the  Pacific  Railroad;  several  thousand  marched  from  Lexington 


Lyon  in  Command.  277 

southward  and  a  westward  move  with  only  a  few  Infantry  Companies 
looked  rather  adventurous.  Still  field  officers  of  the  First  Reserve 
offered  to  lead  the  detachment,  but  requested  that  it  should  be  formed 
from  companies  of  the  Second  Volunteers,  who  were  better  prepared 
and  equipped  for  field  service.  It  seems  Colonel  Boernstein  did  not 
wish  to  part  with  his  own  Companies,  and  no  westward  movement 
from  Jefferson  City  was  made  at  the  time.  The  Companies  of  the 
First  Reserve  were  ordered  back  to  St.  Louis  on  June  25,  and  the 
Fifth  Reserve,  Colonel  Charles  A.  Stifel,  and  four  Companies  of  the 
Seventh  Volunteers,  Colonel  John  D.  Stevenson,  proceeded  to  relieve 
Lyon  at  Boonville,  and  arrived  there  on  the  27th.  By  this  time  Major 
John  M.  Schofield  had  completed  his  mustering  service  in  St.  Louis 
and  repaired  to  his  Regiment,  the  First  Volunteers,  at  Boonville. 
Lyon  immediately  appointed  him  his  Assistant  Adjutant  General,  in 
which  position  his  valuable  activity  continued  till  after  the  battle  of 
Wilson's  Creek.  It  had  been  the  intention  of  Lyon  to  move  South- 
ward from  Boonville  before  this  date,  but  the  time  necessary  for  secur- 
ing transportation,  accumulating  provisions,  posting  troops  for  hold- 
ing the  Missouri  River  line,  delayed  his  start  even  beyond  the  date 
when  the  Southwest  Column  had  passed  Springfield  and  points 
farther  west.  Colonel  Stevenson  was  placed  in  command  of  the 
Missouri  River  line  from  Kansas  City  to  the  Mississippi,  with  head- 
quarters at  Boonville.  He  was  to  establish  Posts  also  at  Lexington 
and  Jefferson  City,  each  Post  to  have  six  Companies  of  Infantry  and 
one  field  piece.  These  were  to  furnish  detachments  for  operation  in 
their  vicinity,  and  the  patroling  boats  on  the  river  were  to  be  armed 
also  with  a  24-pound  Howitzer.  Only  boats  in  service  of  the  Govern- 
ment were  allowed  on  the  river  between  Herman  and  Kansas  City, 
and  all  skiffs,  boats  and  ferries  were  taken  possession  of  and  securely 
moored.  Colonel  Boernstein  was  relieved  at  Jefferson  City  for  the 
purpose  of  reorganizing  the  Second  Volunteers  at  St.  Louis  for  the 
"Three  Years"  Service. 

The  arrangement  of  attaching  Missouri  to  the  Department  of  the 
Ohio,  credited  to  the  advice  of  General  Scott,  Edward  Bates  and  Gov- 
ernor Gamble,  was  not  satisfactory  to  St.  Louis  people,  and  Francis  P. 
Blair  sought  to  effect  a  change  at  Washington,  stating  that  McClellan 
himself  was  opposed  and  had  said  that  all  he  could  do  was  to  let 
Lyon  follow  up  his  own  plans.  All  these  various  tendencies  finally 
resulted  in  the  organization  of  the  Western  Department,  under  Major 
General  John  C.  Fremont. 


CHAPTER     X. 
THE    SOUTHWEST. 


DISPOSITION  OF  SECESSION  FORCES. 

The  period  is  now  near  when  the  Missouri  Secessionists  received 
very  efficient  assistance  from  the  Confederate  States.  These  appointed 
May  13  Ben  McCulloch  Brigadier  General  and  assigned  to  his  Com- 
mand one  Louisiana  Infantry  and  one  Cavalry  Regiment  from  Texas 
and  one  from  Arkansas,  and  gave  him  authority  to  raise  two  Regi- 
ments in  the  Indian  Territory.  General  N.  B.  Pearce  was  near  Fort 
Smith  with  1,500  men  of  Arkansas  Militia. 

On  leaving  Jefferson  City  June  13  Governor  Jackson  dispatched 
Colton  Green  to  ask  assistance  from  McCulloch,  then  camping  in 
Northwest  Arkansas.  The  latter  recommended  to  the  Confederate 
authorities  the  granting  of  this  request,  and  asked  leave  to  occupy 
Fort  Scott  in  order  to  secure  the  sympathies  of  the  Cherokee  Indians. 
McCulloch  averred  later  that  these  Indians  were  not  to  be  used  in  the 
States :  if  so,  their  organization  was  certainly  superfluous  in  the  Terri- 
tory. McCulloch  also  asked  that  Arkansas  should  be  added  to  his 
Department;  but  his  application  met  with  no  favor,  and  the  Con- 
federate Secretary  of  War  wrote  him :  "The  position  of  Missouri  as  a 
Southern  State  still  in  the  Union,  requires  much  prudence  and  cir- 
cumspection, and  it  should  only  be,  when  necessity  and  propriety 
unite,  that  active  and  direct  assistance  should  be  afforded  by  crossing 
the  boundary  and  entering  the  State."  As  soon,  however,  as  McCul- 
loch heard  that  Governor  Jackson  and  General  Price  were  retreating 
towards  Northwest  Arkansas,  he  set  out  for  Maysville,  and  ordered  the 
troops  within  reach  to  follow. 

Immediately  after  the  battle  of  Boonville  several  thousand  Seces- 
sionists assembled  at  Lexington  under  Generals  Rains  and  Slack. 
These  troops  Price  commenced  to  organize,  when  the  news  of  Gov- 
ernor Jackson's  and  General  Parson's  retreat  towards  Warsaw 
reached  him.  Leaving  Rains  in  command,  with  instructions  to 

(278) 


Southwest.  279 

retreat  towards  Laiuar.  Price,  with  his  staff  and  a  small  escort,  went 
southward  to  meet  McCulloch,  who  had  already  started  to  the  relief 
of  the  retreating  Missouri  Secession  forces,  even  before  he  had  received 
the  above  qualifying  instructions  from  the  Confederate  Secretary  of 
War.  Price  was  joined  on  his  Southern  march  at  various  points  by 
assembling  Seces.-imiiMs,  and  when  he  arrived  at  Cowskin  Prairie  in 
the  southwest  corner  of  the  State,  he  had  about  1,200  men,  of  whom 
600  received  muskets  from  General  Pearce.  McCulloch  met  Price  at 
Cowskin  Prairie.  The  meeting  of  the  Missouri  Secessionists  with 
their  Confederate  allies  must  have  been  a  picturesque  sight.  On  the 
one  side  McCulloch  with  his  well-dressed  staff,  the  clean  lines  of  Con- 
federate Regiments  in  the  prim  uniforms,  all  well  armed  and 
equipped;  on  the  other,  the  dusty,  motley  crowds  of  Missourians,  with- 
out uniforms,  with  a  variety  of  arms,  haggard  by  exposure  and 
fatigue,  but,  for  all  that,  an  excellent  fighting  material.  Their  State 
pride  for  Missouri ;  their  self-sacrificing  disposition  for  the  Southern 
cause;  their  endurance  in  the  campaign  and  prowess  in  battle,  was 
not  unjustly  extolled  by  Confederate  writers;  but  when  they  said  that 
not  a  man  had  come  forth  to  fight  for  Slavery,  they  were  grievously 
mistaken.  For  Slavery  was  the  cause  of  the  Mexican  war;  Slavery 
was  the  cause  of  the  raids  into  Kansas;  and  the  legally  defeated 
chance  of  Slavery  extension,  was  the  cause  of  the  war  of  Secession. 
While  Price  was  organizing  his  Command  at  Cowskin  Prairie,  McCul- 
loch, paying  deference  to  the  advice  from  Headquarters,  returned  to 
Maysvillc.  Arkansas. 

In  the  meantime  Governor  Jackson  moved  Southward  at  a  slower 
gait ;  on  the  road  to  Warsaw  he  learned  of  the  massacre  of  the  Cole 
Camp  Home  Guards,  of  which  I.  C.  Moore  writes  that  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Walter  S.  O'Kane,  assisted  by  Major  Thomas  M.  Murray, 
raised  about  350  State  Guard  troops,  struck  the  Home  Guards,  wrho 
had  no  pickets  out,  "killed  206,  wounding  a  still  larger  number,  and 
taking  over  100  prisoners."  Union  reports  had  it  that  these  Home 
Guards,  nearly  all  Germans,  were  surprised  in  a  barn  wrhile  sleeping 
and  shot  down  with  unnecessary  cruelty.  The  circumstance  that  only 
360  muskets  were  delivered  while  the  number  of  dead  Home  Guards 
was  206,  that  of  wounded  over  200  and  that  of  prisoners  100,  casts  a 
very  dark  shadow  over  this  affair.  South  of  the  Osage-  River,  Henry 
Guibor  and  William  P.  Barlow,  two  St.  Louis  Secessionists,  joined  the 
(iovernor,  who  placed  them  in  charge  of  his  Artillery.  His  forces 


280  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

went  into  camp  on  the  right  bank  of  Spring  River,  three  miles  north 
of  Lamar,  and  were  here  joined  by  the  Commands  of  Rains  and 
Slack,  who  had  been  detained  by  high  water  and  a  long  train  of 
wagons.  The  Confederate  author  Snead  states  that  the  Governor's 
forces  assembled  at  Lamar  Camp  were : 

Infantry.  Cavalry.  Guns.  Total. 

Rains .  .  .' 1,200  600         3  1,800 

Parsons 400  250         4  650 

Clark 360  360 

Slack 700  500       ..  1,200 

Artillery 190 


,  2,660         1,350         7         4,200 

Besides  the  above,  there  were  about  800  unarmed  recruits  in  Camp. 

This  rapid  growth  of  the  Secession  forces,  under  very  adverse  cir- 
cumstances, is  additional  proof  of  Harney's  great  mistake  in  making 
a  one-sided  agreement,  with  an  able  and  determined  foe,  who  was 
only  sparring  for  time  to  complete  his  armament. 

THE  SOUTHWEST  UNION  COLUMN. 

Uniting  his  Regiment  at  Rolla,  Sigel  proceeded  on  Juno  13 
towards  Springfield,  which  he  reached  on  June  23.  The  Fifth 
Volunteers  under  Solomon  arrived  at  the  same  place  on  the  27th, 
after  leaving  one  Company  behind  to  hold  Lebanon,  half  way 
between  Rolla  and  Springfield.  Major  F.  W.  Cronenbold  of  the 
Fifth  was  left  at  Springfield  with  two  Companies  of  the  Fifth 
Volunteers,  while  the  balance  of  that  Regiment  pushed  on  to  Sar- 
coxie,  and  Sigel  reached  Neosho  by  the  first  of  July  and  found  that 
Price  had  evacuated  the  place.  Neosho  was  the  point  designated  by 
Lyon,  where  Sigel  should  intercept  the  southward  moving  Seces- 
sionists, though  Lyon  now  was  still  at  Boonville,  150  miles  away. 

In  the  meantime  Captain  Sweeney,  upon  whom  General  Harney 
had  conferred  the  title  of  Brigadier  General  of  the  Reserves, 
marched  to  the  support  of  the  Southwest  Column  with  four  Com- 
panies of  the  Third  Reserve;  at  Lebanon  one  of  these  Companies, 
to  which  many  prominent  St.  Louis  citizens  belonged,  mutineered, 


FRANCIS  SIGEL. 
Colonel  3d  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers,  in  1861. 


The  Southwest.  281 

was  disarmed  and  sent  back  to  St.  Louis.  The  cause  of  the  trouble 
was  that  the  Company  insisted  that  some  of  its  members,  who  had 
trespassed  on  the  property  of  fugitive  Secessionists,  should  not  be 
left  at  Lebanon,  as  they  deemed,  at  the  mercy  of  Secessionists, 
arguing  that  while  those  men  deserve  punishment,  they  do  not 
deserve  abandonment.  Lebanon,  however,  was  held  until  the  retreat 
of  the  Union  forces  from  Springfield.  The  Fourth  Reserve,  Colonel 
B.  Gratz  Brown,  after  some  delay,  secured  transportation  at  Holla, 
and  marched  to  Springfield. 

At  Neosho,  Sigel  had  no  hope  to  force  Price,  under  favorable  cir- 
cumstances, to  an  engagement;  he  therefore  marched  his  Command 
northward,  in  order  to  approach  his  base  of  supplies  and  supports, 
and  also  to  come  nearer  to  the  Union  forces,  expected  to  advance 
from  the  North.  In  order  to  guard  against  an  enemy  approaching 
from  the  South,  Sigel  left  two  Companies  under  Captain  Conrad  at 
Neosho.  This  Rear-Guard  duty  could  only  be  reasonably  expected 
by  ordering  such  Command  to  follow  the  main  body  within  sup- 
porting distance.  Captain  Conrad  had  no  Cavalry  for  distant  scout- 
ing service,  and  his  evil  fate  might  have  been  anticipated. 

THE  BATTLE  OF  CARTHAGE. 

On  July  1  Sweeney  arrived  at  Springfield  and  ordered  Solomon 
to  report  in  person  at  Headquarters ;  but  four  Companies  of  the  Fifth 
Volunteers  under  Lieutenant  Colonel  Christian  Wolf  had  joined 
Sigel  on  the  preceding  day  at  Neosho,  and  Solomon  followed  with 
the  balance,  using  his  discretion  in  the  matter,  as  military  orders 
are  only  peremptory  when  the  Commander,  by  his  personal  presence, 
can  be  cognizant  of  all  circumstances.  The  wisdom  of  this  policy 
was  best  demonstrated  by  the  success  of  the  German  armies  in  their 
European  campaigns.  Sigel  was  also  ordered  to  return  to  Springfield, 
but  being  informed  that  a  Secession  force  was  heading  towards 
Carthage,  he  marched  to  that  place  for  the  purpose  of  intercepting 
their  southward  march,  and  encamped  on  the  4th  on  the  south  fork 
of  Spring  River,  east  of  Carthage.  The  Secessionist  General,  Parsons, 
being  informed  of  Sigel's  position,  ordered  his  Command  at  10 
o'clock  that  night  to  advance  towards  Carthage,  but  was  recalled  by 
Governor  Jackson,  who  ordered  the  whole  Secession  Army  to  advance 
southward  at  daybreak  of  July  5,  with  Rain's  Brigade  in  the  lead. 


282  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

About  five  miles  south  of  Lamar  the  report  came  in  that  Sigel  was 
advancing  to  give  battle,  and  that  his  troops  were  seen  descending  the 
slope  towards  Coon  Creek.  Sigel's  Command  left  camp  in  the 
vicinity  of  Carthage  at  3  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  oth,  and 
shortly  after  9  a.  m.  saw  the  army  of  the  Secessionists  on  a  low  hill 
in  the  prairie.  They  had  600  of  Rain's  Cavalry  standing  on  the 
extreme  right,  and  from  this  towards  the  left  Weightman's  Infantry 
(1,200)  ;  Bledsoe's  Battery  of  three  guns;  Slack's  Infantry  (700)  ; 
Guibor's  Battery  (4  guns)  ;  Parson's  and  Clark's  Infantry,  together 
700,  and  on  the  extreme  right  750  men  Cavalry  under  Brown  and 
Rives ;  their  heaviest  caliber,  one  twelve-pounder,  was  posted  in  front, 
the  six-pounders  towards  the  right  and  left  flank;  2,000  unarmed 
Cavalry  were  sent  to  the  wagon  train. 

Leaving  one  Company  and  one  cannon  to  protect  the  ford  of  Dry 
Fork,  a  small  tributary  of  Spring  River,  heavily  fringed  with  timber, 
Sigel  deployed  his  forces  in  line  of  battle  on  a  ridge  of  the  prairie, 
which  gently  slopes  towards  Coon  Creek;  the  Fifth  Volunteers, 
under  C.  E.  Solomon,  and  one  six  pounder  formed  the  right  wing; 
th«  Third  Volunteers,  under  Francis  Hassendeubel,  and  one  six- 
pounder  formed  the  left  wing,  and  four  pieces  of  Artillery  were 
placed  in  the  center.  According  to  Snead,  the  Confederate  authority, 
Sigel's  Command  emerged  from  the  brush  on  the  north  side  of  the 
creek  and  advanced  with  the  precision  of  veterans,  deployed  into 
line  at  a  distance  of  1,200  yards,  having  9  Companies  of  Sigel's  Regi- 
ment and  7  Companies  of  Solomon's,  with  125  of  Major  Backoff's 
Artillerists  under  Captains  Theo  Wilkins  and  Jacob  Essig,  or  near 
1,000  men  in  all.  After  a  fow  inspiring  words  from  Colonel  Sigel, 
his  Artillery  advanced  within  900  yards  of  the  enemy's  line  and 
commenced  firing.  Federal  authorities  state  that  the  twelve-pounder 
in  the  center  of  the  Secessionists'  line  was  first  silenced  and  soon 
afterwards  their  piece^  on  the  wings  also  ceased  firing,  while  their 
Infantry  in  the  center  was  badly  shaken.  Snead  does  not  mention 
this,  but  says  that  the  Secession  Batteries  answered  the  fire,  which 
was  kept  up  ineffectually  for  an  hour,  when  the  Governor  sent  his 
2,000  unarmed  horsemen  for  shelter  into  a  heavy  timber  on  the 
right  of  his  line,  which  indicated  that  the  Union  Artillery  made  an 
impression.  A  front  attack  was  now  attempted  by  a  large  force  of  the 
Secessionists,  but  several  volleys  of  the  Infantry  and  a  few  grape 
shots  from  the  Artillery  forced  them  to  retreat.  The  Union  men 


Tlr  Sovthwe*.  283 

cheered,  l>ut  had  also  lost  by  this  time  several  men  and  horses,  and 
had  one  cannon  disabled,  and  Captain  Wilkins  reported  that  the 
ammunition  for  his  Hattery  was  getting  short.  The  enemy's 
Cavalry  now  closed  in  on  both  wings,  threatening  Sigel's  Hanks,  bag- 
gage and  line  of  retreat.  Me  therefore  sent  some  Infantry  and 
Artillery  to  the  ford  of  a  creek  in  the  rear,  and  followed  with  the 
main  body  of  troops  in  the  best  order,  checking  the  advance  of  the 
enemy  by  occasional  halts  and  firing.  During  such  a  halt  at  another 
branch  some  more  men  were  lost. 

Ii  was  not  known  in  the  Federal  Camp  that  the  2,000  men  sent  by 
(Jovernor  Jackson  to  the  woods  were  unarmed,  and  their  movement 
was  interpreted  as  a  scheme  to  cut  oft'  the  retreat.  Essig's  Battery, 
with  live  Companies,  was  ordered  to  higher  ground  south  of  the  creek, 
commanding  it-  defile  and  checked  the  Secessionists,  who  advanced 
within  4(»0  yards  of  Coon  Creek  ford.  The  Battery  and  the  troops 
supporting  it  were  withdrawn  and  followed  the  retreating  column. 
At  about  5  o'clock  p.  in.  the  enemy's  Cavalry  tried  to  intercept  the 
retreat,  at  a  place  where  the  road  passed  between  high  bluff's.  A 
feint  was  made  by  the  Union  troops,  as  if  they  intended  to  avoid  the 
narrow  passage  and  march  around  the  hill.  This  brought  the  Seces- 
sion Cavalry  in  large  numbers  into  the  road,  when  Sigel's  Infantry 
unmasked  the  Artillery  behind  them,  which  opened  a  destructive 
fire,  scattering  riderless  horses  around  the  prairie.  Here  85  horses 
were  captured,  65  double-barreled  shotguns  picked  up,  and  two  offi- 
cers and  250  men  taken  as  prisoners.  The  retreat  thence  continued 
in  good  order,  followed  at  a  distance  by  skirmishing  parties.  Sigel 
t TM— ed  the  south  fork  of  Spring  River  without  opposition,  holding  in 
the  neighborhood  of  Carthage  till  7  p.  m.  to  relieve  the  march  of  the 
train.  About  8  o'clock  p.  m.  the  last  fighting  took  place  on  the 
Sarcoxie  road,  where  Lt.  Joseph  Spiegelhalter  commanded  the  rear 
guard  of  two  Companies  and  two  cannon.  The  Secessionists'  Cavalry 
advanced  within  30  yards,  when  some  volleys  dispersed  them. 
Hence  the  retreat  to  Sarcoxie,  and  later  to  Mount  Vernon,  was 
unmolested. 

Sigel's  advance  to  the  battle  of  Carthage  and  his  retreat  to  Sar- 
enxie.  where  he  arrived  on  July  6  at  4  a.  m.,  exacted  from  his  troops 
a  march  of  34  miles  in  '2~t  h:>nrs.  without  halting  to  eat  or  sleep,  and 
with  continued  skirmishing.  It  was  necessary,  after  meeting  in  an 
open  country  an  enemy  who  outnumbered  him  four  to  one.  Sigel 


284  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

had  no  doubt  the  better  organized  troops,  both  in  Infantry  and 
Artillery.  His  lack  of  Cavalry  and  the  disproportion  of  forces 
should  have  dictated  to  him  a  defensive  position,  with  strong  natural 
advantages.  As  Sigel  had  an  excellent  military  education,  his  march 
into  the  open  prairie  can  be  only  explained  on  the  supposition  that 
he  was  not  informed  about  the  existing  circumstances.  Having  no 
news  from  Lyon  or  Sturgis,  he  could  not  possibly  expect  from  them 
any  assistance.  However,  Sigel's  orderly  retreat  was,  under  existing 
circumstances,  creditable  to  the  discipline  of  his  troops  and  the 
capacity  of  the  leader ;  the  same  cannot  be  said  of  the  inefficient  and 
lame  pursuit  by  his  adversaries. 

The  Federal  loss  in  the  battle  of  Carthage  was  13  killed  and  31 
wounded;  the  Secessionists  lost  10  killed  and  64  wounded.  Current 
estimates  of  the  Federal  loss  were  400;  of  the  Secessionists  600. 
Nothing  is  more  common  in  times  of  war  than  exaggeration. 

In  his  official  report  upon  the  battle'  of  Carthage,  Sigel  speaks  in 
the  highest  terms  of  the  bravery  and  discipline  of  his  Command. 
He  personally  mentions  for  valuable  services  Major  Backoff,  Ad- 
jutants A.  Albert  and  Heinrichs,  also  Lieutenant  Colonel  Hassen- 
deubel,  Wolff  and  Captains  Essig,  Stephany,  Golmer,  Densler,  Stark 
and  Messner. 

McCulloch,  who  had  learned  already  on  July  2  that  Governor 
Jackson  and  General  Rains  were  closely  pressed  by  Lyon,  advanced 
into  Missouri  on  the  4th,  with  two  Infantry  and  one  Cavalry  Regi- 
ment and  Woodruff's  Battery,  and  was  joined  by  Price's  Command. 
Informed  of  Sigel's  movements,  the  two  leaders  left  their  Infantry 
behind  and  pushed  more  rapidly  forward  with  their  Cavalry  and  sur- 
prised Captain  Conrad  with  two  Companies  of  the  Third  Volunteers 
and  some  train,  at  Neosho,  and  137  men,  with  nine  wagons  of  sup- 
plies, were  made  prisoners,  any  resistance  proving  futile,  as  they  were 
surrounded  by  1,500  men,  wrhich  rumor  swelled  to  3,000.  General 
Sigel  wras  blamed  for  exposing  these  Companies  to  capture  in  the 
manner  he  did.  It  was  a  severe  check  to  the  Union  cause;  not  so 
much  on  account  of  the  actual  loss,  but  much  more  so  on  account  of 
its  moral  effect.  The  large  number  of  Confederate  and  Secession 
troops  at  Neosho  augured  no  good  for  the  small  Federal  army  con- 
centrating at  Springfield,  for,  although  the  Governor's  Command 
was  under  the  impression  of  having  avoided  a  great  danger,  believing 
Lyon  and  Sturgis  at  their  heels,  this  fear  was  entirely  unfounded, 


The  Southwest.  285 

for  the  very  day  they  loudly  welcomed  McCulloch,  Lyon  was  joined 
by  Sturgis  on  Grand  River,  fully  100  miles  away.  When  the  news 
came  to  Springfield  of  Sigel's  retreat  to  Mount  Vernon,  Sweeney 
started  to  his  support  on  the  evening  of  July  7  with  three  Companies 
of  the  Third  Reserve  and  one  Company  of  Springfield  Home  Guards, 
and  was  followed  the  next  day  by  the  Fourth  Reserve,  Colonel  B. 
Gratz  Brown.  On  the  10th  of  July  the  entire  Command  returned  to 
Springfield,  while  the  Confederates  and  Secessionists,  instead  of  fol- 
lowing up  their  advantage,  steadily  retreated  Southward.  There  had 
been  some  apprehension  on  the  part  of  the  Federal  leaders  that  dur- 
ing the  absence  of  most  of  their  troops  from  Springfield,  the  very 
numerous  Cavalry  of  the  enemy  might  make  a  raid  on  Springfield, 
destroy  the  depot  of  provisions  and  the  workshops  in  which  the 
patriotic  men  of  the  town  manufactured  ammunition  and  war 
material.  But  nothing  of  the  kind  was  done  by  McCulloch,  who  led 
his  troops  back  to  Maysville,  Arkansas,  while  Price  reorganized  the 
Missouri  Secessionists  in  the  camp  at  Cowyskin  Prairie,  where  the 
powder  brought  by  Governor  Jackson  and  the  lead  taken  from  the 
Granby  mines  was  also  turned  into  ammunition.  Thus  in  three 
weeks  5,000  men  were  ready  for  the  field,  and  2,000  additional,  well 
drilled,  expected  to  take  the  arms  of  the  dead,  wounded  or  sick. 
Governor  Jackson  left  this  camp  on  July  12  to  seek  aid  from  General 
Polk  at  Memphis.  He  never  returned  to  his  State. 

Colonel  Chester  Harding  reported  on  July  7  to  Washington  that 
3,000  Union  men  held  Springfield  and  vicinity  as  an  objective  point, 
and  that  they  were  under  the  command  of  Captain  T.  W.  Sweeney, 
Second  United  States  Infantry,  who  was  acting  under  an  election 
and  by  order  of  General  Harney  as  Brigadier  General  of  the  United 
States  Reserve  Corps.  Such  election  and  appointment  must  have 
been  very  informal,  nor  was  any  such  office,  to  the  knowledge  of 
those  most  interested,  ever  authorized  or  confirmed  from  Washing- 
ton. Besides  the  troops  already  mentioned  above,  a  Rifle  Battalion 
of  the  First  Volunteers,  a  Regiment  of  Home  Guards  and  Colonel 
Wayman's  Thirteenth  Illinois  at  Rolla,  were  protecting  the  com- 
munications between  St.  Louis  and  Springfield.  In  the  same  report 
Harding  also  mentions  that  General  Pope's  Brigade  was  placed  at  the 
disposal  of  General  Lyon.  If  so,  they  never  figured  in  Lyon's  actual 
little  army  in  the  Southwest.  Harding's  further  remark,  "No  more 
troops  will  be  called  for  at  present,"  did  not  appreciate  the  threaten- 
ing condition  of  affairs  in  the  Southwest. 


286  Th<   I 'nil, u  Cause  in  St.  Loni*  in  l»(Jl. 


LYON'S  .MARCH  SOUTH. 

By  the  first  days  of  July  General  Lyon  had  secured  at  Boonville 
a  scanty  supply  of  provisions  and  transportation;  having  reported 
his  deficiencies  of  same,  on  June  22  and  30,  to  General  McClellan 
without  effect;  he  also  reported  that  he  had  ordered  Major  Sturgis 
from  Leavenworth  to  follow  the  Secessionists  retreating  from  Lex- 
ington. Sturgis  had  two  Regiments  of  Kansas  Infantry,  four  cannon 
and  nearly  one  Regiment  of  Cavalry.  Leaving  Colonel  J.  D.  Steven- 
son with  1,400  men  of  the  Second  and  Seventh  Volunteers  and  the 
Fifth  Reserve  at  Booneville,  to  guard  the  Missouri  River  line.  Lyon 
started,  on  July  3,  Southward  with  the  First  Missouri  and  First  Iowa 
Volunteers,  250  men  United  States  Infantry,  two  Companies  Second 
Missouri  Volunteers  under  Major  Osterhaus,  60  men  Pioneers  and 
Artillery  and  four  Staff  Officers,  aggregating  about  2,300  men. 
Sturgis'  Command  of  2,200  men  was  to  join  Ly oil's  at  Osceola,  about 
90  miles  from  Boonville,  and  the  united  command  would  thence 
proceed  to  Springfield,  to  which  place  Colonel  Harding  was  ordered 
to  forward  the  necessary  provisions  by  way  of  Rolla.  Osceola.  the 
place  designated  for  meeting  Sturgis'  Command,  is  40  miles  we»t 
of  the  direct  route  from  Boonville  to  Springfield.  Sturgis  started 
his  Command  several  days  before  Lyon.  It  consisted  of  one  Company 
of  the  Second  Dragoons,  four  Companies  of  the  First  United  States 
Cavalry,  Dubois  Battery  of  four  guns,  three  Companies  of  the  First 
and  two  Companies  of  the  Second  United  States  Infantry,  with  some 
recruits;  the  First  and  Second  Kansas  Volunteers,  and  one  Company 
of  Kansas  Cavalry.  Major  Sturgis'  orders  were  to  follow  Rains' 
troop  of  Secessionists,  but  he  was  delayed  by  high  wau-r  and  the 
destruction  of  bridges,  and  after  waiting  three  days,  was  joined  by, 
Lyon  west  of  Warsaw  on  the  6th  of  July,  or  one  day  after  the  battle 
of  Carthage.  The  long  delay  at  Boonville  and  the  high  water  frus- 
trated all  concerted  plans  with  the  Southwest  Column,  which  under 
any  and  all  circumstances,  were  planned  over  too  great  distances  and 
too  long  periods  for  execution.  The  united  army  of  Lyon,  now  4.500 
men  strong  and  its  train,  were  ferried  across  the  Osage  on  the  10th 
and  the  afternoon  of  the  llth,  marched  27  miles  south  of  Osceola, 
rested  a  few  hours  and  continued  their  march  until  3  o'clock  next 
morning,  covering  an  additional  23  miles.  On  that  morning,  July 


The  S<,n Unrest.  2X7 

12,  Lyon  received  the  news  that  the  Confederates  and  Secessionists 
had  gone  towards  Arkansas,  and  that  Sigel's  Command  was  safe  at 
Springfield.  Lyon's  army  marched  that  same  day  18  miles  farther 
and  camped  12  miles  from  Springfield.  It  is  related  that  during 
these  forced  marches  under  a  July  sun,  often  without  food  and  water, 
several  officers  called  on  Major  Osterhaus,  asking  him  to  speak  to 
Lyon  about  these  unusual  exertions,  to  which  the  man  who  later  on 
became  a  renowned  Major  General  of  the  Federal  Army  is  quoted 
to  have  politely  answered:  "You  must  excuse  me,  gentlemen,  but  that 
it  not  my  business."  The  Command  had  made  the  march  from 
Boonville  to  Springfield  in  11  days,  four  days  of  which  it  was 
detained  by  the  high  water  of  the  Osage  and  Grand  rivers. 

On  the  morning  of  the  13th  Lyon  entered  Springfield,  as  Snead 
reports,  with  an  escort  of  a  bodyguard  "of  ten  stalwart  troopers, 
enlisted  from  among  the  German  butchers  of  St.  Louis  for  that 
especial  duty."  Lyon  rode  his  iron  gray  horse,  and  the  martial 
appearance  of  the  cavalcade  made  a  great  impression  on  the  people 
of  Springfield,  who  greeted  him  as  the  hero  of  Camp  Jackson  and 
lioonville.  and  the  Commander  who  cha-r.l  tin-  Sr<v.--ic>n  Governor 
from  hi-  Capital.  At  that  time  Lyon  estimated  the  United  Secession 
forces  threateiiinu  Springfield  at  30,000,  while  Snead's  estimate  was 
11,000.  The  mean  between  the  two  amounts  seems  to  be  nearer  the 
actual  condition  than  either  estimate. 

Upon  an  order  issued  by  Lyon  July  2,  Colonel  Harding  suppressed 
the  State  Journal  on  July  12  and  had  its  editor,  J.  W.  Tucker, 
arrested  under  a  charge  of  treason.  Colonel  James  O.  Broadhead 
found  in  Tucker's  office  the  letter  from  Governor  Jackson  dated 
April  28  quoted  before,  in  which  the  latter  fully  avowed  his  treacher- 
ous design  of  forcing  Missouri  into  Secession.  Tucker  felt  guilty  and 
jumped  his  bond  of  $10.000.  Several  publications  wrere  started  after- 
wards under  new  names,  but  in  reality  only  continuations  of  the 
State  Journal,  and  they  were  also  suppressed. 

The  seizure  of  the  Journal  brought  a  great  crowd  of  people  to- 
gether on  the  street.  As  the  interference  with  the  liberty  of  the  press 
by  governmental  authority  was  very  exceptional,  it  naturally  created 
an  unusual  excitement. 


288  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


SOUTHEAST  MISSOURI. 

In  the  previous  mentioned  report  to  Washington,  Colonel  Harding 
laid  great  stress  upon  the  needs  of  the  Union  defenses  in  Southeast 
Missouri,  where  he  claimed  that  a  large  force  with  Artillery  and 
Cavalry  may  hereafter  be  necessary.    He  referred  chiefly  to  the  low- 
land Counties  of  Southeast  Missouri,  which,  however,  were  largely 
protected  by  nature,  having  the  Mississippi  River  on  the  East  and 
communicational  lines,  broken  by  bayous,  swamps  and  lakes,  which 
made  the  advance  of  larger  bodies  of  troops  extremely  difficult. 
These  lowlands  stretch  far  into  Arkansas,  but  in  Missouri  alone  they 
extend  over  75  miles  to  the  South,  by  about  35  miles  in  width  and 
cover  over  2,500  square  miles.    Their  topography  had  been  changed 
by  the  great  New  Madrid  earthquake,  still  their  elevation  is  so  uni- 
form that  the  overflow  water  of  the  Mississippi  near  Commerce  runs 
inland  nearly  60  miles,  and  returns  to  the   Mississippi  with   the 
White  River,  after  a  course  of  200  miles.     For  these  reasons  the 
policy  of  occupying  Cairo,   Cape   Girardeau,   Iron    Mountain   and 
points  where  the  bluffs  of  the  Ozarks  sink  into  the  lowlands  answered 
all  defensive  purposes,  at  least  as  long  as  an  advance  down  the  Mis- 
sissippi River,  for  political  as  well  as  military  reasons,  was  still  out 
of  question.     But  the  reports  did  not  cease,  that  troops  are  concen- 
trating in  Arkansas  for  an  attack  upon  Southeast  Missouri.     S.  S. 
Williams,  McClellan's  Adjutant  General,  informed  General  Lyon 
on  July  15  from  Cincinnati  that  Bragg's  Battery,  four  32-pounders, 
three  64-pounders  and  one  Regiment  were  embarked  on  a  steamer 
in  Memphis,  with  the  destination  of  Pocahontas  on  the  Black  River ; 
that  they  expected  to  find  6,000  Missouri  and  Arkansas  troops  at  the 
latter  place,  which  was  only  100  miles  from  Sikeston,  the  terminus 
of  the  Cairo  &  Fulton  Railroad.    The  route  of  these  troops  was  to  be 
down  the  Mississippi  to  the  mouth  of  White  River  and  upstream  on 
the  latter  and  Black  River  to  Pocahontas.     Corroborating  the  above 
report  as  it  would  appear,  was  a  letter  dated  July  16  from  M.  Jeff 
Thompson  ("The  Swamp  Fox"),  which  letter  was  found  on  a  captive 
and  in  which  Thompson  wrote :    "I  am  advancing  and  General  Yell 
will  follow  me  in  a  few  days  with  5,000  men.    He  will  take  position 
between  Rolla  and  Iron  ton.     General  Watkins  will  move  up,  sus- 
tained by  General  Pillow,  and  if  proper  energy  is  exercised,  we  can 


NICOLAUS  SCHUETTNER. 
Colonel  4th  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers. 


The  Southwest.  289 

drive  the  enemy  North  of  the  Missouri,  and  into  St.  Louis  in  30 
days."  Both  these  news,  from  Memphis  and  the  "Swamp  Fox,"  look 
very  much  like  a  put-up  job  to  divert  the  attention  of  the  Federal 
authorities,  and  to  mask  the  movement  of  troops  and  war  material 
up  the  White  and  Arkansas  rivers,  for  an  attack  of  the  Union  posi- 
tion at  Springfield  near  the  head  of  White  River.  This  supposition 
was  strengthened  by  the  condition  of  the  roads  between  Black  River, 
the  Cache  and  the  Castor,  wrhere  a  small  force  could  stop  a  little  army. 
The  position  of  Colonel  Harding,  as  chief  director  of  military  affairs 
during  Lyon's  absence  from  St.  Louis  was  one  fraught  with  great 
difficulties;  he  had  often  to  act  upon  the  spur  of  the  moment  with- 
out the  (M-neral's  advice;  demands  for  troops,  provisions,  arms, 
money,  came  in  from  all  quarters,  and  he  lacked  the  proper  assist- 
ance, of  a  directive  general  staff. 

The  situation  was  soon  to  be  aggravated  by  events  at  the  seat  of 
war  in  the  East.  President  Lincoln  had  asked  Congress,  which  assem- 
bled on  July  4.  to  call  out  400,000  men,  and  to  vote  a  credit  of  $400,- 
000,000.  Congress,  without  hesitation,  authorized  the  calling  out 
of  500,000  men,  and  voted  a  credit  of  $500,000,000.  Besides  this 
patriotic  resolve,  the  Union  arms  wrere  successful  in  some  smaller 
engagements.  On  the  16th  of  July,  however,  General  McDowell 
left  Washington,  D.  C.,  with  32,500  men,  camped  at  Fairfax  Court- 
house and  concentrated  his  forces  on  the  20th  at  Centreville.  Some 
precious  time  was  lost  in  too  much  reconnoitering,  for  had  the 
attack  upon  the  Confederate  lines  taken  place  on  the  20th  of  July, 
the  defeat  of  Beauregard  at  Bull  Run  would  have  been  certain,  as 
the  Confederate  troops  under  Johnston  could  not  possibly  arrive  on 
the  battlefield  before  noon  of  the  21st.  As  it  wras,  the  Union  forces, 
though  at  first  successful  in  front,  were  taken  unawares  in  their 
fiank  and  suffered  a  crushing  defeat.  To  guard  against  its  reacting 
consequences,  the  news  of  the  lost  battle  was  suppressed  in  the  St. 
Louis  evening  papers,  and  all  possible  precautions  were  takeino 
meet  disorders  in  the  city;  every  suspicious  move  was  immediately 
reported  and  traced  to  its  origin.  Popular  commotions  are  like  an 
incipient  fire,  easily  stopped  at  the  beginning,  but  if  permitted  to 
spread,  soon  get  beyond  control.  This  time  the  peace  of  the  city 
was  not  disturbed ;  a  sure  sign  that  the  armies  in  the  field  had  already 
absorbed  the  most  fiery  elements. 

19 


290  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


MISSOURI  STATE  CONVENTION  OUSTS  GOVERNOR. 

The  Missouri  State  Convention  adjourned  in  St.  Louis  on 
March  22,  subject  to  the  call  of  the  majority  of  a  Committee:  R.  W. 
Wilson,  J.  T.  Tindall,  J.  W.  McClurg,  James  R.  McCormack  and 
Thomas  T.  Gantt,  being  such  majority,  called  the  Convention  to 
re-assemble  at  Jefferson  City  on  the  22d  day  of  July. 

The  Convention,  on  reassembling  at  Jefferson  City,  witnessed  the 
absence  of  its  first  Chairman,  General  Sterling  Price,  and  of  16  mem- 
bers who  were  already  in  the  Camp  of  the  Secessionists;  all  of  them 
were  former  conditional  Union  men,  with  conditions  that  could  not 
be  filled.  A  new  President  of  the  Convention  was  elected,  and  on 
behalf  of  a  Committee  of  Seven,  James  0.  Broadhead  reported  on  the 
condition  of  the  State : 

"We  find  our  Capitol  deserted  by  its  Governor  and  other  high  officers  of 
state.  We  find  that,  in  opposition  to  the  known  wishes  of  the  people  and  in 
violation  of  their  obligations  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  which 
they  had  sworn  to  support,  they  had  formed  a  conspiracy  to  dissolve  the  con- 
nection of  Missouri  with  the  Federal  Government,  and  that,  in  conjunction 
with  a  large  portion  of  members  of  the  Legislature,  they  have  attempted, 
through  the  forms  of  legislation,  to  establish  a  military  despotism  over  the 
people.  We  find  that  our  Governor  has,  by  his  proclamation,  incited  the 
people  of  this  Commonwealth  to  armed  opposition  to  the  Laws  and  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States,  and  that  he  is  now  in  open  rebellion  against  that 
Government  and  urging  the  people  of  other  States,  and  the  Indian  tribes, 
to  invade  the  soil  of  his  own  State,  whose  credit  lie  has  prostrated  and  whose 
property  he  has  wantonly  destroyed." 

The  natural  consequence  of  this  truthful  representation  of  affairs 
was  that  the  vacation  of  the  offices  of  Governor  Jackson,  Lieutenant 
Governor  Reynolds  and  Secretary  of  State  Massey,  who  had  fled  to 
the  Secessionist  camp  and  out  of  the  State,  was  finally  declared  on 
July  30  by  a  vote  of  56  to  25.  Next  day  Hamilton  R.  Gamble  was 
elected  Governor,  Willard  P.  Hall  Lieutenant  Governor,  Mordecai 
Oliver  Secretary  of  State,  George  A.  Bingham  Treasurer.  In  his 
address  Governor  Gamble  emphasized  his  unconditional  adherence  to 
the  Union.  From  all  those  who  were  to  continue  or  to  come  into 
office  the  Convention  demanded  an  oath  of  loyalty  to"  the  Union ;  the 
same  was  made  a  condition  of  the  voting  franchise.  The  State  Gov- 
ernment was  to  have  its  official  seat  in  St.  Louis,  for  Secession  raids 
were  anticipated,  which  made  Jefferson  City  unsafe.  Having  fin- 


The  Southwest.  291 

ished  its  business,  the  Convention  issued  a  memorial,  embodying  its 
transactions  and  giving  the  reasons  for  the  decree  of  the  adopted 
measures. 

The  election  of  Gamble  for  Governor  was  a  concession  to  the  Ultra 
Conservative  Union  element,  and  no  doubt  pleased  even  all  condition- 
al Union  men.  Gamble  had  supported  Harney  and  was  hostile  to 
Lyon  and  his  policy  of  arming  Home  Guards.  At  first  sight  the  elec- 
tion looked  as  one  of  those  dangerous  half  measures,  which  generally 
only  cause  mischief,  and  it  is  an  open  question  whether  his  later  use- 
fulness was  an  equivalent  for  his  immediate  powerless  condition  in  the 
gubernatorial  chair  in  1861,  because  the  active  Union  men  of  that 
period  who  could  be  useful  to  his  organizing  talent  had  no  sympathy 
for  him.  Archibald  Gamble  and  the  great  majority  of  the  Conven- 
tion represented  the  conservative  Union  men  of  Missouri  of  1860, 
most  of  whom  were  strong  State  Rights  men.  The  active  Union 
men  of  St.  Louis  and  Missouri,  who  saved  the  city  and  the  State  to 
the  Union,  were  Radicals,  whose  political  convictions  were  settled  and 
could  not  be  influenced  by  the  action  of  the  Convention.  A  Seces- 
sion ordinance  by  that  Convention  would  have  only  hastened  the 
conquest  of  the  State  by  the  Union  forces.  These  later  had  to  hold 
Gamble  in  his  Governor's  position,  for  his  "peace  for  any  price" 
friends  were  completely  obliterated  by  the  rush  of  events.  Neverthe- 
less Gamble's  conservatism  kept  conservative  Southern  sympathizers 
in  Missouri  from  active  participation  in  hostilities. 

At  this  June  meeting  of  the  Missouri  State  Convention  the  worst 
and  most  revolutionary  laws  of  the  last  Legislature  were  repealed, 
namely,  those  establishing  a  military  force,  its  financial  support,  and 
the  office  of  Major  General ;  likewise  the  grab  law  of  the  School  Fund, 
and  the  law  catering  to  the  friendship  of  the  Indians,  while  the  • 
Militia  law  of  December  31.  1859.  wras  reinstated.  In  these  matters 
the  Convention  proved  equal  to  the  exigencies  of  the  hour.  The 
status  of  Slavery  in  Missouri  was  not  touched ;  for.  although  the  Con- 
vention was  sovereign  in  Missouri  State  maters,  an  outside  impetus 
was  expected  by  the  members  before  venturing  to  handle  the  most 
difficult  question  of  the  whole  situation. 

During  the  session  of  the  Convention  Colonel  John  D.  Stevenson 
wrote  to  Adjutant  Harding:  "All  the  members  of  the  Convention 
from  the  Southwest  urge  the  necessity  of  sending  plenty  of  reinforce- 
ments to  General  Lyon,  and  request  me  to  so  telegraph  you.  I  do 


292  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

so ;  of  course,  you  know  what  is  best ;  whether  they  are  better  informed 
than  you  are,  you  can  judge."  Of  course,  that  went  without  saying, 
that  the  authority  at  Headquarters  was  in  the  position  to  judge  best 
where  to  apply  reinforcemnts.  The  urgent  and  repeated  demands 
from  the  Southeast  had  to  be  weighed  with  those  of  Northern  Mis- 
souri, where  Harris  was  to  make  a  combined  attack  on  Jefferson  City 
with  forces  from  Osage,  Pettis,  Linn  and  Camden  Counties,  although 
he  would  have  to  cross  the  Missouri  River,  and  had  neither  bridge  nor 
boats.  Harris,  who  was  speeding  to  a  combined  movement  with 
Secessionists  from  Osage  County,  who  were  also  separated  from  Jef- 
ferson by  the  deep  and  broad  Osage  River ;  the  same  Harris  who,  by 
previous  reports,  was  to  be  assisted  by  hi?  friends  from  Pettis  County, 
who  had  to  march  50  miles  with  a  Federal  force  at  Boonville  in  their 
flank. 

Now  such  news  may  sound  ominous,  but  there  is  so  little  probabil- 
ity in  them  that  they  should  have  weighed  lightly  in  the  scale  of 
considerations;  while  Lyon's  representations,  coming  from  an  ex- 
perienced leader,  deserved  the  greatest  possible  attention. 

THE  BATTLE  OF  FULTON. 

Callaway  County  borders  on  the  Missouri  River  from  Jefferson  City 
eastward  for  over  40  miles,  to  near  the  mouth  of  the  Gasconade.  It 
was  infested  by  a  Secessionist  organization  under  Tom  Harris,  who 
threatened  the  safety  of  the  Capital,  but  still  more  the  communica- 
tion on  the  River,  the  Pacific  Railroad  and  the  small  Union  settle- 
ments of  the  neighborhood.  There  were  no  troops  disposable  at  Jef- 
ferson City  with  which  this  hostile  band  could  be  checked,  and 
Volunteers  were  called  from  the  Third  Reserve  Regiment  to  under- 
take this  task.  Near  460  men  responded,  proceeded  on  the  16th  of 
July  by  train  to  Jefferson  City,  and  after  being  hospitably  entertained 
by  Colonel  Boernstein  with  coffee  and  crackers,  crossed  the  Missouri 
River  the  same  evening  and  went  into  "Camp  Fritz,"  several  miles 
northeast  of  the  city.  A  chance  shot  of  a  Sentinel  alarmed  the  camp 
in  the  small  hours  of  the  night,  upon  which  Colonel  McNeill  erdered 
a  hasty  breakfast  taken,  broke  camp  and  started  at  daylight  North- 
ward. Single  horsemen  had  been  seen  already  the  preceding  day. 
watching  from  a  distance  the  movements  of  the  Third  Reserve. 
Great  care  was  had  on  the  march  through  the  wooded  and  hilly  terri- 


The  Southwest.  293 

tory,  with  occasional  fields  of  deserted  farms.  While  ail  old  camp  of 
the  enemy  was  passed,  several  shots  were  fired  from  the  bush, 
severely  wounding  one  man.  The  column  now  advanced  in  the  fol- 
lowing order:  Van  Guard  Company  F,  Captain  Ph.  Weigel;  Main 
Column  Company  E,  Captain  William  A.  Hequembourg;  Company 
I,  Captain  R.  Himdhausen ;  Company  B,  Captain  Charles  A.  Warner; 
Company  H,  Captain  Hy.  Lischer;  Rear  Guard,  Captain  Tony 
Niederwieser.  The  fresh  ness  of  the  morning  air  was  soon  super- 
seded by  a  sweltering  heat,  and  the  rays  of  a  July  sun  bathed  in 
perspiration  the  limbs  of  the  marching  soldiers.  About  10  o'clock 
the  column  halted  on  a  more  elevated  part  of  the  road,  thinly 
skirted  with  trees,  when  those  at  the  head  of  the  main  column  per- 
ceived the  enemy  at  some  distance  in  front.  There  was  a  more 
heavily  wooded  ravine  to  the  side,  which  the  Van  Guard  must  have 
passed  unobserved,  or  without  clearing  it  up,  for  all  of  a  sudden 
several  shots  and  then  volleys  from  hundreds  of  muskets  greeted  the 
resting  men.  The  first  Companies  threw  themselves  on  the  ground 
to  avoid  the  fire  and  then  rapidly  formed  into  line  parallel  to  the 
enemy  and  sent  several  volleys  into  the  well-covered  line  of  the 
ambush.  The  Companies  from  the  rear  had  also  moved  into  line, 
and  took  up  the  fire,  when  Colonel  McNeill,  apprehending  that  the 
main  body  was  firing  at  the  Van  Guard,  galloped  to  the  front,  waiv- 
ing a  revolver  and  commanding,  "Cease  firing."  The  Van  Guardr 
however,  had  been  permitted  to  pass  the  ambush  unnoticed  and  was 
out  of  harm's  way.  The  Secessionists  could  not  stand  the  fire  of  the 
Union  Companies,  and,  at  their  charge  with  the  bayonet,  broke 
through  the  woods,  run  to  their  horses  tied  to  a  fence,  rode  off 
towards  Fulton,  in  whose  streets  they  disappeared.  In  this  engage- 
ment the  Third  Reserve  had  20  wounded,  1  mortally ;  while  the  loss 
of  the  Secessionists,  owing  to  the  heavier  caliber  of  the  Union  mus- 
kets, must  have  been  much  larger. 

While  in  Fulton  members  of  the  Third  Reserve  published  an  issue 
of  the  deserted  "Callaway  Union."  Quartermaster  George  E.  Leigh- 
ton  was  the  able  editor,  foreman  was  Captain  Hy.  Lischer,  and  the 
compositors  were  taken  from  the  rank  and  file. 

This  issue  contained  a  patriotic  appeal  to  the  disaffected  citizens  of 
Missouri  and  Joseph  Holt's  renowned  Louisville  speech  of  July  14, 
also  the  "In  Memoriam"  for  Christian  Pahlman,  the  young  German 
who  only  recently  immigrated,  and  died  in  defense  of  his  adopted 
country. 


294  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

The  plan  had  been  that  a  concerted  movement  was  to  defeat 
Harris.  Lieutenant  Colonel  Hammer,  with  several  Companies  of  the 
Fourth  Volunteers,  crossed  the  Missouri  at  Hermann,  marched  to 
Florence  on  the  North  Missouri  Railroad,  but  arrived  at  Fulton  after 
the  Third  Reserve  and  the  retreat  of  Harris.  Forty-two  men  Cavalry 
of  the  First  Reserve  were  attacked  by  a  body  of  Secessionists  on  the 
inarch  from  Montgomery  to  Mexico.  In  the  skirmish  Lieutenant 
Anton  Jaeger  of  the  First  Reserve  was  killed,  one  man  wounded  and 
several  horses  lost.  Colonel  M.  L.  Smith,  with  two  Companies  of  the 
Eighth  Missouri  Volunteers  and  four  Companies  of  the  Second  Mis- 
souri Volunteers  under  Lieutenant  Colonel  Fred  Schaeffer,  were  sent 
by  rail  to  Mexico,  to  meet  Hurlbut's  belated  troops,  who  should  have 
cut  off  the  retreat  of  the  Secessionists.  This  plan  failed,  as  all 
similar  long-distance  combinations  usually  fail.  Still  these  expedi- 
tions were  useful,  as  they  pacified  the  country  and  secured  the  much- 
needed  lines  of  communication. 

THE  SITUATION  AT  ST.  LOUIS. 

Turner  Hall,  on  Tenth  and  Walnut,  had  its  windows  and  doors 
barricaded  and  prepared  for  shooting.  Its  central  location  made  it 
important  in  case  of  a  riot  or  a  hostile  rising,  especially  as  it  was  near 
the  disaffected  residence  portion  of  the  city.  When  the  larger 
portion  of  the  Third  Reserve  volunteered  out  of  town  four  Companies 
of  the  First  Reserve  under  Lieutenant  Colonel  R.  J.  Rombauer  were 
ordered  to  occupy  Turner  Hall.  These  Companies  were:  B,  Captain 
R.  E.  Rombauer;  C,  Captain  Theodore  Hildenbrandt ;  D,  Captain 
Leonhard  Weindel;  E,  Lieutenant  Lorenz  Liebermann.  The  Com- 
mander ordered  Lieutenant  Charles  G.  Johnson  of  the  Third  Reserve 
to  assemble  those  members  of  his  Regiment  who  remained  in  town 
to  form  with  them  three  Companies,  take  command  of  the  First  Com- 
pany, give  the  Second  to  Louis  Duestrow  and  the  Third  to  Lieu- 
tenant James  H.  Wodwarka  of  the  First  Reserve,  and  let  these  Cap- 
tains appoint  pro  tern  their  other  officers,  assign  the  sections  to 
Sergeants,  who  made  out  rolls  of  the  residence  and  business  places 
of  their  men.  This  arrangement  of  July  15  gave  to  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Rombauer  a  command  of  seven  full  Companies,  which  were 
sufficient  to  deal  with  any  casual  disturbance  in  the  center  of  town. 
Gustave  Hammerstein  acted  as  Aid  and  Commissary  for  the  First 


The  Southwest.  295 

and  Charles  P.  Johnson  for  the  Third  Reserve.  One  full  Company 
was  on  guard  duty  and  one  held  in  reserve  each  night.  Rallying 
places  were  assigned  and  all  had  orders  to  march  to  Turner's  Hall  on 
the  first  alarm.  Companies  B,  C  and  D  of  the  First  Reserve  to  take 
position  in  the  yard;  Company  E  of  same  and  the  First  and  Third 
Company  of  the  Third  Reserve  on  the  first  floor,  and  the  Second 
Company  of  the  Third  Reserve  in  the  large  hall  of  the  second  floor; 
all  Companies  to  face  south,  with  their  right  wing  at  the  west  wall. 

When  the  .news  of  the  defeat  of  Bull  Run  (July  21)  reached  St. 
Louis  the  excitement  in  town  was  great,  and  all  Companies  of  the 
Command  were  consigned  to  stay  day  and  night  at  Turner  Hall. 
Every  one  who  was  not  on  the  Callaway  County  expedition  responded 
cheerfully  to  this  duty,  although  many  members  of  the  Reserve,  par- 
ticularly of  the  Third  Regiment,  already  then  represented  large 
business  interests,  as,  for  instance,  Eberhardt  Anheuser,  Adam  Roth, 
Theodore  Platte,  Adolphus  Busch,  I.  A.  Holmes,  C.  H.  Dunker, 
Chauncey  I.  Filley,  Daniel  M.  Houser,  Lucien  Eaton,  William  J. 
Lemp  and  others  too  numerous  to  name.  On  the  25th  the  detach- 
ment was  relieved  by  the  Companies  of  the  Third  returning  from  the 
Callaway  County  scout. 

Adjutant  General  Harding,  writing  to  Lyon  on  the  day  of  the 
battle  of  Bull  Run,  characterizes  the  situation  at  St.  Louis :  "From 
Jefferson  City,  I  had  nothing  but  trouble.  It  being  impossible  to 
supply  the  places  of  Boernstein's  six  Companies,  I  left  him  there  and 
—but  I  won't  stop  to  mention  his  performances." 

"At  home  our  friends  are  alarmed,  and  the  city  is  uneasy.  .  .  . 
Only  2,200  Reserve  Corps  left;  there  is  mismanagement  of  trans- 
portation at  Rolla.  A  large  number  of  army  wagons  with  mules 
have  been  sent  down — 250,000  rations  were  ordered  on  the  6th; 
4,000  pair  shoes  and  clothing  to  match  were  ordered  on  the  13th ;  part 
have  been  shipped."  He  also  refers  to  reorganizations  for  the  three- 
year  service,  and  mentions  Lieutenant  Colonel  Hassendeubel,  who 
starts  a  Regiment  (the  Seventeenth  Missouri),  and  writes:  "I  shall 
reorganize  the  Second  and  Fourth  under  their  Captains  and  put  the 
first  ten  Companies  formed  into  one  Regiment,  without  regard  to  the 
preferences  of  individuals."  A  questionable  policy.  Harding  con- 
tinues: "The  Eighth  Missouri  Volunteers  can  go  down  this  week; 
the  Ninth  and  Tenth  are  filling  up  fast."  .  .  .  "Mulligan's 
Regiment  from  Illinois  arrived  here  yesterday  for  arms;  several  of 


296  Tin-  J'nion  Caux<  /'//  >7.  Louis  in  1861. 

its  Companies  were  sent  to  Jefferson  City,  others  will  go  up  Tuesday." 
This  Regiment  went  later  to  Lexington,  Missouri,  where  troops  from 
Boonville  of  the  Seventh  Missouri  and  Fifth  Reserve,  Charles  G. 
Stifel,  had  diligently  prepared  the  position  for  defense.  Two  days 
after  Lyon  started  south  from  Boonville  a  detachment  of  the  Fifth 
Reserve  left  that  place  to  visit  the  river  towns  up  the  Missouri. 
They  hoisted  a  Union  flag  at  Brunswick,  organized  Home  Guards  and 
captured  some  violent  Secessionists.  On  July  9  they  fished  out  five 
old  cannon  from  their  hiding  place  in  the  river  at  Lexington, 
secured  some  powder,  and,  under  the  direction  of  Captain  John  A. 
Neustaedter  from  the  Artillery,  laid  out  and  built  the  fortifications, 
which  later  on  were  defended  by  Mulligan's  men  and  1,220  men 
under  Colonel  B.  W.  Grover,  who  formed  a  Home  Guard  Regiment 
from  the  neighboring  counties  and  was  mortally  wounded  in  defense 
of  the  place.  While  at  Blue  Mills  destroying  boats  the  Fifth  Reserve 
lost  1  man  killed  and  had  12  wounded  Companies  of  the  Regiment 
went  up  to  Leaven  worth  and  secured  there  some  aid  in  men  and  arms, 
and  left  two  cannons  and  two  mortars  in  the  Lexington  forts.  Re- 
turning to  Boonville,  they*  were  attacked  from  the  river  bluff  and 
lost  several  men.  On  July  19th  Colonel  Stifel's  Fifth  Reserve  re- 
turned to  the  St.  Louis  Arsenal  and  delivered  their  prisoners  and 
contraband  of  war. 


CHARLES  G.  STIFEL. 
Colonel  5th  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Missouri  Volunteers. 


CHAPTER     XL 

JOHN   C.  FREMONT. 

The  measure  of  attaching  Missouri  to  McClellan's  Department, 
with  Headquarters  500  miles  away,  was  objected  to  by  McClellan 
himself,  and  the  Blairs  and  other  prominent  Union  men  urged  and 
secured  the  organization  of  the  Western  Department,  embracing  all 
States  and  Territories  west  of  the  Mississippi  to  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
including  also  the  State  of  Illinois.  John  C.  Fremont  was  appointed 
to  this  Command.  It  was  a  popular  appointment.  The  pathfinder 
over  the  Rocky  Mountains  who  had  crossed  the  great  desert  and 
secured  California,  the  land  whose  rivers  run  with  sand  of  gold ;  the 
scientist  honored  by  Alexander  Humboldt,  the  Republican  candidate 
for  Presidency  in  1856,  nominated  on  the  first  ballot  and  receiving 
114  electoral  votes,  was  certainly  the  most  welcome  Commander  to 
all  progressive  elements  in  the  new  Department. 

John  C.  Fremont  was  born  and  educated  in  the  South;  the  exact 
study  of  mathematics,  leading  to  a  realization  of  conditions,  and  a 
world-wide  culture,  as  well  as  his  happy  union  with  Jessie  Benton, 
daughter  of  Missouri's  great  Senator,  elevated  him  above  local 
prejudices  of  the  oligarchic  and  plutocratic  power.  The  freedom  of 
nature  in  the  Rocky  Mountains  and  the  Sierra  Nevada  nerved  every 
fiber  of  his  being.  His  very  fealty  to  the  cause  of  human  liberty 
secured  him  the  Free  Soil  or  Republican  nomination  of  1856.  He 
had  read  History  and  knew  that  Aristocracy  and  Slavery  go  hand  in 
hand;  that  the  privileges  of  the  few  are  the  doom  of  the  masses;  that 
the  immense  wealth  accumulated  by  the  Slave  barons  was  used  for 
the  destruction  of  the  Union,  and  by  word  and  deed  he  was  deter- 
mined to  strike  at  the  root  of  the  evil ;  and  he  did  it  most  effectually 
by  his  proclamation  for  the  emancipation  of  the  Slaves  of  armed 
Secessionists,  which  he  issued  August  31,  1861. 

On  his  return  from  Europe,  where  he  had  been  sent  by  the  U.  S: 
Government  to  purchase  a  large  supply  of  arms,  he  was  appointed 
Major  General,  and  assumed  command  at  St.  Louis  on  the  25th  of 

297 


298  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

July,  and  immediately  applied  to  the  National  Headquarters  for  a 
force  and  outfit  adequate  to  his  task.  Washington  was  in  the  height 
of  excitement  on  account  of  the  disaster  at  Bull  Run,  and  M.  Blair 
answered  him  that  it  was  impossible  at  the  time  to  give  attention  to 
Missouri  affairs;  Fremont  should  act  upon  his  own  judgment  and 
responsibility  to  defend  the  Union  cause  and  people  in  the  West. 
The  Secessionists  had  at  that  time  20,000  men  under  Pillow,  Hardee 
and  Jeff  Thompson  in  the  southeast  of  Missouri;  30,000  under  Mc- 
Culloch  and  Price  in  the  Southwest.  To  the  latter  Lyon  could  oppose 
7,000  at  Springfield,  wrhose  time  of  service  was  rapidly  expiring; 
about  6,500  Union  troops  were  under  Prentiss  at  Cairo;  near  1,000  at 
Ironton,  and  a  force  of  several  thousand  under  Pope's  command  in 
North  Missouri.  An  urgent  representation  came  from  General 
Prentiss  at  Cairo,  as  the  term  of  service  of  six  out  of  his  eight  Regi- 
ments had  nearly  expired.  Besides  this,  the  garrisons  of  Cape 
Girardeau  and  Ironton  were  hardly  adequate  to  the  defense  of  those 
places.  In  fact,  the  term  of  all  three-months  men  was  fast  expiring. 
Scouts  reported  General  Pillow  gathering  a  force  of  some  20,000 
at  New  Madrid;  General  Hardee,  with  5,000,  to  be  marching  on 
Ironton;  Col.  Jeff  Thompson  (surnamed  the  "Swamp  Fox")  mus- 
tering a  force  at  Bloomfield.  Even  if  this  news  was  exaggerated, 
the  hostile  preparations  looked  threatening  enough  to  call  for  im- 
mediate action;  and,  prompted  by  these  circumstances,  Gen.  Fre- 
mont organized  the  expedition  to  Cairo  and  Bird's  Point,  which  by 
the  31st  of  July  was  ready  to  move  South.  According  to  Colonel 
Chester  Harding's  evidence,  given  before  the  Committee  on  the 
Conduct  of  War,  the  disposition  of  the  troops  in  Missouri  on  the 
25th  day  of  July,  the  day  of  Fremont's  arrival  at  St.  Louis,  was  the 
following : 

AT  ST.  LOUIS. 

The  Eighth  Regiment,  Missouri  Infantry,  at  Abbey  Park;  the 
Second  and  Fourth  Missouri  Infantry  were  being  mustered  out  and 
reorganizing  at  the  Arsenal.  Of  the  Ninth  and  Tenth  Volunteers, 
225  men  were  distributed  in  skeleton  Companies  at  the  Arsenal,  but 
neither  clothed  nor  equipped.  The  Engineer  Regiment  of  the  West 
had  just  been  started.  Buell's  Batters7  of  150  men,  recently  assigned 
to  the  Department,  had  orders  for  Artillery  equipments  and  guns. 
The  First,  Second,  Third,  Fourth  and  part  of  the  Fifth  Reserve 


John  C.  Fremont.  299 

Regiments  were  at  St.  Louis,  but  could  not  be  moved  from  there 
without  their  consent. 


AT   ROLLA. 


There  were  554  men  of  Bayless'  Rifle  Battalion,  and  1,000  men  of 
the  Thirteenth  Illinois  Infantry,  Col.  Wayman. 


AT   SPRINGFIELD. 

Five  companies  of  Regular  Infantry  and  five  companies  of  Regu- 
lar Cavalry.  The  First  Regiment  Missouri  Volunteers,  and  parts 
of  the  Third  and  Fifth  Missouri  Volunteers,  with  the  exception  of 
three-months  men,  sent  home  to  be  mustered  out;  two  Rifle  Com- 
panies of  the  Second  Missouri  Volunteers,  and  the  First  and  Second 
Kansas  Volunteers;  one  Company  of  Pioneers;  Totten's  and  Dubois' 
Regular  Batteries,  and  two  Batteries  from  Backoff's  Artillery  Bat- 
talion. 

AT    JEFFERSON    CITY. 

Two  Companies  of  the  Seventh  Missouri  Infantry;  seven  Com- 
panies of  the  Twenty-third  Illinois  Infantry.  The  other  three  Com- 
panies of  same  were  under  orders  to  come  up  from  St.  Louis.  One 
section  of  Backoff's  Artillery  Battalion. 

AT  BOONVILLE. 

Eight  companies  of  the  Seventh  Missouri  Infantry,  Col.  Steven- 
son, and  one  section  of  Backoff's  Artillery. 

AT  LEXINGTON. 

Part  of  the  Fifth  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps. 

AT  PILOT  KNOB  AXD  IRONTON. 

The  Sixth  Missouri  Infantry,  Col.  Bland,  and  a  section  of  Pio- 
neers. 

AT    CAPE    GIRARDEAU. 

The  Twentieth  Regiment,  Illinois  Infantry,  under  Col.  Marsh. 


300  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

AT  ST.  CHARLES. 

One -section  of  Pioneers. 

According  to  Col.  Harding,  these  troops  aggregated  15,943  men. 
Besides  these,  twenty-three  Companies  of  Home  Guards  guarded  the 
railroad  bridges  in  different  parts  of  the  State.  Two  Illinois  and 
one  Iowa  Infantry  Regiment  were  guarding  the  Hannibal  &  St. 
Joseph  R.  R.,  while  General  Pope,  with  part  of  his  Division,  was 
guarding  Northeast  Missouri. 

The  threats  of  invading  hostile  forces  from  all  sides,  and  the 
scarcity  of  troops,  induced  General  Fremont  to  push  the  field  fortifica- 
tions of  St.  Louis  to  their  rapid  completion.  Granting  the  difficulty 
of  defending  a  large  city  like  St.  Louis  by  isolated  forts;  granting 
that  it  would  take  a  large  army  to  defend  the  very  extended  position 
of  these  forts,  they  no  doubt  had  a  great  moral  effect,  both  in  the 
councils  of  the  hostile  camp,  as  well  as  upon  the  partially  disaffected 
population  of  the  City  itself. 

St.  Louis  had  lost  a  large  portion  of  its  trade;  party  animosity 
led  even  to  a  split  among  the  members  of  the  Merchants'  Exchange ; 
the  Southern  sympathizers  kept  up  the  Chamber  of  Commerce,  while 
those  opposed  to  Secession  in  any  form  organized  the  Union  Mer- 
chants' Exchange.  Factories  lay  idle;  by  the  end  of  July  over 
20,000  of  their  best  workingmen  were  either  in  the  Union  or  Con- 
federate military  service,  neither  of  whom  were  paid  at  the  time, 
and  a  large  portion  of  the  population  faced  starvation.  Patriotic 
ladies  organized  soup-houses,  rolled  up  their  sleeves  and  went  cook- 
ing for  the  poor,  and  the  chance  to  earn  wages  by  work  on  the  forti- 
fications was  a  godsend  to  the  inhabitants.  A  peremptory  order  upon 
the  Subtreasury  of  St.  Louis  for  $100,000,  without  the  direct  sanction 
from  Washington,  relieved  the  greatest  distress. 

CAIRO  AND  BIRD'S  POINT. 

Already,  on  the  19th  of  July,  or  six  days  before  Fremont  arrived 
at  St.  Louis,  Colonel  Harding  sent  a  report  to  him,  on  the  threatening 
conditions  of  affairs  in  Southeast  Missouri,  stating  in  his  report: 
"If  we  once  lose  possession  of  the  swamps  of  that  region,  a  large  army 
will  be  required  to  clear  them,  while  if  we  get  possession  first  and 
hold  the  causeway,  a  smaller  force  will  do.  General  McClellan  tele- 


John  0.  Fremont.  301 

graphed  that  he  had  authentic  intelligence  of  a  large  army  gather- 
ing at  Pocahontas,  according  with  what  I  have  advised  for  weeks. 
Will  you  take  into  consideration  the  importance  to  Cairo,  that  the 
Southeast  should  be  held  by  us?"  Upon  Fremont's  arrival,  fre- 
quent telegrams  from  General  Prentiss,  Cairo,  and  Colonel  Marsh, 
Cape  Girardeau,  represented  the  situation  as  extremely  dangerous. 
In  fact,  it  was  expected  that  as  soon  as  the  enemy  gathered  sufficient 
strength,  he  would  attack  Bird's  Point  and  press  towards  St.  Louis. 

Governor  Jackson  left  the  Secessionist  Camp  of  the  Southwest  on 
July  12th,  called  on  General  Polk  at  Memphis,  and  urged  him  to 
;iid  an  invasion  of  Missouri,  with  the  object  of  influencing  the  de- 
cisions of  the  Mis.-ituri  Convention,  which  was  to  meet  at  Jefferson 
City  on  the  22d  of  July.  For  this  purpose  he  was  evidently  too  late. 
Nevertheless,  a  division  of  forces  of  the  United  States  was  very 
desirable  for  the  Confederates,  and  for  this  reason  General  Polk 
directed  General  Pillow  to  move  with  6,000  men  from  Western 
Tennessee  to  New  Madrid,  Mo.,  unite  there  with  Jefferson  Thomp- 
son, effect  a  junction  with  Hardee  from  Pocahontas,  and  attack 
I  .yon  in  rear,  or  march  direct  upon  St.  Louis.  Such  visionary 
schemes,  considering  distances  and  difficulties  of  communication, 
could  only  be  explained  upon  the  theory  that  the  news  of  the  Con- 
federate victory  at  Bull  Run.  ran  away  with  the  judgment  of  other- 
\\i-r  sensible  men. 

General  Polk  enlarged  even  on  this  scheme,  as  T.  L.  Snead  quotes 
him:  "Having  driven  the  enemy  from  the  State,  I  will  then  enter 
Illinois,"  wrote  the  brave  old  soldier,  "and  take  Cairo  in  rear  on  my 
return." 

General  PilloAv  occupied  New  Madrid  on  the  28th  of  July.  His 
army  was  called  by  his  party  friends  the  "Army  of  Liberation,"  al- 
though its  purpose  was  the  extension  of  Slavery.  This  threatening 
move  only  prompted  greater  haste  for  Fremont's  Cairo  expedition, 
particularly  as  an  order  to  General  U.  S.  Grant  to  advance  with  a 
force  to  Bloomfield  had  been  countermanded.  Pressing  demands 
al>o  came  from  General  Lyon  from  the  Southwest,  but  the  free 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi  and  the  Ohio,  secured  by  the  possession 
of  Cairo  and  Bird's  Point,  were  considered  of  higher  strategic  im- 
portance. Lyon  was  advised  by  Fremont  that  he  could  send  him 
no  immediate  reinforcements;  and  as  it  had  been  intimated  by  his 
friends  that  Lyon  might  fight  a  battle  at  Springfield,  Fremont  de- 


302  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

clared  that  if  Lyon  fights  at  Springfield,  he  does  so  upon  his  own 
responsibility.  This  information  shows  that  Lyon  was  expected 
to  retreat  from  Springfield.  Such  were  the  circumstances  under 
which  Fremont  turned  towards  Cairo,  as  the  most  important  threat- 
ened point.  He  gathered  together  a  force  of  near  4,000  men  of 
Iowa  and  Illinois  troops,  with  one  detachment  of  1,000  men  of  the 
St.  Louis  First  and  Second  Reserve  Regiment,  under  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  R.  J.  Rombauer;  Lieutenant-Colonel  Phillip  Brimmer 
and  Major  Julius  Rapp,  Adjutant  Herman  Bleek,  Quartermas- 
ter H.  Ratjen  and  Commissary  Geo.  Bensberg.  The  Detachment 
had  twelve  Companies:  First  Company,  Capt.  R.  E.  Rombauer; 
Second  Company,  Capt.  Theo.  Hildenbrandt ;  Third  Company,  Capt. 
Aug.  Eichele;  Fourth  Company,  Lt.  Geo.  Reinhardt;  Fifth  Com- 
pany, Capt.  Chas.  Hartig;  Sixth  Company,  Capt.  Jos.  Schubert; 
Seventh  Company,  Capt.  B.  Essroger;  Eighth  Company,  Capt.  Wm. 
Hahn ;  Ninth  Company,  Capt.  Ed.  Wuerpel ;  Tenth  Company,  Capt. 
Felix  Laies;  Eleventh  Company,  Capt.  Theo.  Boethelt;  Twelfth 
Company,  Capt.  H.  Zakrzewski. 

The  other  men  of  the  First  and  Second  Reserve  were  on  the 
Pacific,  Southwest  Branch  and  Iron  Mountain  Railroad,  under 
Colonel  Henry  Almstedt  of  the  First  and  Herman  Kallmann  of  the 
Second  Reserve,  on  bridge  guarding  and  scouting  service.  The  De- 
tachment of  the  First  and  Second  Reserve,  camped  at  Scholten's  Gar- 
den, now  Lemp's  Park.  It  being  excessively  hot,  Lieutenant  Lorenz 
Liebermann  was  sunstruck  -and  died.  By  the  first  of  August  all 
troops  boarded  vessels — Major  General  Fremont  and  Staff,  the  "City 
of  Alton" ;  the  Missouri  Reserves,  the  "H.  W.  Graham" ;  the  other 
troops,  the  "City  of  Louisiana,"  the  "Warsaw,"  "War  Eagle,"  "D.  A. 
January"  and  "Empress."  By  3  o'clock  p.  m.  the  fleet  formed 
in  line.  It  was  a  beautiful  day.  The  sun,  reflected  from  the  Mis- 
sissippi River,  penetrated  the  dark  volumes  of  smoke,  which  rose 
towards  a  cloudless  sky,  relieved  here  and  there  by  the  foaming 
white  steam.  Every  available  place  from  the  boiler  to  the  hurricane 
deck  was  crowded  by  soldiers,  who  were  greeted  from  the  shores  by 
thousands  of  waving  handkerchiefs  and  hats,  when  the  whistles 
sounded,  the  cannon  boomed,  the  band  struck  up  "The  Star-Spangled 
Banner,"  and  the  steamers,  with  one  magnificent  swoop,  turned 
southward  towards  the  land  of  cotton,  soon  to  be  lost  in  the  gray 
distance  to  many  eyes  dimmed  by  the  tears  of  emotion.  The  fleet 


John  C.  Fremont.  303 

laid  by  four  hours  during  the  night,  and  at  7  a.  m.  was  greeted  by 
the  American  Zouaves  of  the  Twentieth  Illinois  Volunteers  at  Cape 
Girardeau,  and  reached  Bird's  Point  at  4  p.  m.  Rounding  to  the 
shore,  the  "H.  W.  Graham"  tied  up  under  a  high  bank,  cutting  off 
all  breeze.  Here  the  intense  heat  of  the  sun  and  the  boilers  over- 
came many  men  and  gave  Dr.  Emil  Seeman  and  his  assistants  more 
work  than  they  could  attend  to.  This  sudden  dropping  of  many 
men  almost  created  a  panic,  and  the  great  stress  upon  the  nerves 
was  only  relieved  when  the  working  parties  succeeded  in  making  a 
practicable  road  to  the  top  of  the  high  bank.  Besides  the  Reserves, 
the  Seventeenth  and  Nineteenth  Illinois  and  the  Second  Iowa  Volun- 
teer Infantry  landed  at  Bird's  Point. 

The  Mississippi  River  was  the  natural  line  of  operation  for  a 
Union  Army  in  the  West,  on  account  of  the  facility  of  transporta- 
tion and  the  great  technical  advantages  of  the  North  in  the  equip- 
ment of  gunboats,  tinclads,  and  vessels  of  all  kinds,  which  were 
available  to  the  South  only  in  a  very  limited  way.  All  this  became 
more  important  as  the  Southern  railroads  had  a  different  guage  from 
the  Northern,  which  made  their  road-beds  of  little  immediate  value 
after  their  rolling  stock  had  been  removed.  The  real  objective  points 
in  every  contest  are  the  armies  of  the  enemy,  which  would  naturally 
concentrate  in  defense  of  the  great  artery  of  national  life;  and  for 
this  reason  a  possession  of  the  Mississippi  meant  the  possession  of 
the  West.  In  the  hands  of  the  Union  Army,  it  cut  off  almost  one- 
third  of  the  Confederacy  by  permanently  stopping  the  communica- 
tion between  the  seceded  States  east  and  west  of  the  river.  On  the 
other  hand,  there  were  considerations  for  the  safety  of  the  Union 
men  in  the  Border  States,  which  led  to  a  scattering  of  troops  over  a 
large  area,  often  isolated  and  without  proper  means  of  communica- 
tion. Still,  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  destruction  of  the  hostile 
armies  was  of  greater  importance  than  the  protection  of  scattered 
Union  posts.  Therefore  Fremont's  move  to  Cairo  and  Bird's  Point 
appears  to  be  correct,  and  fault  may  be  found  chiefly  with  that 
authority  which  did  not  energetically  push  the  movement  South- 
ward. 

The  Mississippi  at  Cairo  is  very  wide;  still,  a  hostile  Battery  at 
Bird's  Point  would  have  effectually  stopped  navigation  of  transports 
from  the  Upper  Mississippi  to  the  Ohio.  While  Bird's  Point  itself  is 
only  a  high  bottom,  it  had  sufficient  open  field  all  around  it  to  make 


304  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

the  field  fortifications  raised  at  the  place  quite  defensible,  while  the, 
swampy  wroods,  at  about  1,500  yards  distance,  could  be  also  utilized 
for  a  preliminary  defense.  Within  a  day's  march  South  were  Con- 
federate troops  under  Pillow,  and  Jeff  Thompson's  bands  were  in- 
festing the  neighborhood.  A  specimen  of  the  latter's  mode  of  war- 
fare may  be  had  from  his  own  report  of  August  12th,  to  General 
Pillow: 

"I  sent  my  dragoons  over  the  river  to  gather  transportation.  The  tempta- 
tion to  have  a  brush  before  leaving  was  too  great,  and  they  charged  into  the 
town  of  Hamburg,  scattering  the  Dutch  in  all  directions.  My  men  fired  at 
them  as  they  ran  through  the  fields,  although  unarmed,  and  killed  one,  mor- 
tally wounded  five,  seriously  wounded  several  others  and  brought  away  thir- 
teen prisoners  and  twenty-five  horses.  These  men  were  the  federal  Home 
Guards,  'but  the  attack  was  so  unexpected  that  they  did  not  find  their  guns 
to  fight,  but  as  they  kept  them  secreted,  our  men  only  got  five." 

Everybody  can  analyze  this  report  for  himself,  and  trace  to 'their 
very  origin  those  causes  which  made  it  possible. 

LYON  AT  SPRINGFIELD. 

On  Lyon's  taking  command  at  Springfield,  July  14th,  the  Union 
affairs  in  that  neighborhood  were  in  a  critical  condition.  The  time 
of  service  of  the  three-months  men,  wrhich  formed  about  half  his 
command,  was  rapidly  expiring.  Notwithstanding  the  Order  of 
Quartermaster  General  Meigs,  issued  July  6th,  to  Quartermaster  Mc- 
Kinstrey  at  St.  Louis,  to  send  as  many  teams  as  may  be  required  to 
transport  supplies,  forage  and  clothing  to  Lyon's  army,  hardly  any- 
thing had  reached  that  destination  by  July  27th — nay,  McKinstrey 
had  even  discharged  the  teams  previously  hired  by  Sigel,  Gratz 
Brown  and  Sweeney.  It  was  evident  that  the  machinery  did  not 
work  right,  which  was  chiefly  the  fault  of  a  system  which  tied  the 
hands  of  the  local  commanders. 

Under  date  of  Springfield,  July  13th,  Lyon  writes  to  Harding: 
"My  effective  force  will  soon  be  reduced  by  about  four  thousand  men, 
including  the  Illinois  Regiment  now  on  the  march  from  Rolla 
(which  never  got  to  Lyon).  Governor  Jackson  will  soon  have  in 
this  vicinity  not  less  than  thirty  thousand  men.  •  I  must  have  at 
once  an  additional  force  of  ten  thousand  men,  or  abandon  my  posi- 
tion. All  must  have  supplies  and  clothing.  N.  Lyon." 


JOSEPH   SPIEGELHALTER. 
Lieutenant  5th  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers,  in  1861. 


John  C.  Fremont.  305 

July  loth  his  Assistant  Adjutant  General,  Schofield,  writes  a  letter 
<>f  similar  tenor,  and  adds:  ''Our  troops  are  badly  clothed,  poorly 
fed,  and  imperfectly  supplied  with  tents;  none  of  them  have  yet 
been  paid,  and  the  three-months  Volunteers  have  become  disheart- 
ened to  such  an  extent  that  very  few  of  them  are  willing  to  renew 
their  enlistment.''  He  also  suggests,  very  sensibly,  that  the  garri- 
soning of  St.  Louis  should  be  left  entirely  to  the  Home  Guards.  At 
this  time  Lyon  received  an  order  from  General  Scott  to  send  five 
Companies  of  Regulars,  with  Captain  Sweeney,  east,  which  proves 
that  Sweeney  was  not  considered  a  Brigadier  General  at  Washington. 
To  this  last  demand  from  Army  Headquarters,  Lyon  answered: 

"My  aggregate  is  between  seven  thousand  and  eight  thousand  men,  more 
than  half  of  whom  are  three  months'  Volunteers,  some  of  whose  term  of  enlist- 
ment has  just  expired;  others  will  claim  a  discharge  within  a  week  or  two 
and  the  dissolution  of  my  forces  from  this  necessity ,  already  commenced,  will 
leave  me  less  than  four  thousand  men.  In  my  immediate  vicinity,  it  is  cur- 
rently reported,  there  are  thirty  thousand  troops  and  upward  whose  number 
is  constantly  augmenting.  The  evils  consequent  upon  the  withdrawal  of 
any  portion  of  my  force  will  be  apparent; — possible  defeat  of  my  troops  in 
battle  will  peril  the  continued  ascendancy  of  the  Federal  power  itself,  not  only 
in  the  State,  but  in  the  whole  West; — large  bodies  of  troops  should  be  sent 
forward  to  this  State,  instead  of  withdrawn.  .  .  .  The  moral  support  of 
the  presence  of  the  few  Regulars  in  my  command  is  doubtless  the  main  con- 
sideration which  holds  the  enemy  in  check.  ...  In  this  state  of  affairs, 
presumed  to  have  been  unknown,  when  the  order  was  issued,  I  have  felt  justi- 
fied in  delaying  its  execution  for  further  instruction." 

Two  days  later,  Lyon  asks  Colonel  Harding  to  send  to  him  the 
Fourth  and  Fifth  Regiment,  Iowa  Volunteers,  from  Burlington, 
Iowa,  if  they  are  not  otherwise  needed.  They  never  got  to  him. 
Authority  from  Washington  was  now  received  at  St.  Louis  io  accept 
all  three-year  Regiments  that  offer  their  services.  In  consequence 
of  this  authority.  Colonel  Harding  thought  he  could  soon  reinforce 
Lvon.  which  might  have  been  done  from  other  quarters,  for  on  July 
loth  Brigadier  General  John  Pope,  who,  with  his  command,  guarded 
railroads  in  North  Missouri,  sent  this  short  notice  to  Assistant  Adju- 
tant General  Harding :  "Have  dispatched  conditions  of  affairs  to  Gen- 
eral Fremont  and  asked  authority  to  take  the  field  with  five  more 
Regiments.  Expect  answer  to-night.  Will  go  down  and  confer  with 
you  soon  as  I  hear."  Fremont,  however,  assumed  command  at  St. 
Louis  only  on  the  25th,  and  ten  precious  days  were  lost  by  General 
Pope's  waiting  for  orders. 

23 


300  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

.  Most  unfortunately  for  Lyon's  Command,  the  terms  of  the  three- 
months  Volunteers  nearly  all  expired  between  the  22nd  and  28th  of 
July,  while  only  the  First  Missouri  had  reorganized  for  three  years' 
service.  Those  not  willing  to  re-enlist  were  transferred  to  other  Regi- 
ments. There  was  an  undue  pressure  brought  to  bear  upon  the  men. 
whose  terms  had  expired,  to-  make  them  stay  at  Springfield,  and  their 
readiness  to  serve  their  country  in  April,  1861,  was  ill  rewarded  even 
by  threats  of  coercion.  The  ill-feeling  started  when,  upon  the  re- 
organization of  the  First  Missouri  Volunteers  for  the  three-years'  ser- 
vice on  June  10th,  a  large  number  of  its  members  declined  to  take 
up  that  new  term  of  service,  and  there  were  some  not  very  creditable 
attempts  made  to  induce  them  to  yield  to  the  wishes  of  the  higher 
officers,  but  better  counsels  prevailed,  and  later  the  just  demands  were. 
granted,  and  men  of  the  First,  Third  and  Fifth  Missouri  Volunteers 
and  of  the  Artillery  Battalion,  whose  time  had  expired  and  who  had 
not  re-enlisted  for  the  three-years'  service,  left  Springfield  July  24th, 
under  command  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  C.  D.  Wolff,  at  a  time  when 
there  wras  no  hostile  force  of  any  consequence  within  sixty  miles 
of  Springfield.  C.  D.  Wolff's  Detachment  arrived  in  St.  Louis  August 
2nd.  and  the  men  were  honorably  discharged  August  12th.  Most  of 
them  re-enlisted  soon  afterwards  in  various  Regiments,  and  for  three 
years,  or  the  duration  of  the  war. 

The  lack  of  a  well-organized  Staff  was  sorely  felt  at  Washington, 
and  in  the  Western  Department.  Colonel  Harding  was  almost  op- 
pressed by  this  want,  and  Lyon  complained  of  it  repeatedly.  Recur- 
ring verbal  messages  through  traveling  officers  could  give  no  satis- 
factory basis  for  action,  as  they  are  subject  to  misconceptions,  lapses 
of  memory,  the  individual  shadings  of  subaltern  officers,  which  may 
have  a  sinister  influence  upon  the  decision  of  important  question >. 

On  July  27th  Lyon  handed  to  Colonel  John  S.  Phelps,  an  eminent 
Union  man  from  Springfield,  a  memorandum,  and  asked  him  to 
see  General  Fremont  about  troops,  stores,  pay,  clothing,  shoes  and 
staff  officers,  stating  also  the  strength  of  his  command,  which  was 
much  reduced  in  numbers  by  the  expiration  of  the  three-months' 
term  of  troops,  and  ended  the  letter  with  the  words:  "The  public 
press  is  full  of  reports  that  troops  from  other  States  are  moving 
toward  the  northern  border  of  Arkansas,  for  the  purpose  of  invading 
Missouri."  It  took  Colonel  Phelps  three  days  to  get  to  St.  Louis, 
and  he  arrived  at  Fremont's  Headquarters  shortly  before  the  latter 


John  C.  Fremont.  307 

embarked  with  a  large  expedition  for  Cairo  and  Bird's  Point,  owing 
to  the  danger  which  threatened  Cairo,  the  most  important  center  »f 
communication  in  the  West. 

About  the  same  time,  Captain  John  S.  Cavender,  of  the  J'"ii>t 
Regiment,  Missouri  Volunteers,  called  at  Fremont's  Headquarters, 
and,  after  a  delay  of  two  days,  succeeded  in  seeing  Fremont,  to  whom 
he  made  explicit  representations  of  the  difficulties  in  the  Southwest. 
Before  returning  to  Springfield  he  was  informed  by  Assistant  Adju- 
tant General  Kelton  that  a  Paymaster  had  been  ordered  to  leave  in 
the  cars  next  morning,  "and  General  Fremont  has  arranged  to  send 
reinforcements  at  once.  At  least  five  thousand  will  go  forward  as 
soon  as  the  orders  can  reach  them.  It's  all  right,  Captain.  You  can 
tell  General  Lyon  he  will  be  attended  to."  Quite  to  the  contrary 
effect  is  the  statement  of  Dr.  Frank  G.  Porter,  who  also,  upon  Lyon's 
request,  called  on  Quartermaster  General  McKinstrey,  and 
stated  to  him  that,  if  Lyon  could  get  the  Thirteenth  Illinois  from 
Rolla  and  the  Seventh  Missouri  from  Boonville,  he  would  be 
confident  of  success  in  any  encounter  with  the  Secessionists.  McKin- 
strey answered  it  was  impossible  to  secure  transportation  for  those 
Regiments.  Dr.  Porter  then  called  upon  General  Fremont  and  re- 
peated the  information  given  by  Phelps  and  Cavender,  and  added 
that  it  was  Lyon's  intention  to  fight  the  enemy  at  Springfield;  to 
which  General  Fremont,  as  Dr.  Porter  says,  replied  that  if  General 
Lyon  made  the  fight  at  Springfield  he  must  do  it  upon  his  own  re- 
sponsibility ;  General  Lyon  has.  his  orders  to  fall  back.  The  items 
of  the  above  narration  are  taken  from  Jas.  Peckham's  well-known 
work  on  General  Lyon.  He  speaks  in  the  highest  terms  of  Dr.  Por- 
ter's character,  and  as  Peckham  was  very  well  informed  upon  the 
affairs  of  the  day,  and  not  at  all  partial  to  General  Fremont,  his  state- 
ment is  of  very  great  importance,  for  it  proves  that  already  in  the 
last  days  of  July  Lyon  was  expected  to  fall  back  from  Springfield,  and 
that  he  fought  the  battle  of  Wilson's  Creek  on  his  own  responsibility. 
This  fact  is  corroborated  by  General  Schofield's  statement  in  his  work. 
"Forty-Six  Years  in  the  Army." 

As  to  the  difficulty  of  having  need  of  staff  officers,  it  must  be  noted 
that  General  Lyon  certainly  had  in  Major  Schofield  the  ablest  Chief 
of  Staff  that  could  be  secured  from  the  Regular  Army  in  the  West, 
and  Lyon  himself  had  the  best  possible  opinion  of  Regular  Armv 
officers  and  men ;  still,  for  his  minor  staff  officers,  he  had  the  choice 


310  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

"Three  miles  from  your  camp,  the  command  of  General  Rains,  as  I  expected, 
came  down  upon  us  in  full  flight  and  in  the  greatest  confusion.  I  drew  up 
my  men  across  the  road  and  rallied  the  greater  portion  of  them  and  sent 
them  on  in  regular  order.  General  Rains  had  engaged  the  enemy  unadvisedly, 
and  had  sent  for  my  small  command  to  reinforce  him,  which  I  respectfully 
declined,  having  no  disposition  to  sacrifice  it  in  such  company. 

JAS.  MclxTOSH." 

At  the  Union  Camp  the  opinion  was  prevalent  that  the  object  of 
the  Secession  leader  was  to  draw  Lyon  further  away  from  his  supplies, 
and,  in  fact,  the  provisions  in  Lyon's  Camp  at  that  time  had  been 
reduced  to  one  day's  rations.  Schofield  writes  upon  this  situation: 
"The  enemy  showed  no  great  force,  and  offered  but  slight  resistance 
to  our  advance.  It  was  evident  that  a  general  engagement  could  not 
be  brought  on  within  the  limits  of  time  and  distance  to  which  we 
were  confined  by  the  state  of  our  supplies."  "Tis  Lyon  had  the  bulk 
of  his  army  (over  5,000  men  of  all  arms)  with  him,  he  exposed 
Springfield  to  the  chance  of  being  taken  by  the  enemy's  stealing  a 
march  upon  him  along  another  route.  After  consulting  the  Com- 
manding Officers,  Lyon  ordered  the  retreat  to  Springfield,  where 
his  army  was  concentrated  on  August  5. 

At  Crane  Creek  a  Texas  Regiment  joined  McCulldch's  forces.  Still 
Price  urged  him  in  vain  to  followr  Lyon.  In  order  to  induce  him  to 
advance,  General  Price,  though  Senior  in  rank,  offered  to  follow 
McCulloch's  lead.  After  one  day's  consideration,  and  after  receiving 
the  news  that  General  Pillow^  was  advancing  from  New  Madrid,  Mc- 
Culloch's conscientious  scruples  vanished,  and  he  assumed  the  com- 
mand. 

This  is  another'  instance  of  that  jealous  ambition  among  high 
military  officers  which  so  often  has  made  and  unmade  History.  In 
this  instance,  however,  General  Price's  patriotic  devotion  saved  the 
Secession  cause  a  serious  reverse.  McCulloch  now  set  his  whole  Com- 
mand in  motion,  but  was  too  late  to  overtake  Lyon.  He  pushed,  on 
the  5th,  to  Moody's  Spring,  near  Tyrrel's  Creek,  and  on  the  6th 
went  into  camp  at  Wilson's  Creek.  Here  fine  fields  of  ripening  corn 
furnished  him  a  subsistence,  badly  needed  by  his  army.  Arrived  at 
Springfield,  Lyon  felt  depressed  on  account  of  lack  of  provisions, 
want  of  reinforcements  and  the  doubt  that  the  means  at  his  command 
will  suffice  to  protect  the  Union  people  of  the  Southwest.  His  ener- 
getic spirit  and  devoted  patriotism  could  ill  brook  even  a  temporary 
check,  and  his  unfounded  suspicion  of  an  intrigue  against  him  by 


Jfi/in    ('.    l-'i't  niniit.  311 

persons  high  in  office,  increased  his  irritation  to  a  point  where  even 
defeat  appeared  preferable  to  a  voluntary  retreat.  It  has  been  stated 
that  mi  consultation  of  Commanders  and  higher  officers,  all  except 
Captain  Sweeney  and  Major  Cornyn  advised  a  retreat.  After  com- 
ing back  from  Curran  Postoffice,  Captain  Plummer  of  the  Regular 
Army  stated  to  Lyon  his  opinion  that  the' evacuation  of  Springfield 
might  be  safely  effected  in  a  couple  of  days,  and  one  of  the  best 
educated  and  qualified  officers  of  the  United  States  Army,  Major 
.John  M.  Schofield,  held  the  same  opinion,  and,  as  he  was  at  the  time 
Chief  of  Staff  of  Lvon's  Army,  was  certainly  best  informed  upon  the 
details  of  the  situation.  In  his  work,  "Forty-six  Years  in  the  Army," 
he  states  the  case  clearly  and  justly  on  page  39  of  his  work: 

"Lyons'  personal  feeling  was  so  strongly  enlisted  in  the  Union  cause,  its 
friends  were  so  emphatically  his  personal  friends  and  its  enemies  his  personal 
enemies  .  .  .  that  he  could  not  take  the  cool,  soldierly  view  of  the  situa- 
tion, which  should  control  the  actions  of  the  commander  of  a  national  army. 
If  Lyon  could  have  foreseen  how  many  times  the  poor  people  of  that  section 
were  destined  to  be  overrun  by  the  contending  forces,  before  the  contest  could 
be  finally  decided,  his  extreme  solicitude  at  that  moment  would  have  disap- 
peared. Or,  if  he  could  have  risen  to  an  appreciation  of  the  fact,  that  his  duty 
as  the  Commander  in  the  field  of  one  of  the  most  important  of  the  national 
armies,  was  not  to  protect  a  few  loyal  people  from  the  inevitable  hardships  of 
war  (loss  of  their  cattle,  grain  and  fences),  but  to  make  as  sure  as  possible 
the  defeat  of  the  hostile  army,  no  matter  whether  to-day,  to-morrow,  or  next 
month;  the  battle  of  Wilson's  Creek  would  not  have  been  fought." 

Upon  the  same  point  Captain  Plummer,  a  Regular  officer  of  great 
merit,  says: 

"I  think  it  was  the  morning  of  the  5th  (August)  that  we  reached  Spring- 
field. The  question  then  arose  that  morning  whether  we  should  remain  at 
Springfield  and  defend  ourselves  until  we  received  reinforcements,  or  whether 
we  should  continue  our  retreat  right  on  toward  Hoi  hi  or  Fort  Scott.  My  own 
opinion  was  that  we  ought  to  remain  a  few  days,  we  should  wait  at  least  two 
or  three  days  for  reinforcements.  He  (Lyon)  stated  he  was  not  expecting  any. 
About  that  time  we  received  a  few  wagon  loads  of  supplies  from  Rolla,  which 
gave  us  some  five  or  six  days'  rations.  On  the  afternoon  of  the  9th  we  received 
marching  orders.  In  the  conversations  of  General  Lyon  with  his  officers,  the 
only  questions  that  arose  were  whether  we  should  intrench  ourselves  at 
Springfield  and  wait  for  reinforcements,  or  retreat  upon  Rolla;  or,  rather,  if 
we  retreated,  whether  we  should  retreat  upon  Rolla,  or  upon  Fort  Scott.  The 
determination  to  fight  the  battle  of  Springfield  (Wilson's  Creek)  was  his 
own — at  least  he  did  not  consult  me." 

Plummer  estimated  that  by  forced  marches  troops  could  reach 
Springfield  from  Rolla  in  four  days.  Only  excellent  troops  could 


312  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

do  this,  and  as  for  want  of  transportation,  neither  Stephenson's  Sev- 
enth Missouri  nor  Way  man's  Twelfth  Illinois  started  in  time,  their 
assistance  at  Wilson's  Creek  on  August  10  was  out  of  the  question. 

Lieutenant  Hammer  called,  on  August  3,  at  Fremont's  Head- 
quarters, explaining  the  situation  at  Springfield,  stating  "that  Jack- 
son's Army  is  in  Jasper  and  adjacent  counties  with  not  less  than 
20,000  men ;  that  Lyon's  force  is  not  much  more  than  one-fourth." 
This  was  promptly  reported  to  General  Fremont  at  Cairo,  and  he 
ordered  Colonel  Montgomery  with  the  Third  Kansas  and  Stephenson 
with  the  Seventh  Missouri  Volunteers  to  report  to  Lyon.  Fremont 
also  wrote  care  of  I.  B.  Wayman,  Rolla,  a  letter,  which  Lyon  received 
on  August  9,  and  of  which  Schofield  says:  "The  purport  of  that 
part  of  it,  which  was  then  of  vital  importance,  is  still  fresh  in  my 
memory.  That  purport  was  instructions  to  the  effect  that  if  Lyon 
was  not  strong  enough  to  maintain  his  position  as  far  in  advance  as 
Springfield,  he  should  fall  back  toward  Rolla.  until  reinforcements 
should  meet  him." 

On  the  morning  of  August  9  Schofield  suggested  to  Lyon  the  fol- 
lowing answer  to  Fremont's  letter: 

"SPRINGFIELD.  August  9,  1861. 

"General:  I  have  just  received  your  note  of  the  6th  inst.,  by  special  mes- 
senger. 

"I  retired  to  this  place,  as  I  have  before  informed  you,  reaching  here  on  the 
5th.  The  enemy  followed  to  within  ten  miles  of  here.  He  has  taken  a  strong 
position,  and  is  recruiting  his  supplies  of  horses,  mules  and  provisions,  by 
forays  into  the  surrounding  country;  his  large  force  of  mounted  men  enabling 
him  to  do  this  without  annoyance  from  me. 

"I  find  my  position  extremely  embarrassing  and  am  at  present  unable  to 
determine  whether  I  shall  be  able  to  hold  my  ground  or  be  forced  to  retire. 
I  can  resist  any  attack  from  the  front,  but  if  the  enemy  moves  to  surround 
me,  I  must  retire.  I  shall  hold  my  ground  as  long  as  possible,  and  not 
endanger  the  safety  of  my  entire  force  with  its  valuable  material." 

This  form  of  a  letter  Lyon  changed,  leaving  out  the  portion  in 
italics  after  the  word  "possible"  in  the  penultimate  line  and  adding 
after  that  word  the  following: 

"Though  I  may,  without  knowing  how  far,  endanger  the  safety  of  my  entire 
force,  with  its  valuable  material,  being  induced  by  the  important  considera- 
tions involved,  to  take  this  step.  The  enemy  yesterday  made  a  show  of  force, 
about  five  miles  distant,  and  has  doubtless  a  full  purpose  of  making  an  attack 
upon  me.  Yours,  N.  LYON." 


John  C.  Fremont.  313 

The  changes  made  in  the  letter  by  Lyon  clearly  indicate  his  inten- 
tion of  risking  the  chances  of  a  battle,  notwithstanding  the  great  odds 
he  anticipated  to  meet.  Schofield  states  that  the  plan  of  battle  was 
determined  on  the  morning  of  the  9th  by  Lyon  and  Sigel,  no  other 
officer  being  present.  Lyon  said  ''it  is  Sigel's  plan,"  yet  he  seemed 
to  have  no  hesitation  in  adopting  it. 

The  period  of  service  for  two  Companies  of  the  Third  Volunteers 
and  that  of  the  Fourth  Reserve  having  expired  on  August  8,  they  left 
Springfield  on  the  9th  in  order  to  be  mustered  out  at  St.  Louis. 

The  opinion  that  Lyon  could  have  safely  retreated  on  the  9th  or 
10th  is  supported  by  the  favorable  topography  of  the  route  towards 
Rolla,  which  first  passes  on  the  divide  between  the  tributaries  of  the 
White  and  Osage  rivers  and  farther  east  on  the  divide  between  the 
Osage  and  Gasconade,  offering  excellent  positions  for  the  Artillery, 
which  could  keep  the  enemy  at  a  respectful  distance ;  especially  as  it 
had  the  support  of  a  well-mounted  and  armed  Cavalry,  ready  to 
charge  the  mounted  shotgun  Infantry  of  the  enemy.  The  Union 
Infantry  was  better  armed  and  drilled,  and  their  fire  would  have  told 
heavily  upon  a  pursuing  troop.  There  were  no  bridges  or  difficult 
passes  on  this  line  of  retreat  up  to  the  Gasconade  12  miles  west  of 
Rolla,  having  there  excellent  positions  for  defense  and  the  best 
chances  for  reinforcement. 

As  the  country  round  Springfield  was  inhabited  by  a  mixed  popu- 
lation of  Union  men  and  Secessionists,  it  was  not  very  difficult  to 
receive  information  relative  both  Camps.  Still  McCulloch's  recon- 
noitering  with  an  armed  force  failed  to  draw  out  Lyon's  troops  or  to 
make  them  reveal  their  strength  and  position,  and  to  the  suggestion 
for  an  advance,  he  positively  declined  to  "bring  on  an  engagement 
with  an  unknown  enemy."  At  a  council  of  war  on  the  8th  General 
Price  insisted  on  an  attack  of  Lyon's  position,  and  as  this  was  urged 
by  other  Commanders,  McCulloch  gave  out  marching  orders  for 
August  9  at  9  p.  m.,  but  as  rain  set  in  before  that  hour,  the  orders 
were  countermanded,  otherwise  the  hostile  armies  would  have  met  at 
night,  each  bent  upon  surprising  the  other. 


CHAPTER     XII. 

THE  BATTLE  OF  WILSON'S  CREEK. 

Beyond  the  observations  of  the  Pickets,  some  reconnoitering  was 
done  from  Lyon's  Camp.  Early  on  the  9th  Captain  Harry  Stone  of 
the  First  Missouri  Regiment  was  sent  with  his  Company  five  miles 
out  of  town  to  the  Picket  Line,  and  ordered  to  proceed  from  there 
with  only  one  Company  of  Cavalry,  towards  the  enemy's  Camp, 
with  a  view  of  gathering  information.  He  reported  the  arrival  at 
Wilson's  Creek  Camp  of  new  Texas  and  Arkansas  troops.  The  Camp 
was  only  ten  miles  distant  from  Springfield;  it  had  been  repeatedly 
traversed  on  previous  marches  of  Union  troops  and  by  citizens  of 
Springfield,  so  that  the  general  features  of  its  topography  were  well 
known.  After  some  consultation  between  Lyon  and  Sigel,  the  plan 
was  adopted  to  attack  the  Camp  at  daybreak  of  the  10th  by  a  sur- 
prise from  two  sides:  one  Column,  under  Lyon,  to  approach  from  the 
Northwest,  the  Second  Column,  under  Sigel,  from  the  Southeast. 
Lieutenant  Colonel  F.  W.  Cronenbold  of  the  Fifth  Missouri  was  to 
hold  Springfield  with  a  Command  of  a  few  Companies. 

The  Camp  of  the  Confederates  was  in  the  valley  and  the  slopes  on 
both  sides  of  Wilson's  Creek.  This  creek  rises  near  the  town  of 
Springfield,  flows  four  to  five  miles  westward,  then  takes  an  almost 
southern  direction  for  nearly  ten  miles  before  it  empties  into  James 
River  a  tributary  of  White  River.  One  mile  above  the  mouth  of 
Wilson's  Creek  it  is  joined  from  the  West  by  Tyrell  Creek  and  near 
one  and  one-half  mile  farther  north  by  Skegg's  Branch,  coming  also 
from  the  West.  The  road  from  Cassville,  called  the  Fayetteville  road, 
cfossos  both  branches  mentioned,  then  runs  a  mile  northward  above 
Skegg's  Branch,  along  the  western  bank  of  Wilson's  Creek,  crosses 
this  at  a  ford  and  runs  northeast  to  Springfield.  The  neighboring 
hills  rose  to  about  150  feet  above  the  valley,  which,  with  its  slopes, 
was  covered  with  trees  and  partly  quite  heavy  underbrush.  Between 
Skegg's  Branch  and  the  Ford  the  road  is  hemmed  in  by  the  bluff  and 
the  creek ;  west  of  it  the  hill  rises  to  over  130  feet,  with  slopes  cut 

314 


The  Battle  of 


/'*  Creek. 


31.r> 


BATTLEFIELD 

OF 

WILSON'S  CREEK 


316  The   Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

by  ravines,  covered  with  scrub  oaks  and  brush,  and  with  rocks  crop- 
ping out  near  the  top.  This  hill  has  since  the  battle  received  the 
name  of  "Bloody  Hill." 

The  hills  on  the  eastern  bank  of  Wilson's  Creek  often  rise  abruptly 
about  75  feet  before  they  assume  gentler  slopes.  Beyond  the  north- 
ern end  of  Bloody  Hill  a  larger  ravine  runs  into  the  creek,  and 
opposite  this  and  somewhat  east  of  the  creek  was  a  large  cornfield, 
fenced  and  surrounded  as  usual  by  thicker  underbrush.  From  the 
Northeast  a  small  branch  joined  the  Creek  near  the  ford  of  the 
wagon  road.  Wilson's  Creek  is  everywhere  fordable  for  foot  and 
horsemen ;  south  of  Skegg's  Branch  and  east  of  the  Fayetteville  road 
the  valley  widens.  Here  camped  the  Mounted  Regiments  of  Greer 
and  Churchill,  and  the  Mounted  Missourians  under  Major  and 
Brown.  North  of  Skegg's  Branch,  to  the  foot  of  Bloody  Hill,  camped 
the  Missouri  Infantry  Commands  of  McBride,  Slack,  Clark  and  Par- 
sons, and  near  them,  on  the  road,  were  General  Price's  Headquarters. 
The  extreme  north  of  the  Camp  was  held  by  Cawthon  of  Rain's 
Mounted  Missourians,  whose  outposts  stretched  northward  beyond 
Gibson's  Mill.  Mclntosh's  Command  held  the  ground  north  of  the 
ford,  and  on  the  bluff  east  of  him  was  Pierce's  Brigade,  Woodruff's 
Battery  commanding  the  opposite  hills,  McRae's  Battalion  and  the 
Third  Louisiana  Regiment,  McCulloch's  Headquarters  being  to  the 
west  of  them.  Farther  south,  and  also  on  the  eastern  hill,  stood 
Reid's  Battery,  and  opposite  the  mouth  of  Skegg's  Branch  was 
Weightman's  Brigade.  The  Camp  extended  along  the  right  and  left 
bank  of  the  creek  for  about  three  miles,  with  a  width  of  half  that  dis- 
tance. Broken  by  hills,  ravines,  creek  banks,  covered  with  trees, 
undergrowth  and  rocks,  it  was  good  defensive  fighting  ground  for 
Infantry,  with  limited  chances  for  the  use  .of  Artillery  and  very  little 
chance  for  Cavalry.  The  short,  clear  spaces  put  for  once  the  double- 
barreled  shotgun  on  an  equality  with  the  rifle  or  minie  musket. 

There  are  several  versions  extant  with  regard  to  the  adoption  of 
the  plan  for  the  attack  upon  the  hostile  Camp.  One  is  that  the  Com- 
manders of  Troops  were  assembled  by  Lyon  and  asked  to  give  their 
opinion.  Among  them  were  able. and  experienced  men  like  Schofield, 
who  later  advanced  to  the  highest  Command  in  the  Army;  Francis 
Sigel,  with  a  thorough  military  education  and  large  experience; 
Lieutenant  Colonel  A.  Albert,  who  had  been  Chief  of  Staff  of  an 
Army  Corps  in  Hungary's  war  of  1848;  Major  Peter  Osterhaus,  an 


The  Battle  of  Wilson's  Creek.  317 

educated  German  Officer,  who  became  a  renowned  Major  General 
during  the  war,  and  many  officers  of  the  Regular  Army  with  their 
excellent  West  Point  training.  It  is  said  all  these  officers  were  in 
favor  of  a  retreat  to  Rolla.  Captain  Sweeney  and  Major  Cornyn 
were  not  present,  but  said  to  have  favored  giving  battle  before  Spring- 
field. This  latter  advice  coincided  with  Lyon's  disposition,  who  could 
ill  brook  a  retreat,  even  before  a  superior  force.  The  idea  of  deserting 
the  Springfield  Union  population,  which  had  received  him  enthusias- 
tically, was  adverse  to  his  sense  of  honor;  the  failure  of  reinforce- 
ments and  supplies  made  him  feel  bitter  and  prompted  him  to  a  bold 
dash,  which  might  possibly  lead  to  victory  or  so  cripple  the  enemy 
that  he  could  not  hinder  a  safe  retreat.  Thus  it  happened  that,  con- 
trary to  the  advice  of  his  best  officers  and  the  directions  of  General 
Fremont,  Lyon  made  up  his  mind  to  give  battle.  The  value  of  this 
decision  could  naturally  only  be  proved  by  its  consequences.  The 
plan  of  the  attack  was  made  by  Lyon  and  Sigel  alone,  as  stated,  at 
the  latter's  suggestion,  but  no  doubt  approved  by  Lyon. 

The  general  features  of  the  plan  were  given  to  the  Chief  of  Staff, 
who  worked  out  the  detailed  dispositions  and  issued  the  necessary 
orders.  Accordingly,  Sigel  was  to  move  with  1,600  Infantry,  two 
Companies  of  Cavalry  and  six  cannon,  on  the  evening  of  the  9th, 
along  the  Fayetteville  road,  deviate  South  and  come  close  to  the 
enemy  without  alanninu-  him,  halt  for  a  rest  and  time  his  further 
advance  so  as  to  arrive  in  Che  right  flank  of  the  enemy  at  daylight. 

<  inirral  Lyon.  with  3,700  Infantry,  two  Companies  of  Cavalry  and 
ten  cannon,  was  to  start  in  the  evening  of  the  9th  on  the  Mount  Ver- 
non  road,  deviate  from  it.  proceeding  to  a  point  unobserved  by  the 
enemy,  rest  there,  and  time  his  advance  to  reach  the  left  wing  and 
flank  of  the  enemy  at  daylight.  There  was  a  scanty  supper  before 
the  start  in  the  evening;  there  was  no  prospect  for  a  breakfast  in  the 
morn  in  g,  and,  for  all  they  knew,  little  expectation  for  a  dinner.  By 
1  o'clock  after  midnight  Lyon's  Column  came  within  two  miles  of  the 
enemy,  whose  campfires  were  dimly  reflected  towards  the  sky  as  the 
drizzling  rain  dampened  their  ardor.  Lyon  laid  down  for  a  short 
nap,  as  Schofield  relates:  "We  went  forward  together,  slept  under 
the  same  blanket  while  the  Column  was  halted  from  about  midnight 
till  the  dawn  of  day,  and  remained  close  together  nearly  all  the  time 
until  his  death."  Most  men  slept  the  brief  hours  soundly,  not  know- 
ing where  and  when  their  next  rest  would  be.  Resuming  the  march 


318  The   Union  Cause   in  St.  Louis  in   1861. 

Southeastward  from  Little  York  Postoffice  at  daylight,  with  Sturgis' 
Brigade  in  front,  Captain  Plummer's  Battalion  of  four  Companies  of 
Regulars,  two  Companies  of  the  Second  Volunteers  under  Osterhaus, 
two  Companies  of  'Cavalry  and  Totten's  Battery  of  six  guns.  This 
was  followed  by  the  Second  Brigade  under  Lt.  Col.  Andrews,  consist- 
ing of  the  First  Missouri  and  Second  Iowa  Volunteers,  four  Com- 
panies of  Regular  under  Captain  Steele,  Dubois  Light  Battery  of  four 
guns;  next  came  the  Third  Brigade  under  Colonel  Deitzler,  being 
the  reserve,  and  consisting  of  the  First  and  Second  Kansas,  the  First 
Iowa  Volunt«ers  and  200  mounted  Home  Guards. 

Steadily  the  Column  moves  forward;  the  space  between  the  Van 
Guard  and  main  body  of  troops  is  shortened;  no  tap  of  the  drum 
marks  the  step,  no  bugle  sound  conveys  a  command ;  smoking  and 
talking  is  prohibited;  the  troops  move  forward  in  sullen,  solemn 
silence  over  the  waves  of  the  undulating  ground,  brushing  the  dew- 
drops  from  the  prairie  which  to  the  South  is  fringed  by  the  trees  and 
undergrowth  in  ravines  and  valleys,  and' where  the  smoke  of  rekin- 
dled campfires  rises  in  the  gray  of  the  morning  atmosphere.  The 
Field  Officers,  Adjutants  and  Orderlies  rise  in  the  stirrups  and  strain 
their  eyes  to  spy  the  pickets.  So  far  all  is  quiet ;  now  a  drowsy  hostile 
Sentinel  notices  a  dark  line  moving  down  the  hill ;  a  challenge  rings 
out,  "Hold,  who  comes  there?"  No  answer,  but  a  steady  advancing 
tramp.  No  doubt  it  is  the  foe,  and  the  report  of  the  Sentinel's  rifle 
sends  the  alarm  along  the  picket  line,  while  shot  after  shot  from  the 
skirmishers  of  the  First  and  Second  Missouri  Union  Volunteers  veri- 
fies the  cause  of  the  enemy's  alarm. 

The  attacking  Column  has  hastened  the  step;  the  command  now 
sounds  in  clear  accents :  "Forward,  right  and  left,  into  line.  Guide 
right!"  Drums  beat,  bugles  sound,  commands  follow  in  quick  suc- 
cession. "Battalion,  Hold!  Ready!  Aim!  Fire!"  A  Battery  gal- 
lops forward,  un limbers  and  follows  up  the  racket  and  hail  of  small 
arms  with  the  thundering  base  of  the  cannon.  The  surprised  picket 
line  of  the  Secessionists  retreats  rapidly  down  the  hill.  Men,  horses, 
w^agons  and  riders,  rush  like  a  wild  stream  to  the  rear,  carrying  con- 
fusion into  the  forming  Battalions.  Brave  officers  of  the  outposts  and 
First  Camp  of  Cawthon  rally  their  men  and  give  slowly  way  to  the 
advancing  Regulars  under  Plummer,  towards  the  ravine  and  the 
creek,  while  the  First  and  Second  Missouri  Volunteers  pressed  for- 
ward towards  Bloody  Hill. 


The  Battle  of  Wilson's  Creek.  319 

The  fleeing  and  retreating  Secessionists  were  here  taken  up  by 
(icneral  Price's  advancing  Battalions,  who  paralleled  the  Union  line 
from  the  creek  and  ravine  westward  across  the  hill.  Here  a  most 
obstinate  rifle  fire  contested  every  inch  of  ground;  rocks  and  trees, 
gulches  and  elevations  and  depressions  of  the  ground,  offering  cover 
for  obstinate  resistance.  The  white  steam  of  the  guns  which  slowly 
rose  through  bush  and  tree,  occasionally  revealed  and  again  hid, 
loosely  formed  lines  of  human  beings,  who,  with  set  features  and 
strained  muscles,  advanced  from  the  North  and  South  to  the  fra- 
tricidal strife.  Crouching  now  like  the  hunter,  again  erect  in  order 
better  to  see,  with  extended  nostrils,  sparkling  eyes,  the  perspiration 
streaking  the  powder-darkened  faces,  swayed  the  lines  forward  and 
backward,  as  some  addition  to  the  force,  withdrawal  of  thinned-out 
Companies  or  a  rising  momentum  of  animation,  carried  one  or  the 
other  host  forward.  Batteries  exchanged  shots  from  hilltop  to  hill- 
top, though  their  main  attention  was  devoted  to  check  the  advancing 
Infantry. 

There  was  no  tear  for  the  dead;  hardly  any  time  to  aid  the 
wounded.  A  chance  message  from  the  dying,  a  short  greeting  to  a 
mother,  or  loved  one,  and  the  mortally  wounded  turned  over  on  the 
sod,  that  was  soon  to  cover  him.  The  disabled  wounded  dragged 
slowly  to  the  rear,  where  the  busy  surgeons  had  spread  out  their 
instruments  and  lint,  to  put  on  temporary  bandages  upon  those  who 
waited  with  fateful  patience  upon  their  turn. 

Between  the  wild  swayings  of  fire-vomiting  lines  were  periods  of 
almost  absolute  calm,  when  the  steam  and  smoke  settled  down  so 
heavily  near  the  ground  that  it  was  impossible  to  see  10  feet  ahead. 
Men,  several  times  wounded  and  even  captured,  got  away  in  the  mist 
and  returned  to  the  firing  line;  others  again,  after  a  temporary 
bandage  had  been  laid  on,  came  back  to  the  contest,  perhaps  only  to 
receive  their  final  quietus  for  all  terrestrial  pleasures  and  troubles. 

The  battle  of  Wilson's  Creek  was,  as  far  as  the  Union  forces  are 
concerned,  a  double  battle.  Lyon  from  the  Xorth.  Sigel  from  the 
South,  made  disconnected  and  independent  attacks  upon  a  foe  de- 
fending his  camp  between  them.  The  official  reports  of  the  two 
Union  Commanders  are  the  most  valuable  and  reliable  sources  of 
information,  respective  their  own  separate  actions,  and  are  given  here 
almost  complete.  Major  Sturgis  was  in  command  of  the  North 
Column  after  Lyon  fell,  and  he  reports  after  the  Advance  Guard  had 
driven  in  the  Outposts  and  Pickets  of  the  Secessionists : 


320  The    Union   Cause    in    M.   Loin*   in    1861. 

"Captain  Plummer's  Battalion  with  the  Home  Guards  on  his  left  were  to 
cross  Wilson's  Creek  and  move  toward  the  front,  keeping  pace  with  the 
advance  on  the  opposite  bank,  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  our  left  flank 
against  any  attempt  of  the  enemy  to  turn  it.  After  ciossing  a  ravine  and 
ascending  a  high  ridge,  we  came  in  full  view  of  a  considerable  force  of  the 
enemy's  skirmishers.  Major  Osterhaus'  Battalion  was  at  once  deployed  to 
the  right,  and  Cavenders  and  Yates'  Companies  of  the  First  Missouri  Volun- 
teers were  deployed  to  the  left  as  skirmishers.  The  firing  now  at  5:30  a.  m. 
became  very  severe."  .  .  .  The  First  Missouri  and  First  Kansas  moved  at 
once  to  the  front.  The  First  Missouri  now  took  its  position  in  front,  upon 
the  crest  of  a  small  elevated  plateau.  The  First  Kansas  was  posted  on  the 
left  of  the  First  Missouri  and  separated  from  it  sixty  yards,  because  of  a 
ravine.  The  First  Iowa  took  its  position  on  the  left  of  the  First  Kansas,  while 
Totten's  Battery  was  placed  opposite  the  interval  between  the  First  Kansas 
and  the  First  Missouri.  Major  Osterhaus'  Battalion  occupied  the  extreme 
right,  resting  on  a  ravine,  which  turned  abruptly  to  our  right  and  rear. 
Dubois'  Battery,  supported  by  Steele's  Battalion,  was  placed  some  eighty 
yards  to  the  left  and  rear  of  Totten's  guns,  so  as  to  bear  upon  a  powerful 
Battery  of  the  enemy,  posted  opposite  our  left  and  front,  on  the  opposite 
side  of  Wilson's  Creek,  to  sweep  the  entire  plateau  upon  which  our  troops 
were  formed." 

After  stating  that  considerable  numbers  of  the  enemy  gathered  in 
front  of  this  force,  the  report  says  that  Captain  Plummer's  Battalion 
of  four  Companies  of  Regulars  separated  from  the  other  Union  troops 
by  a  deep  ravine,  descended  a  slope,  but  was  checked  in  a  cornfield  in 
the  valley  by  a  considerable  force  of  the  enemy.  Artillery  fire  was 
now,  at  6  o'clock  a.  m.,  heard  from  a  distance  of  about  two  miles  and 
from  the  direction  where  Sigel's  attack  was  to  commence.  After  a 
dozen  shots,  this  Artillery  fire  ceased  and  was  only  heard  again  for  a 
few  minutes  at  about  half  past  8  o'clock.  This  time  it  sounded  west 
of  the  previous  reports,  and  from  two  to  three  miles  distant. 

After  a  brisk  Infantry  and  Artillery  fire  from  the  Union  troops  of 
Lyon's  immediate  Command  the  enemy  gave  way  in  utmost  con- 
fusion. However,  Plummer,  himself  wounded,  had  to  retreat  before 
superior  numbers.  Captain  Steele's  Battalion  and  Dubois'  Battery 
came  to  his  assistance  and  cleared  the  cornfield  in  front.  There  was 
a  momentary  cessation  of  firing  with  the  exception  of  the  extreme 
right,  where  the  enemy  pressed  the  First  Missouri,  which  stubbornly 
held  its  position,  but  was  in  danger  of  being  overpowered,  when  Lyon 
ordered  the  Second  Kansas  to  its  support.  Again  a  general  advance 
took  place  by  the  enemy,  attacking  in  front  as  well  as  on  both  wrings, 
and  the  engagement  again  became  general  and  inconceivably  fierce 


PETER  J.  OSTERHAUS. 

Captain  2d  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers,  in  1861. 
Photograph  by  Emil  Boehl. 


The  Battle  of  Wilson's  Creek:  321 

along  the  entire  line.  As  the  First  Iowa  had  been  called  earlier  to  the 
support  of  the  First  Missouri  and  First  Kansas,  every  available  Bat- 
talion was  already  brought  into  action.  The  battle  swayed  forward 
and  backward  over  a  short  space  for  nearly  an  hour.  While  Lyon 
was  endeavoring  to  rally  our  troops  his  horse,  which  he  was  leading, 
was  killed  and  himself  wounded  in  the  leg  and  head.  Walking 
slowly  to  the  rear,  Lyon  said,  "I  fear  the  day  is  lost,"  but  he  mounted 
another  horse,  and,  swinging  his  hat  in  the  air,  called  on  the  troops 
nearest  him  to  follow.  "The  Second  Kansas  gallantly  rallied  around 
him,  headed  by  the  brave  Colonel  Mitchell.  In  a  few  moments  the 
Colonel  fell,  severely  wounded.  About  the  same  time  a  fatal  ball  was 
lodged  in  the  General's  breast,  and  he  was  carried  from  the  field  a 
corpse.  Thus  gloriously  fell  as  brave  a  soldier  as  ever  drew  a  sword 
— a  man  whose  honesty  of  purpose  was  proverbial;  a  noble  patriot, 
and  one  who  held  his  life  as  nothing  when  his  country  demanded  it 
of  him." 

Major  Sturgis  was  now  in  command.  While  a  consultation  of  offi- 
cers was  going  on,  the  enemy  made  another  fierce  and  desperate 
attaek  upon  the  Union  line,  but  was  repulsed  on  all  points  and  re- 
treated. Sturgis,  considering  the  exhaustion  of  the  Union  troops,  the 
great  odds  of  the  enemy,  and,  most  of  all,  the  very  scanty  supply  of 
am  munition — one  Regiment  had  to  be  withdrawn  for  want  of  it — 
ordered  the  retreat  to  Springfield.  The  Union  Army  left  the  field 
undisturbed  at  half  past  11,  after  an  engagement  of  six  hours,  and 
arrived  at  Springfield  in  good  order  at  5  p.  m.  Major  Sturgis  reports: 
"Our  total  loss  in  killed,  wounded  and  missing  amounts  to  1,235. 
That  of  the  enemy  will  probably  reach  3,000." 

On  August  18  General  Sigel  sent  in  his  official  report  upon  the 
share  of  his  Command  in  the  battle  of  Wilson's  Creek,  and  states  that 
he  was  informed  on  August  9  of  Lyon's  intention  to  give  battle  next 
day:  that  the  attack  should  be  made  early  in  the  morning  from  two 
sides,  and  that  he  (Sigel)  should  have  command  of  the  left  attack 
with  900  men  from  the  Third  and  Fifth  Regiments,  Missouri  Volun- 
teers, commanded  by  Lieutenant  Colonel  A.  Albert  and  Colonel  C.  E. 
Salomon,  six  pieces  of  Artillery  under  Lieutenants  Schaefer  and 
Schuetzenbach  and  two  Companies  of  Regular  Cavalry,  under  Cap- 
tain Carr  and  Lieutenant  Farrand.  General  Sigel  proceeds  in  his 
report : 


322  The    Union  Cause  in   St.  Louis  in   1861. 

"I  left  Camp  Fremont  on  the  South  Side  of  Springfield,  at  half  past  six 
o'clock  on  the  evening  of  the  9th  and  arrived  at  daybreak  within  a  mile  of 
the  enemy's  camp,  and  after  taking  forward  the  two  Cavalry  Companies  from 
the  right  and  left,  I  cut  off  about  forty  men  of  the  enemy's  troops,  who  were 
coming  from  the  camp  in  little  squads  to  get  water  and  provision.  This  was 
done  in  such  a  manner  that  no  news  of  our  advance  could  be  brought  into 
camp.  In  sight  of  the  enemy's  tents,  which  spread  out  on  our  front  and 
right,  I  planted  four  pieces  of  Artillery  on  a  little  hill,  while  the  Infantry 
advanced  toward  the  point  where  the  Fayetteville  road  crosses  Wilson's  Creek 
and  the  two  Cavalry  Companies  extended  to  the  right  and  left,  to  guard  our 
flanks.  It  was  half  past  five  o'clock  when  some  musket  firing  was  heard  from 
the  Northwest.  I,  therefore,  ordered  the  Artillery  to  begin  their  fire  against 
the  camp  of  the  enemy,  which  was  so  destructive  that  the  enemy  were  seen 
leaving  their  tents  and  retiring  in  haste  toward  the  North-East  of  the  valley. 
Meanwhile  the  Third  and  Fifth  Regiments  had  quickly  advanced,  passed  the 
Creek  and  traversing  the  camp,  formed  almost  in  the  center  of  it.  As  the 
enemy  made  his  rally  in  large  numbers  before  us,  about  three  thousand 
strong,  consisting  of  Infantry  and  Cavalry,  I  ordered  the  Artillery  to  be 
brought  forward  from  the  hill,  and  formed  there  in  battery  across  the  valley, 
with  the  Third  and  Fifth  to  the  left  and  the  Cavalry  to  the  right.  After  an 
effective  fire  of  half  an  hour,  the  enemy  retired  in  some  confusion  into  the 
woods  and  up  the  adjoining  hills.  The  firing  towards  the  North  West  was 
now  more  distinct,  and  increased,  until  it  was  evident,  that  the  main  corps 
of  General  Lyon  had  engaged  the  enemy  along  the  whole  line.  To  give  the 
greatest  possible  assistance  to  him,  I  left  position  in  the  camp  and  advanced 
toward  the  North-West,  to  attack  the  enemy's  line  of  battle  in  the  rear." 

'Marching  forward,  we  struck  the  Fayetteville  road,  making  our  way 
through  a  large  number  of  cattle  and  horses,  until  we  arrived  at  an  eminence 
used  as  a  slaughtering  place,  and  known  as  Sharp's  farm.  On  our  route  we 
had  taken  about  one  hundred  prisoners,  who  were  scattered  over  the  camp. 
At  Sharp's  place  we  met  numbers  of  the  enemy's  soidiers,  who  were  evident- 
ly retiring  in  this  direction  and  as  I  suspected  that  the  enemy  on  his  retreat 
would  follow  in  the  same  direction,  I  formed  the  troops  across  the  road,  by 
planting  the  Artillery  on  the  plateau  and  the  two  Infantry  Regiments  on  the 
right  and  left  across  the  road,  while  the  Cavalry  Companies  extended  on  our 
flanks.  At  this  time  and  after  some  skirmishing  along  the  front  of  our  line, 
the  firing  in  the  direction  o*  the  northwest,  which  was  during  an  hour's  time 
roaring  in  succession,  had  almost  entirely  ceased.  I,  thereupon,  presumed  that 
the  attack  of  General  Lyon  had  been  successful,  and  that  his  troops  were  in 
pursuit  of  the  enemy,  who  moved  in  large  numbers  towards  the  South  along 
the  ridge  of  a  hill  about  seven  hundred  yards  opposite  our  right. 

"This  was  the  state  of  affairs  at  half  past  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  when 
it  was  reported  to  me  by  Dr.  Melcher  and  some  of  our  skirmishers  that  Lyons 
men  were  coming  up  the  road.  Lieutenant  Colonel  A.  Albert  of  the  Third 
Missouri  and  Colonel  C.  E.  Solomon  of  the  Fifth  notified  their  Regiments  not 
to  fire  on  troops  coming  in  this  direction,  while  I  cautioned  the  Artillery  in 
the  same  manner.  Our  troops  at  this  moment  expected  with  anxiety  the 
approach  of  their  friends,  and  were  waving  the  flag  as  a  signal  to  their  com- 


Th>   lin fth   n f  ]\';i*t,n'x  Creek.  323 

rades,  when  at  once  two  Batteries  opened  their  fire  against  us,  one  in  front 
placed  on  the  Fayette  road,  and  the  other  upon  the  hill,  upon  which  we 
had  supposed  Lyon's  forces  were  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy,  while  a  strong 
column  of  infantry,  supposed  to  be  the  Iowa  Regiment,  advanced  from  the 
Fayetteville  road  and  attacked  our  right.  It  is  impossible  for  me  to  describe 
the  confusion  and  frightful  consternation  which  was  occasioned  by  this 
important  event.  The  cry:  'They  (Lyon's  troops)  are  firing  against  us' 
spread  like  wildfire  through  our  ranks;  the  Artillerymen,  ordered  to  fire  and 
directed  by  myself,  could  hardly  be  brought  forward  to  serve  their  pieces;  the 
Infantry  would  not  level  their  arms  until  it  was  too  late.  The  enemy  arrived 
within  ten  paces  of  the  muzzles  of  our  cannon,  killed  the  horses,  turned  the 
ranks  of  the  Infantry  and  forced  them  to  flee.  The  troops  were  throwing 
themselves  into  the  bushes  and  by-roads,  retreating  as  well  as  they  could, 
followed  and  attacked  incessantly  by  large  bodies  of  Arkansas  and  Texas 
Cavalry.  In  this  retreat  we  lost  five  cannon,  of  which  three  were  spiked,  and 
the  colors  of  the  Third  Missouri  Volunteers,  the  color  bearer  having  been 
wounded  and  his  substitute  killed.  The  total  loss  of  the  two  Regiments,  the 
Artillery  and  the  Pioneers,  in  killed  and  wounded  and  missing,  amounts  to 
two  hundred  and  ninety-two  men,  as  will  be  seen  from  the  respective  lists. 
In  order  to  understand  clearly  our  action  and  our  fate,  you  will  permit  me 
to  state  the  following  facts: 

"First.  According  to  orders,  it  was  the  duty  of  this  Brigade  to-  attack  the 
enemy  in  the  rear,  and  to  cut  off  his  retreat,  which  order  I  tried  to  execute, 
whatever  the  consequences  might  be. 

"Second.  The  time  of  service  of  the  Fifth  Regiment,  Missouri  Volunteers, 
had  expired  before  the  battle.  I  had  induced  them,  company  by  company,  not 
to  leave  us  in  the  most  critical  moment,  and  had  engaged  them  for  the  term 
of  eight  days,  and  this  term  ending  on  Friday,  the  9th,  the  day  before  the 
battle. 

"Third.  The  Third  Regiment,  of  which  four  hundred  three-months  men 
had  been  dismissed,  was  composed  of  the  greater  part  of  recruits,  who  had 
not  seen  the  enemy  before,  and  who  were  imperfectly  drilled. 

"Fourth.  The  men  serving  the  pieces,  and  the  drivers,  consisted  of  Infantry 
taken  from  the  Third  Regiment,  and  were  mostly  recruits,  who  had  only  a 
few  days  of  instruction. 

"Fifth..  About  two-thirds  of  our  officers  had  left  us;  some  companies  had 
no  officers  at  all — a  great  pity,  but  the  consequence  of  the  system  of  the 
three-months  service. 

"After  the  arrival  of  the  army  at  Springfield,  the  command  was  intrusted 
to  me  by  Major  Sturgis  and  the  majority  of  the  commanders  of  Regiments." 

(Balance  of  report  refers  to  the  retreat  to  Rolla.) 

"F.  SIGEL.  . 
"Commanding    Second    Brigade,    Missouri    Vol." 

While  the  two  Columns  of  Lyon  and  Sigel  fought  two  discon- 
nected battles  under  separate  Commanders,  the  Confederate  forces, 
though  attacked  in  front  and  rear  of  their  Camp,  in  reality  only 


324  The   Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

fought  one  battle,  for,  being  in  the  middle  between  the  two  attacks, 
they  could,  and  partly  did  use,  the  same  troops  towards  either  attack. 
The  developments  of  that  memorable  field  will  be  better  understood 
if  the  movements  of  the  Secessionists  are  given  connectedly,  based 
upon  notes  from  the  Confederate,  T.  L.  Snead's  work,  "A  Fight  for 
Missouri." 

It  seems  that  when  firing  commenced  by  the  Union  forces  under 
Lyon  at  the  north  side  of  the  Camp,  Cawthon's  Brigade  of  Rains' 
Command  was  driven  down  the  southern  slope  of  the  hills.  General 
Rains  sent  an  officer  to  the  front,  who  reported  a  large  Federal  force 
was  approaching  from  the  Northwest,  and  he  dispatched  the  news  to 
McCulloch  and  Price's  Headquarters,  where  the  officer  sent  made  a 
greatly  exaggerated  statement  of  Lyon's  forces,  estimating  them  at 
20,000  with  100  cannon.  Upon  the  heels  of  this  report  came  down 
the  hill  a  fleeing  mass  of  men  afoot  and  on  horseback,  mixed  with 
teams  and  lead  horses,  while  Totten's  Battery,  about  1,000  yards  dis- 
tant, was  firing  into  the  crowd  from  the  top  of  the  hill. 

About  the  same  time  the  boom  of  Sigel's  Artillery  was  heard  from 
the  right  wing  of  the  Camp,  as  he  opened  fire  on  the  troops  of 
Churchill,  Greer,  Major  and  Brown,  and  drove  them  in  confusion, 
Northward,  towards  the  thick  woods  along  Skegg's  Branch  and  the 
slopes  on  either  side.  Sigel  had  left  Springfield  before  sunset,  moved 
out  the  Fayetteville  road  about  four  miles,  then  turned  South,  mak- 
ing a  circuit,  arrived  about  break  of  day  near  Wilson's  Creek,  where 
TyrelFs  Creek  flows  into  it,  thus  succeeding  to  turn  the  Confederates' 
right  wing  without  alarming  them.  This  was  done  by  capturing  all 
straggling  outside  men.  He  posted  four  guns  in  battery  on  a  point 
which  overlooked  Churchill's  Camp,  and,  leaving  a  small  Infantry 
support  with  them,  crossed  with  the  balance  of  his  troops  Wilson's 
Creek  below  the  mouth  of  Tyrell's  Creek  and  facing  Northward, 
waited  for  the  reports  from  Lyon's  cannon.  The  troops  opposed  to 
him  had  no  Pickets  eut.  On  hearing  Totten's  guns,  Sigel's  cannon 
also  opened  fire. 

McCulloch  now  took  command  of  the  forces  east  of  Wilson's  Creek. 
Price  hurried  to  the  retreating  Brigade  of  Cawthon  on  the  southern 
slope  of  Bloody  Hill  and  brought  them  into  line,  sheltered  from  Tot- 
ten's fire  and  protected  by  underbrush,  where  other  Missouri  troops, 
Slack's  Brigade  and  Burbridge's  Regiment,  deployed  into  line  on 
Cawthon's  left.  McBride's  two  Regiments  took  position  on  the  ex- 


The  Battle  of  Wilson's  Creek.  325 

treme  left  of  Price's  line.  Parsons,  with  Kelly's  Regiment  and  Gui- 
bor's  Battery  of  four  cannon  and  very  soon  afterwards  Weightman 
with  700  men,  strengthened  and  completed  the  line,  which  now  aggre- 
gated about.  3, 100  men  and  four  cannon,  and  was  greatly  assisted  by 
Woodruff's  Battery  (four  guns),  which,  from  the  hill  east  of  the 
ford,  checked  Lyon's  advance. 

On  Bloody  Hill  Lyon  had  only  1,900  men  to  oppose  Price's 
3,100;  but  he  had  Totten's  and  Dubois'  Regular  Batteries,  aggregat- 
ing ten  guns.  His  Infantry  in  this  line  was  the  First  Missouri  (800), 
the  First  Kansas  (800)  and  Osterhaus'  Battalion  (300)  of  the  Second 
Missouri  Volunteers.  Plummer's  Battalion  of  Regulars  (300)  was 
sent  to  Lyon's  left  across  Wilson's  Creek  to  a,  cornfield,  while  the 
balance  of  Lyon's  Command,  the  First  Iowa  and  Second  Kansas, 
Steele's  Regulars,  Company  D,  United  States  Cavalry;  the  Kansas 
Mounted  Rangers  and  Wright's  Squadron  of  Home  Guards  were  kept 
in  reserve. 

An  open  ground  on  which  the  better  muskets  and  rifles  of  the 
Union  forces  could  be  used  with  a  telling  effect  would  have  been  of 
very  great  advantage ;  but  Bloody  Hill  was  covered  with  underbrush, 
and  to  see  each  other  troops  had  to  come  to  close  quarters.  Lyon,  try- 
ing to  force  the  issue,  ordered  his  line  forward.  When  it  came  within 
easy  range,  shot  for  shot  was  exchanged.  Lines  had  to  advance  very 
close,  would  fire  and  draw  back  for  loading.  Thus  continued  the  con- 
test here  for  hours,  deservedly  naming  the  locality  the  "Bloody  Hill." 
This  periodical  approach  and  parting  "of  the  hostile  lines  caused 
intervals  of  undisturbed  quiet,  seldom  witnessed  in  a  larger  engage- 
ment." 

MoCulloch's  care  was  directed  towards  Sigel's  attack.  To  prevent 
him  from  charging  General  Price's  forces  near  Skegg's  Branch  in 
rear,  he  placed  Reid's  Battery  (four  guns)  on  the  eastern  hill  opposite 
the  Skegg  Branch,  ordered  Walker's  Regiment  to  protect  the  Battery 
and  placed  Dockery's  (650)  and  Gratiot's  (750)  Regiments  further 
north  on  the  bluff  near  the  east  bank  of  Wilson's  Creek  and  north  of 
them  McRae's  Battalion  (220)  and  the  Third  Louisiana  Regiment 
(700). 

Sigel,  after  driving  Churchill  (600),  Greer  (800),  Major  (273) 
and  Brown  (320)  out  of  their  Camp,  took  position  near  Sharp's 
house  on  a  hill  south  of  Skegg's  Branch,  as  stated,  with  the  purpose 
of  cutting  off  the  retreat  of  the  defeated  enemy.  Had  he  advanced 


32(i  The   Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

westward  and  northward  and  attacked  the  rear  and  left  flank  of 
Price's  Army,  the  day  might  have  still  been  saved.  Sigel's  Battery 
was  posted  on  high  ground ;  his  Infantry  to  the  right  and  left  of  the 
cannon  and  his  Cavalry  on  both  wings.  He  had  Pearce's  Brigade, 
Walker's  Regiment  and  Reid's  Battery  (four  guns)  very  near  his 
own  right  flank,  almost  enfilading  him,  and  in  his  front  the  dense 
woods  of  Skegg's  Branch,  which  were  being  occupied  by  Confederate 
troops,  O'Kane's  Battalion  and  Bledsoe's  Battery  of  three  guns,  com- 
manding Sigel's  position,  which  was  now  approached  by  a  gray 
uniformed  Regiment,  mistaken  by  one  of  Sigel's  officers  for  the  First 
Iowa  and  so  reported  to  Sigel,  who  thereupon  warned  his  men  not  to 
fire.  All  at  once  Reid's  Battery  from  the  east  on  the  bluff  beyond 
Wilson's  Creek,  and  Bledsoe's  from  the  northwest,  above  Skegg's 
Branch,  opened  fire  upon  Sigel's  line.  According  to  his  own  report 
"consternation  and  frightful  confusion"  spread  among  his  men,  who 
were  shouting  "Our  men  are  firing  against  us."  The  Third  Lou- 
isiana, Roser  and  O'Kane's  Battalion  rushed  out  from  the  thick 
brush  and  charged  the  Battery,  took  five  of  the  six  guns,  and  Sigel's 
men  fled  in  a  panic.  Part  of  his  Command  retreated  by  way  of  Little 
York,  making  a  total  circuit  of  the  enemy's  Camp,  while  Sigel,  Solo- 
mon and  Lieutenant  Carr  returned  on  the  road  they  came.  About 
200  of  his  Infantry  were  overtaken  by  Major  with  mounted  Texans 
and  Missourians,  and  were  killed,  wounded  or  captured.  Sigel's 
casualties  were  27  per  cent;  those  of  the  Regular  Cavalry  with  him 
were  4  per  cent  missing.  A  proper  use  of  the  Cavalry  would  have 
largely  changed  that  proportion  of  losses. 

Woodruff's  Battery  (four  guns)  on  the  bluff  east  of  Wilson's  Creek 
and  south  of  the  Fayetteville  road,  being  threatened  by  a  Federal 
force  under  Plummer  (300)  which  had  crossed  from  the  west  to  the 
east  bank  of  Wilson's  Creek,  McCulloch  ordered  Gratiot  to  protect  the 
Battery,  and  Mclntosh's  (400)  dismounted  men,  the  Third  Lou- 
isiana (700)  and  McRae  (220)  to  meet  the  force  of  Plummer's 
300.  Mclntosh  crossed  the  Fayetteville  road,  keeping  on  the  east 
side  of  Wilson's  Creek,  found  cover  for  his  men  from  Dubois'  Bat- 
tery, which  was  posted  on  the  east  brow  of  Bloody  Hill.  Plummer's 
Regulars  had  reached  the  north  side  of  a  cornfield  about  250  yards 
wide  and  300  yards  long  from  north  to  south.  On  the  southern  end 
of  this  Mclntosh  took  position,  but  his  men  were  considerably 
thinned  out  by  the  better  armed  men  of  Plummer.  Between  the 


The  Battle  of  Wilson's  Creek.  327 

alternative  of  retreating  and  getting  again  under  fire  of  Dubois'  Bat- 
tery or  of  charging  the  Regulars,  Mclntosh  correctly  choose  the  lat- 
ter, which  he  well  could  do,  as  he  outnumbered  Plummer  three  to 
one.  The  latter  retreated  as  rapidly  as  practicable  and  drew  Mcln- 
tosli's  men  into  the  close  fire  of  Steele's  Battalion,  which  drove  them 
back  in  some  disorder.  The  loss  of  Mclntosh  in  killed  and  wounded 
was  over  100,  or  near  10  per  cent ;  that  of  Plummer's  Command  near 
80,  or  25  per  cent. 

Churchill,  after  being  driven  from  Camp  by  Sigel,  had  formed  his 
men  first  on  Price's  extreme  left,  afterwards  on  Slack's  left,  with 
about  500  on  foot,  the  other  men  holding  the  horses.  This  addition 
to  Price's  force  caused  a  yielding  of  the  Union  line,  which  Lyon  re- 
trieved by  bringing  a  section  of  Totten's  Battery,  well  protected  by 
Infantry,  far  enough  ahead  of  his  right  wing  to  enfilade  the  Secession 
lines.  To  neutralize  this  move,  McCulloch  sent  Carroll's  Cavalry  and 
five  Companies  of  Greer's  Mounted  Texans  (about  600)  to  turn 
Lyon's  right  wing,  to  charge  and  take  the  section  of  Totten's  guns. 
This  move  failed  to  make  any  serious  impression,  though  it  may  have 
induced  Lyon  to  call  the  First  Iowa  and  Steele's  two  Companies  of 
Regulars  from  the  reserve  to  the  front;  in  order  to  strengthen  his 
right  wing.  At  10  a.  m.  the  Confederates  still  had  several  Regiments 
which  had  not  fired  a  shot,  while  Lyon  had  his  last  reserves  engaged. 
He  now  tried  to  force  the  issue,  for  every  moment  must  increase  the 
odds  against  him.  The  continued  silence  from  the  south  of  the 
Camp  convinced  him  of  Sigel's  failure.  He  saw  from  the  top  of 
Bloody  Hill  Gratiot's  men  approaching,  Pearce's  Brigade  forming 
and  men  mustering  who  had  left  the  field  in  dismay.  He  knew  that 
the  force  which  defeated  Sigel  would  soon  also  be  turned  against  him, 
and  he  animated  his  troops  to  a  last  exertion.  The  opposing  lines 
had  shortened,  drawing  nearer  toward  the  Batteries;  men  were  in 
three  and  four  ranks,  lying  down,  kneeling,  standing;  approaching 
within  30  yards  and  again  being  driven  back  by  the  incessant  heavy 
firing.  Lyon,  encouraging  his  men,  was  wounded  in  the  leg  and 
head,  and  said  to  those  near  him  he  thought  the  battle  was  lost ;  but 
he  rallied  quickly  and  dashed  to  the  front  with  the  Second  Kansas, 
whose  gallant  Colonel  Mitchell  fell  near  him.  Next  moment  Lyon 
was  pierced  by  a  ball  in  his  breast  and  fell  from  his  horse. 

Sturgis,  his  successor  in  command,  fully  aware  by  this  time  of  the 
relative  strength,  seeing  additional  reinforcements  of  the  enemy  com- 
ing up.  gave,  at  10 :30,  the  command  to  retreat,  which  was  carried  out 


328 


The   Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


in  good  order,  Steele's  Regulars  forming  the  Rear  Guard.  The  thick 
underbrush  masked  the  retreat,  which  became  known  to  Price's 
troops  only  when  they  saw  the  Federals  ascend  the  hill,  from  which 
they  had  commenced  the  attack  on  Rains'  troops  at  daybreak. 

After  the  battle  General  Price  insisted  on  an  energetic  pursuit,  as 
there  were  still  available  5,000  or  6,000  fresh  troops  and  several  Bat- 
teries which  had  fired  only  a  few  shots ;  but  McCulloch  did  not  accede 
to  his  wishes.  Lyon's  body,  still  in  his  Captain's  uniform,  was  deliv- 
ered to  a  Union  officer  who  called,  under  a  flag  of  truce,  while  Fed- 
erals and  Confederates  were  buried  by  McCulloch's  order  on  the 
battlefield.  The  following  tables  of  the  numerical  strength  and 
losses  at  Wilson's  Creek  are  computed  from  notes  of  T.  L.  Snead : 


Union  Forces  Aug.  10,  1861. 

Percentage 
of  Loss. 

Aggregate. 

T3 
3 

Wounded. 

* 
.£        S  S' 

£     First  Mo.  Vol.  Infantry  

38% 

775 

76 

208 

11         295 

Osterhaus  Battalion    

37% 

150 

15 

40 

55 

T3     First  Iowa  Infantry  

19% 

800 

12 

138 

4         154 

o     First  Kansas  Infantry  

35% 

800 

77 

187 

20         284 

pq     Second  Kansas  Infantry  

12% 

600 

5 

59 

6           70 

c     Steele's  Battalion.    .         

22% 

275 

15 

44 

2           61 

O     Totten's  Battery,  six  guns   

13% 

84 

4 

7 

11 

Dubois  Battery  

4%. 

66 

2 

1             3 

Total  on  Bloody  Hill 

3550 

204 

685 

44         933 

•>->  ti  : 
"   Plummer's  Battalion 

27% 

300 

19         52 

9 

80 

^ 

Comp.  D.  First  U.  S.  Cavalry.  .  . 
®     Kansas  Rangers  / 

) 
[  2% 

350 

:      4 

3 

7 

£     Home  Guards       \  ' 

) 

p-j            Total  Lyons  Column  

24% 

4200 

223       741 

56 

1020 

SIGELS  COLUMN. 


Infantry  and  Artillery  

27% 

1075 

35 

132 

126 

293 

Comp.  I.  First  U.  S.  Cavalry  .  .  t 
Comp.  C.  Sec'd  U.  S.  Dragoons  \ 

3* 

i     65 
(     60 

i« 

4 

25% 

1200 

35 

132 

130 

297 

Lyon's  Aggregate  

4200 

223 

741 

56 

1020 

Sigel's  Aggregate  

1200 

35 

132 

130 

297 

Grand  Total  .              .... 

24  4% 

5400 

258 

873 

186 

1317 

The  Battle  of  Wilson's  Creek. 


329 


McBride's.  Slack's.  Clark's  Parson's.  Rain's  Brigade.  Brigad°° 

Confederate  Forces 
Aug.  10,  1861. 

Percentage 
of  Loss. 

Aggregate. 

• 

1 
5 

Wounded. 

.£ 
B 

00 

i 

-  •/.' 

IJ 

Third  Louisiana  Infantry 

8% 
4% 
33% 
13% 
3% 

13% 

22% 

7% 

12% 
7% 

30% 

36% 

22%  -[ 

24%  -j 

13% 
7% 
14% 

12% 

700 
220 
600 
400 
800 

9 
3 
42 
10 
4 

48 
6 
155 
44 
23 

57 
9 
197 
54 
27 

McRae's  Battalion  

'  Churchill's  Regiment  

1  Mclntosh  Regiment  ,  . 

^  Greer's  Regiment  

1  Gratiot's  Regiment  

2720 

68 

276    '     .. 

344 

500 
550 
650 
350 
40 
71 
73 

2234 

25 

3 
5 

3 

84 

11 
22 

109 

14 

27 

3 

1 

Walker's  Regiment  

Dockery's  Regiment  

Carroll's  Regiment  

Carroll's  Company  

Woodruff's  Battery,  4  guns  

Reid's  Battery,  4  guns  

Weightman's    Brigade,    3    guns, 
Infantry  and  Artillery  . 

36 

118 

121 
66 

38 

2 
11 

83 
5 

1 
106 

8 

114 
'2 

154 

1327 
1210 

150 

320 
61' 

279 
273 

6 
650 

284 

41 
605  ) 
40 
12 

40 
21 

11 

3 
3 

17 
6 

1 
36 
4 

32 

'i 

161 
87 

49 

5 
14 

100 
11 

2 
142 
12 

146 
3 

Cawthon's  Brigade,  Mounted 

Kelly's  Regiment,  6  Companies  .  . 
Brown's  Regiment,  3   Companies 
Mounted  

Guibor's  Battery,  4  guns  

Burbridge's  Regiment,  Infantry.. 
Major's  Battalion,  Mounted  

Hughes'  Regiment,  Infantry  

Thornton's  Battalion,  Infantry,.  .  . 
Rive's  Regiment,  Mounted  

Wingo's  Regiment,  Infantry  

Foster's  Regiment,  Infantry  

Campbell's  Company  

Major-General  Price  &  Staff  

Total  McCulloch's  Brigade  . 
Total  Dearie's  Brigade  
Total  Missouri  State  Guard  . 

Grand  Total    . 

5221 

175 

557 

732 

2720 
2234 
5221 

68 
36 
175 

276 
118 
557 

344 
154 
732 

10175 

279 

951  ' 

1230 

330  The    Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis   in  1861. 

According  to  the  above  tables,  the  loss  in  men  was  nearly  equal  on 
both  sides,  but  as  the  Union  force  was  less  than  one-half  of  the  en- 
emy, their  percentage  of  loss  was  more  than  double.  The  heaviest 
loss  on  the  Union  side  was  sustained  by  the  First  Missouri  Volun- 
teers, who  had  the  misfortune  that  their  Colonel  Francis  P.  Blair  was 
absent,  attending  to  Congressional  duties;  their  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Andrews  was  taken  wounded  from  the  field,  and  their  Major  Scho- 
field  was  Adjutant  to  Lyon;  thus  the  Companies  acted  almost  inde- 
pendently to  the  end  of  the  battle,  holding  the  best  contested  ground 
on  "Bloody  Hill"  with  great  bravery,  of  which  Schofield  said:  that 
there  was  a  momentary  cessation  of  firing  along  the  whole  line,  ex- 
cept the  First  Missouri,  whose  right  flank  the  enemy  aimed  to  turn. 
Lyon  sent  the  Second  Kansas  to  the  support  of  the  First  Missouri. 
"It  came  up  in  line  to  prevent  the  Missourians  from  being  destroyed 
by  the  overwhelming  force  against  which  they  were  unflinchingly 
holding  their  position." 

Osterhaus'  Battalion  of  the  Second  Missouri  and  the  First  Kansas 
Volunteers  shared  the  same  exposure  and  came  near  the  same  per- 
centage in  loss;  then  came  Plummer's  Regular  Battalion  with  11  per 
cent  less  loss  and  Steele's  Regulars  with  16  per  cent  less  loss.  This  de- 
tail conveys  the  very  important  fact,  that  Volunteers  will  fight  as 
well  as  Regulars,  and  that  the  United  States  have  no  need  of  a  large 
standing  army.  Even  the  fate  of  Sigel's  Column  does  not  disprove 
this,  for  the  error  in  the  disposition,  the  similarity  of  uniforms,  the 
wooded  territory,  the  absence  of  outposts  or  skirmishers  before  the 
main  line  of  the  right  wing,  where  the  surprise  took  place,  were  no 
fault  of  the  soldiers.  Sturgis,  McRae  and  other  Federal  and  Con- 
federate officers,  testified  that  it  was  impossible  at  any  considerable 
distance  to  distinguish  the  friends  from  the  enemy. 

Had  the  first  panic  caused  by  Sigel's  attack  on  the  Secessionist 
Camp  been  followed  up  by  Carr's  and  Farrand's  Regular  Cavalry,  or 
had  the  panic  of  Sigel's  right  wing  been  neutralized  by  a  charge  of  the 
same  Cavalry,  the  losses  of  the  Federal  command  would  have  been 
less,  but  their  retreat  could  hardly  have  been  avoided,  for  the  odds 
were  too  great.  The  confusion  which  existed  on  this  part  of  the  field 
is  shown  by  the  circumstance  that  the  left  wing  of  Sigel's  command, 
made  up  of  the  Fifth  Missouri  and  Farrand's  Cavalry,  remained  for 
hours  in  position,  after  the  right  wing  had  disbanded,  and  that  Far- 
rand's  Cavalry  and  most  of  the  Fifth  Missouri  retreated  to  the  West 


The  Battle  of  Wilson's  Creek.  331 

and  North,  while  Carr's  Cavalry  and  what. was  left  of  the  right  wing 
retreated  to  the  South  and  East  of  the  Secessionists'  Camp  in  order 
to  reach  Springfield.  The  loss  of  only  9  per  cent  in  Lyon's  Artillery, 
and  of  no  loss  whatever  in  the  total  of  nearly  five  hundred  men  of 
first-class  cavalry,  proves  that  the  topography  of  the  field  was  very 
disadvantageous  to  their  use.  and  proves  also  that  on  the  Southern 
attack  "some  one  had  blundered";  in  this  instance,  however,  in  "not 
ordering  and  not  making  a  Cavalry  charge  upon  the  Secessionists, 
to  save  the  five  cannon  of  Sigel  and  to  give  his  troops  a  chance  to 
recover  from  the  panic.  The  reports  are  said  to  have  heen  partial  to 
the  Regulars. 

(u-neral  Schofield  states  in  his  work,  ''Forty-Six  Years  in  the 
Army."  that  Lyon  exposed  himself  recklessly;  Schofield  had  rallied 
the  last  Regiment  of  the  Reserve  and  led  it  to  a  "Charge  Bayonets," 
which,  however,  the  terrible  fire  of  the  enemy  brought  to  a  halt  and 
turned  into  firing  at  will;  returning,  he  found  Lyon's  lifeless  body 
and  had  it  carried  to  the  rear,  with  face  covered,  to  prevent  a  panic. 
After  six  hours'  fighting,  tired  by  the  night  march  arid  without  break- 
fast, the  troops  were  nearly  exhausted.  Schofield  considers  the 
baitle  of  Wilson's  Creek  a  defeat  of  the  Union  arms,  following  the 
prevalent  doctrine  of  military  writers,  that  whoever  holds  the  battle 
field  is  the  victor.  The  subsequent  retreat  from  Springfield  confirms 
this  viewT:  for  the  price  of  the  battle  was  the  possession  of  South we-t 
Missouri. 

Had  the  battle  been  fought  in  the  open  prairie,  with  all  the  forces 
in  one  hand,  the  superior  Artillery,  Infantry  and  Cavalry  armament 
might  have  secured  a  victory  even  against  the  odds  of  two  to  one. 

The  apportionment  of  troops  was  unfavorable  to  Sigel's  attack; 
with  900  Infantry  he  could  not  conquer  the  enemy,  the  moment  the 
same  got  under  cover  of  the  trees  and  underwood  north  of  Skegg's 
Branch.  Sigel's  Cavalry  might  have  done  some  havoc  among  the 
fleeing  enemy  upon  the  open  ground,  and  it  certainly  should  have 
boldly  charged,  to  extricate  Sigel's  Artillery  and  Infantry  after  their 
blunder  of  mistaking  the  Confederates  for  Lyon's  troops.  Sigel  had 
the  same  troops  he  commanded  at  Carthage,  but  their  value  was  great- 
ly diminished  by  the  expiration  of  terms  of  service,  the  substitution  of 
new  recruits  and  the  imperfect  organization  of  Companies.  That 
the  Confederate  troops  could  and  would  fight  well  became  evident 
at  "Wilson's  Creek,  and  the  better  organization,  armament  and  lead  on 


332  The    Union   Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

the  Union  side  could  not  and  did  not  make  up  the  grea't  disparity 
in  numbers  and  the  advantage  of  a  covered  position.  Only  5  per  cent 
of  the  loss  in  Lyon's  command  were  prisoners ;  of  Sigel's  loss  the  43 
per  cent  captured  were  entirely  due  to  the  panic,  caused  by  mistaking 
an  aggressive  foe  for  a  friendly  command.  Among  the  dead  and 
wounded  officers  and  privates  at  Wilson's' Creek  was  the  flower  of  the 
Western  Army,  and  the  troops  that  fought  in  the  battle  after  the  ex- 
piration of  their  terms  of  service,  like  the  Fifth  Missouri  Volunteers 
under  the  lead  of  Captains  Gustav  Seebold,  Louis  Gottschalk,  Samuel 
A.  Flag  and  others  deserve  especial  credit.  This  includes  the  trans- 
ferred men  from  the  First  and  Third  Missouri  Volunteers  who  did 
not  re-enlist  for  the  three-year  service  and  completed  their  time  in 
the  Fifth  Volunteers. 

With  regard  to  the  policy  of  giving  battle  at  Wilson's  Creek,  Gen- 
eral Schofield  says :  "Our  retreat  to  Rolla  was  open  and  perfectly  safe, 
even  if  begun  as  late  as  the  night  of  the  9th.  A  few  days  or  a  few 
weeks  would  have  made  us  amply  strong  to  defeat  the  enemy  and 
drive  him  out  of  Missouri,  without  serious  loss  to  ourselves,"  and 
further  on  says  of  Lyon :  "In  addition  to  the  depressing  effect  of  his 
wounds,  he  must  probably  have  become  convinced  of  the  mistake  he 
had  made,  in  hazarding  an  unnecessary  battle  on  so  unequal  terms 
and  in  opposition  to  both  the  advice  of  his  subordinates  and  the  in- 
structions of  his  superior."  General  McCulloch  declined  to  order  a 
pursuit  on  account  of  the  exhaustion  of  the  troops  and  the  lack  of 
ammunition,  which  had  to  be  replenished  from  the  distance  of  one 
hundred  miles.  It  seems  McCulloch  had  conceived  a  prejudice 
against  the  Missouri  Secession,  troops,  charging  them  with  unreliabil- 
ity and  neglect  of  outpost  duties..  A  General  in  command,  however, 
can  not  shirk  the  consequences  of  his  own  arrangements  and  dispo- 
sitions, and  considering  that  the  Missouri  Secessionists  were  poorly  or- 
ganized, armed  and  equipped,  without  pay,  tents  and  even  often  lack- 
ing proper  food,  they  did  very  well  in  opposing  the  best  Federal 
troops  in  Missouri.  Local  State  pride  and  vanity  no  doubt  strength- 
ened McCulloch's  prejudice. 

The  Union  host  arrived  in  Springfield  late  in  the  day,  after  a  great 
moral  and  physical  exertion,  and  went  into  camp  for  a  short  rest; 
wounded  men  came  in  straggling  and  sought  relief  and  nursing. 
The  Courthouse,  Lyon's  Hotel  and  the  near-by  churches  were  all 
turned  into  hospitals,  of  which  the  nearest  were  soon  filled,  and  the 


The  Battle  of  Wilson's  Creek.  333 

surgeons  with  bloody  sleeves  had  even  to  refuse  admission  to  personal 
friends  and  send  them  to  more  distant  hospitals.  Doctors  Edward 
( '.  Franklin,  Florence  Corny n,  Sam  H.  Melcher,  Ferdinand  Haeuss- 
ler,  C.  V.  T.  Ludwig,  and  local  physicians  and  nurses,  labored  earnest- 
ly ,11  id  devotedly  to  give  relief,  when  the  rolling  noise  of  passing  wag- 
ons and  cannon  was  heard  and  the  anxious  question  was  asked  "What 
does  this  mean  ?"  It  meant  that  a  council  of  war  had  met  at  8  p.  m. 
and  resolved  to  retreat  from  Springfield  on  the  llth  at  3  a.  m. ;  and 
thus  the  march  towards  Holla  was  taken  up,  and  all  who  could  move 
went  into  the  street-  with  their  bandages,  joined  the  marching  troops 
and  tried  to  h'rid  a. place  on  a  wagon,  all  pain  and  danger  being  pref- 
erable to  captivity.  Sigel  was  called  upon  by  the  officers  to  assume 
command,  Reveille  was  ordered  at  '2  a.  m.,  and  the  last  Union  troops 
left  Springfield  at  9  a.  m.,  and  three  hours  later  the  Confederate  ad- 
vance entered  tin  town.  A  train  of  400  wagons,  under  a  heavy  escort, 
had  left  the  preceding  night.  When  the  troops  followed  at  day- 
break, an  immense  throng  of  refugees  with  their  families  in  wagqns, 
their  horses,  cattle  and  household  goods,  mixed  with  the  retreating 
troops.  After  a  couple  of  days'  march,  dissatisfaction  was  expressed 
with  Spool's  arrangements,  and  he  was  superseded  in  command  by 
Major  Stm-ui-..  under  the  assumption  that  Sigel's  commission  had  ex- 
pired. The  main  body  of  troops  reached  Rolla  on  the  evening  of  Au- 
,uu-t  17th. 

The  Confederates  did  not  harass  the  Union  retreat  for  obvious 
reasons;  for  it  is  a  very  difficult  task  to  pursue  an  enemy  whose  troops 
an-  well  in  hand  and  keep  up  the  order  of  their  organization.  It  was 
not  in  the  power  of  Mc(  'ulloch  effectively  to  stop  that  retreat;  with 
him  better  counsels  prevailed,  for  instead  of  attempting  a  hopeless 
attack  upon  Rolla.  the  Confederate  forces  turned  North,  occupying 
the  Western  portion  of  the  State  up  to  the  Missouri  River,  recruited 
their  forces  in  a  territory  where  their  cause  was  most  popular,  took 
Lexington,  threatened  Jefferson  City,  Kansas  City,  North  Missouri, 
and  forced  Fremont  to  another  Southwestern  campaign,  for  under  the 
circumstance?  he  could  not  abandon  the  State  of  Missouri  to  a  hostile 
army  in  its  center,  nor  had  he  troops  enough  to  redeem  the  State  and 
at  the  same  time  to  follow  up  his  true  line  of  operation  down  the  Mis- 
sissippi. Soon  after  the  arrival  at  Rolla,  the  First  Missouri  Volun- 
teers, at  the  time  already  a  three-year  Regiment,  was  ordered  to  St. 
Louis  to  be  reorganized  as  Artillery.  Frank  P.  Blair  and  Major 


334  The   Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis   in   180' 1. 

Schofield  called  upon  General  Fremont,  who  communicated  with 
them  his  plan  of  marching  to  the  center  of  the  State,  thence  to  follow 
the  enemy  through  Southwest  Missouri  and  Northwest  Arkansas  and 
along  the  Arkansas  River  to  the  Mississippi  below  Memphis.  Scliofield 
and  Blair  mocked  themselves  at  that  plan,  holding  a  slight  opinion 
of  Fremont's  generalship  (Schofield,  Forty-six  Years  in  the  Army, 
page  49) .  Notwithstanding  their  opinion,  the  same  plan  was  adopted 
by  the  authorities  in  Washington.  Even  after  the  recall  of  Fremont 
from  Springfield  in  the  fall  of  1861,  for  in  the  spring  of  1862  General 
Curtis  was  ordered  to  march  from  Rolla  in  the  same  direction  for  the 
same  purpose  by  way  of  Springfield,  Pea  Ridge,  taking  from  there  the 
White  River  route  over  Batesville  to  Helena  on  the  Mississippi,  from 
which  point  a  movement  under  General  Hovey  east  of  the  Mississippi 
River  forced  General  Pemberton  to  abandon  the  well-fortified  line  of 
the  Tallahatchie.  Taking  these  facts  into  account,  the  question  is 
quite  pertinent,  how  much  more  effective  this  move  would  have 
been  if  executed  by  General  Fremont  six  months  earlier.  This  di- 
gression beyond  the  frame  of  this  work  is  made  to  show  the  dispo- 
sition of  parties  who  shaped  events  in  Missouri  in  the  fall  of  1861, 
and  who  wyere  largely  responsible  for  the  recall  of  General  Fremont. 
This  Southwest  movement,  initiated  during  the  three  months'  service, 
extended  over  one  thousand  miles,  and  is  one  of  the  most  memorable 
moves  during  the  Civil  War. 

RESOLUTE  MEASURES. 

The  news  of  the  battle  of  Wilson's  Creek  elated  the  Secession  ele- 
ment all  over  the  State.  The  report  reached  St.  Louis  on  August  13th 
and  carried  grief  and  anxiety  into  many  families  who  had  members 
in  Lyon's  army.  Personal  news  came  in  slowly;  anxious  mothers, 
fathers,  sisters  and  brothers  watched  the  arrival  of  trains,  agitated 
deeply  by  hope  and  fear;  wishing  for  and  still  dreading  the  coming 
news.  The  awful  meaning  of  war  was  now  realized  by  all  those  who 
had  never  been  through  that  terrible  ordeal  before ;  even  the  safety 
of  the  City  of  St.  Louis  was  questioned,  and  General  Fremont  issued 
the  following  order: 

"In  Lafayette  Park  a  camp  is  to  be  established  for  a  Regiment;  the  heavy 
guns  to  be  put  in  position  and  a  Regiment  encamped  under  the  Reservoir. 
On  the  height  south  of  the  Arsenal,  called  Jaeger's  Garden,  two  guns,  with  a 
howitzer,  to  be  planted. 


The  Battle  of  Wilson's  Creek.  335 

"The  Third  and  Fourth  Home  Guards  to  be  paid  off  and  organized  im- 
mediately. The  First  and  Second,  and  also  the  Fifth  Home  Guards,  also  to 
be  paid  upon  the  arrival  of  Lt.-Col.  Rombauer  from  Bird's  Point.  Martial 
law  to  be  proclaimed  at  once.  Capt.  Kowald's  Artillery  Company,  one  hundred 
strong,  to  be  fitted  out  immediately,  and  the  company  from  Belleville  to  be 
ordered  in;  Capt.  Voerster's  and  Gerster's  Pioneers  to  be  completed  and 
set  at  work  in  the  fortifications.  Laborers  also  to  be  employed. 

JOHN  C.  FBEMONT." 

The  fortifications  of  St.  Louis,  ordered  by  General  Fremont,  had 
long  before  been  recommended  to  General  Lyon  by  Lt.  Col.  John  T. 
Fialu  and  Henry  Boernstein,  and  were  to  defend  the  line  of  Jefferson 
avenue  in  the  Southern  part  of  the  city,  starting  with  Fort  No.  1  at 
the  Marine  Hospital;  next  No.  2,  between  Cherokee  and  the  present 
Broadway;  a  Redoubt  following  on  Arsenal  and  Salina;  Fort  No.  3 
was  South  of  Sidney  towards  Jefferson  avenue ;  No.  4  North  of  Grav- 
ois  avenue  near  East  line  of  Jefferson  avenue ;  No.  5  Northeast  corner 
Lafayette  and  Jefferson  avenue ;  then  came  a  Redan  a  little  South  of 
Chouteau,  West  of  Jefferson  avenue;  from  here  the  line  of  defense 
ran  Northwest  to  Fort  No.  6,  on  Manchester  road,  and  to  No.  7,  at 
Northwest  corner  of  Franklin  and  Grand  avenues,  its  most  Western 
and  most  exposed  point ;  No.  8  was  North  of  Cass  and  East  of  Grand ; 
a  small  work  was  on  St.  Louis  avenue,  East  of  Jefferson;  No.  9  North 
of  Palm,  near  Twenty-third  street;  No.  10  on  Fourteenth  street  and 
Bremen  avenue,  and  there  was  a  Redan  on  East  Grand  avenue,  near 
the  present  water  tower. 

The  positions  of  the  forts  were  dictated  by  the  elevation  of  the 
territory  and  the  chances  of  open  commons  before  them,  insuring 
an  effective  Artillery  and  Infantry  fire.  The  northern  half  of  this 
extended  line  was  more  difficult  to  defend  on  account  of  the  inter- 
vening distances  and  the  more  frequent  houses.  The  line  of  isolated 
forts  required  a  large  force  for  defense,  and  had  the  fault  that  those 
mostly  exposed  could  be  taken  without  assistance  from  the  others, 
and  as  a  number  of  the  forts  were  on  an  almost  straight  line,  they 
would  necessitate  several  independent  reserves. 

The  St.  Louis  fortifications  bore  a  similarity  to  those  constructed 
later  by  the  Confederates  at  Yicksburg,  which  also  were  only  com- 
mon field  fortifications,  extending  around  the  place  from  the  river 
on  the  South  to  the  river  on  the  North.  The  value  in  both  cases  for 
defense,  were  commanding  heights,  whose  approach  wras  swept  by 
the  fire  of  the  defenders.  The  Vicksburg  fortifications  formed  more 


336  The    Union  Cause   in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

of  a  semicircle  and  were  continuous,  giving  the  reserve  a  better 
chance  to  come  to  the  rescue.  Besides  the  above,  the  greatest  efforts 
were  made  to  complete  the  seven  gunboats,  previously  described, 
and  thirty  mortar  boats,  which,  by  the  30th  of  August,  were  placed 
under  the  command  of  Andrew  H.  Foote  of  the  United  States  Navy. 
Barton  Able  was  appointed  Master  of  Transportation  and  a  number 
of  St.  Louis  Pilots  volunteered  in  a  spirit  of  animated  patriotism 
for  this  important  and  most  dangerous  service. 

In  addition  to  the  above-mentioned  measures,  tracks  were  laid  on 
Poplar  street  to  concentrate  the  rolling  stock  of  the  Missouri  Pacific, 
Iron  Mountain  and  North  Missouri  (present  Wabash)  Railroads  for 
the  transportation  of  troops  in  any  given  direction.  The  following 
notice  was  wired  to  the  Governors  of  Illinois,  Indiana,  Ohio,  Iowa 
and  Wisconsin: 

"Severe  engagement  near  Springfield  reported.  General  Lyon 
killed,  Sigel  retreating  in  good  order  on  Rolla.  Send  forthwith  all 
disposable  force  you  have,  arming  them  as  you  best  can  for  the 
moment.  Use  utmost  dispatch. 

"JOHN  C.  FREMONT, 
"Major  General,  Commanding." 

Already  on  the  15th,  President  Lincoln  wired  to  Fremont: 
"The  War  Department  has  notified  all  Governors  you  designate 
to  forward  all  available  force."  And  on  the  16th  Montgomery  Blair 
wires:  "Every  available  man  and  all  the  money  in  the  public  chest 
have  been  sent.  We  will  send  more  money  immediately,  our  finan- 
cial arrangements  at  New  York  having  been  perfected.  Let  our 
fellows  cheer  up;  all  will  be  well." 

However,  this  very  energy  displayed  by  Fremont  to  meet  the  new 
condition  of  affairs  brought  about  by  the  battle  of  Wilson's  Creek 
and  the  retreat  of  the  Union  Army  to  Rolla,  was  used  by  Fremont's 
enemies  and  rivals  as  a  reproach  for  wrhat  they  claimed  to  have  been 
a  neglect  of  Lyon's  wants.  When,  later  on,  the  services  of  the 
\Vcstern  Sanitary  Commission  are  justly  appreciated,  its  appoint- 
ment by  Fremont  on  September  5  certainly  deserves  mention.  This 
wjis  done  at  the  suggestion  of  Mrs.  Jessie  Benton  Fremont  and  Miss 
D.  L.  Dix,  Superintendent  of  United  States  Military  Hospitals. 
The  excellent  selection  made  of  James  E.  Yeatman,  Carlos  S. 
Greeley.  L.  B.  Johnson,  George-  Partridge  and  William  G.  Eliot, 


JOHN   C.   FREMONT. 

Major-General  U.  S.  Volunteers. 

Photograph  by  Emil  Boehl. 


337 

>hu\vc<l  a  keen  appreciation  of  local  capacity.  The  selection  of  the 
ri.uln  mail  for  the  right  place  is  one  of  the  highest  attributes  of  a 
leader. 

Governor  Hamilton  R.  Gamble  also  sized  up  the  situation  and 
called  out  on  August  24  32,000  men  Infantry  and  10,000  Cavalry 
for  six  months'  service,  in  order  to  drive  the  Secessionists  from  the 
Stale.  The  military  districts  were  made  co-extensive  with  those  for 
members  of  Congress.  This  measure  proved  very  beneficent,  as  it 
placed  those  who  were  enrolled  above  the  suspicion  of  aiding  and 
aliening  Secession,  and,  under  existing  martial  law,  made  them 
directly  responsible  for  their  actions.  Though  Governor  Gamble 
held  that  he  could  not  legally  issue  Commissions  to  Fremont  ap- 
pointees, his  consequential  loyalty  to  the  Union  cause  is  beyond 
reasonable  doubt;  but  his  whole  tendency  was  strongly  conservative, 
ha.- ing  his  actions  upon  legal  conditions  of  the  past,  while  General 
Fremont  was  a  Uadical,  who  in  this  great  emergency  acted  upon  the 
exigencies  of  the  hour,  which  prompted  him  to  issue  his  famous 
proclamation,  whose  terms,  after  a  year,  became  the  fixed  and 
irrevocable  policy  of  the  United  States. 

THE  FIRST  EMANCIPATION  PROCLAMATION. 

By  this  proclamation  General  Fremont  assumed  the  administra- 
tive powers  of  the  State,  basing  this  action  upon  the  helplessness  of 
the  civil  authority  and  the  existence  of  marauding  and  murdering 
hands,  spreading  ruin  and  terror  throughout  the  State.  He  de- 
clared Martial  Law,  and  designated  the  line  of  occupation  by  the 
Army  for  the  time  being  to  extend  "from  Leavenworth,  by  way  of 
the  posts  of  Jefferson  City,  Rolla,  Ironton,  to  Cape  Girardeau  on  the 
Mi— issippi  River."  The  proclamation  continued: 

"All  persons  who  shall  be  taken  with  arms  in  their  hands  within  these 
lines  shall  be  tried  by  court-martial,  and,  if  found  guilty,  will  be  shot.  The 
property,  real  and  personal,  of  all  persons  in  the  State  of  Missouri,  who  shall 
take  up  arms  against  the  United  States,  and  who  shall  be  directly  proven  to 
have  taken  active  part  with  their  enemies  in  the  field,  is  declared  to  be  con- 
fiscated  to  the  public  use,  and  their  slaves,  if  any  they  have,  are  hereby 
declared  free  men. 

"All  persons  wh.o  shall  be  proven  to  have  destroyed,  after  the  publication 
of  this  order,  railroad  tracks,  bridges  or  telegraphs,  shall  suffer  the  ex- 
treme penalty  of  this  law. 

22 


338  The    Union  Cause   in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

"All  persons  engaged  in  treasonable  correspondence,  in  giving  or  procuring 
aid  to  the  enemies  of  the  United  States,  in  fomenting  tumult,  in  disturbing 
the  public  tranquility,  by  creating  and  circulating  false  reports  or  incendiary 
documents,  are  in  their  own  interest  warned  that  they  are  exposing  them- 
selves to  sudden  and  severe  punishment. 

"All  persons  who  have  been  led  away  from  their  allegiance  are  required  to 
return  to  their  homes  forthwith;  any  such  absence  without  sufficient  cause  will 
be  held  to  be  presumptive  evidence  against  them. 

"The  object  of  this  declaration  is  to  place  in  the  hands  of  the  military 
authorities  the  power  to  give  instantaneous  effect  to  existing  laws,  and  to 
supply  such  deficiencies  as  the  conditions  of  war  demand.  But  it  is  not  intend- 
ed to  suspend  the  ordinary  tribunals  of  the  country,  where  the  law  will  be 
administered  by  the  civil  officers  in  the  usual  manner  and  with  their  custom- 
ary authority,  while  the  same  can  be  peaceably  exercised. 

"The  commanding  General  will  labor  vigilantly  for  the  public  welfare, 
and,  in  his  efforts  for  their  safety,  hopes  to  obtain  not  only  the  acquiescence, 
but  the  active  support  of  the  loyal  people  of  the  country. 

"JOHN  C.  FREMONT, 
"Major  General   Commanding." 

This  proclamation,  which  emancipated  the  slaves  of  all  active 
Secessionists,  verified  the  words  of  Alexander  Stephens  before  the 
Georgia  Convention,  when  he  warned  his  fellow-citizens  and  slave- 
holders that  such  would  be  the  unavoidable  logical  conclusion  of  the 
Secession  movement. 

Though  this  measure  was  in  full  accord  with  the  views  of  the 
unconditional  Union  men,  it  created  a  sensation  in  the  ranks  of 
those  conservatives  who,  notwithstanding  the  hostile  array  of  large 
contesting  armies,  were  still  in  hope  to  patch  up  a  compromise, 
which  would  shove  the  final  settlement  upon  coming  generations. 
President  Lincoln  was  prevailed  upon  to  request  General  Fremont 
to  withdraw  his  emancipation  proclamation,  upon  which  the  latter 
asked  the  President  for  a  direct  order  for  this  purpose  in  these 
memorable  words:  "If  your  better  judgment  decides  that  I  was 
wrong  in  the  article  respecting  the  liberation  of  slaves,  I  have  to 
ask  that  you  will  openly  direct  me  to  make  the  correction.  The 
implied  censure  will  be  received  as  a  soldier  always  should  receive 
the  reprimand  of  his  chief. 

"If  I  were  to  retract  of  my  own  accord,  it  would  imply  that  I 
myself  thought  it  wrong,  and  that  I  had  acted  without  the  reflection 
which  the  gravity  of  the  point  demanded. 

"But  I  .did  not.     I  acted  with  full  deliberation  and  with  the  cer- 


ii.  339 

tain  conviction  that  it  was  a  measure  right  and  necessary,  and  I 
think  so  still." 

President  Lincoln  then  himself  issued  an  order  based  upon  the 
authority  of  an  act  of  Congress  and  limiting  General  Fremont's 
Emancipation  proclamation  to  such  slaves  who  were  actually  em- 
ployed in  the  military  works  of  the  Secessionists.  As  St.  Louis  fur- 
nished in  Dred  Scott,  the  slave,  upon  whose  case  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States  predicated  the  legality  of  Slavery  all  over  the 
Union;  so  St.  Louis  furnished  in  "Frank  Lewis"  the  first  slave  lib- 
erated by  authority  of  the  Union  under  Fremont's  proclamation  and 
the  limitation  placed  upon  it  by  President  Lincoln. 

Fremont's  proclamation  emancipating  the  slaves  of  the  Seces- 
sionists foreshadowed  the  ultimate  abolition  of  Slavery  in  the  United 
Stairs.  In  Missouri,  as  well  as  in  other  States,  the  hostile  array  of 
the  civil  war  was  started  first  by  the  Free  Soil  issue.  During  the 
first  period  of  the  Missouri  Convention,  of  whose  members  eight- 
tenths  were  born  on  Southern  soil,  a  unanimous  declaration  for  the 
I'n ion  and  against  Secession  was  adopted,  and  no  direct  mention 
was  made  of  Slavery.  When  the  Convention  reassembled  in  June  at 
Jefferson  City,  again  no  direct  action  was  had  on  the  Slavery  ques- 
tion; but  the  decided  pro-Slavery  Governor,  State  officers  and  legis- 
lators were  ousted,  because  most  of  them  had  fled  and  joined  the 
Secession  camp.  Sixteen  pro-Slavery  men  of  the  Convention  kept 
away  for  similar  reasons,  and  thus  greatly  reduced  the  number  of 
strong  Southern  sympathizers. 

The  following  dates  go  beyond  the  frame  of  this  sketch,  but  are 
necessary  to  appreciate  the  initiated  work  of  the  Convention  and  to 
show  the  final  settlement  of  the  Slavery  question  in  Missouri. 

On  October  11,  1861,  the  Convention  reassembled  at  St.  Louis, 
postponed  all  elections,  and  exercised  legislative  functions  by  adopt- 
ing a  new-  Militia  bill,  limiting  the  service  from  the  eighteenth  to 
the  forty-fifth  year,  and  authorizing  the  issue  of  one  million  dollars 
for  Union  defense  bonds.  The  troops  thus  organized  might,  'at  their 
option,  enlist  in  the  United  States  service  and  an  oath  was  prescribed 
for  all,  which  first  named  fealty  to  the  United  States  and  afterwards 
that  towards  the  State,  thus  saving  doubtful  minds  from  the 
dilemma  of  conditioning  their  duties  to  the  Union  by  the  terms  of  a 
State  oath. 

In  the  meantime  a  fraction  of  the  ousted  members  of  the  Legis- 


340  The   Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

lature,  on  their  migration  to  Arkansas,  held  on  November  2  a 
Caucus  at  Neosho,  went  through  the  formality  of  appointing  proxies 
for  the  absent  majority,  and  passed  a  Secession  ordinance.  It  is 
almost  needless  to  say  that  this  whole  proceeding  was  illegal  and 
without  any  warrant  of  constitutional  or  legislative  authority. 

At  the  session  of  the  Convention  held  June  14,  1862,  a  message 
was  received  from  President  Lincoln,  stating  that  upon  his  recom- 
mendation, Congress  had  adopted  the  following  joint  resolution: 

"Resolved,  That  the  United  States  ought  to  co-operate  with  any 
State  which  may  adopt  a  gradual  abolishment  of  Slavery,  giving 
such  State  aid  to  be  used  in  its  discretion,  to  compensate  for  the 
inconvenience,  public  and  private,  produced  by  such  change  of  sys- 
tem."    The  Missouri  Convention  answered  respectfully,  that  it  did 
not  feel  authorized  to  act  in  this  "grave  and  delicate  question  of 
private  right  and  public  policy,"   notwithstanding  that  it  had   a 
proposition  before  it,  in  which  Robert  M.  Stewart,  former  Governor 
in  1860,  said,  "that  the  only  question  which  Providence  has  left 
for  our  people  to  decide  in  regard  to  Slavery  is  the  manner  of  and 
terms  upon  which  its  extinction  in  Missouri  shall  be  accomplished, 
and  would  commend  to  the  serious  consideration  of  the  people  "the 
subject  of  gradual  emancipation  in  order  that  a    plan    may    be 
adopted  that  will  accomplish  the  change  already  inevitable."     But 
nothing  of  the  kind  was  done,  while  the  furies  of  the  war  went  on, 
and  the  immense  sacrifices  in  life,  human  happiness  and  treasure 
had  on  both  sides  embittered  the  combatants  and  put  all  modera- 
tion out  of  the  question.     Stewart's  counsel,  however,  prevailed  in 
the  reconvened  Convention  on  July  1,  1863,  which  adopted  an  ordi- 
nance for  the  emancipation  of  slaves  in  Missouri.     This  abrogated 
some  clauses  of  the  Constitution  and  ordered  that  Slavery  in  Mis- 
souri should  cease  July  4,  1870,  but  all  freed  persons  to  remain  as 
servants  under  the  control  of  their  late  owners,  namely,  those  over 
forty  years  during  their  lifetime;  those  under  twelve,  till  they  are 
twenty-three  years  old ;  all  others  to  the  4th  day  of  July,  1876 ;  the 
authority  of  the  owners  to  remain  the  same  as  under  the  old  slave 
laws.     In  the  meantime  the  General  Assembly  shall  not  pass  laws 
for  the  emancipation  of  slaves  without  the  consent  of  their  owners, 
nor  should  slaves  be  the  object  of  taxation  after  the  passage  of  this 

act. 

The  measure  of  the  Convention,  which  was  law  for  the  time  being, 


Emancipation.  341 

did  not  give  satisfaction.  Political  convictions  matured  faster  than 
the  measures  of  the  Convention,  which  fixed  the  date  for  its  final 
adjournment  on  the  day  for  the  reassembling  of  the  Legislature  in 
January,  1864.  Before  this  date  an  animated  Mass  Convention  was 
held  by  the  Republicans  on  September  2,  1863,  and  a  Committee  of 
72  men  was  sent  to  wait  on  the  President  with  radical  demands. 
The  President's  answer  was,  as  usual,  very  considerate  and  moderate, 
but  not  quite  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  Committee.  Still,  after  they 
had  left,  Lincoln  said  to  his  Secretary:  "I  believe,  after  all,  those 
Missouri  Radicals  will  carry  their  State,  and  I  do  not  object  to  it. 
They  are  nearer  to  me  than  the  other  side  in  thought  and  in  senti- 
ment, though  bitterly  hostile  personally.  They  are  the  unhandiest 
fellows  in  the  world  to  deal  with;  but,  after  all,  their  faces  are  set 
Zionwards."  This  prediction  proved  true.  The  Legislature,  which 
met  in  January,  1864,  called  a  new  Convention  for  January,  1865. 
Another  year  had  passed;  another  hundred  thousand  lives  were  lost 
North  and  South ;  more  than  another  hundred  thousand  widows  and 
orphans  were  made  and  another  milliard  dollars  of  treasure  was  sunk. 

The  1864  election  resulted  in  Missouri  in  a  great  Republican  vic- 
tory. Lincoln,  Fletcher  and  a  Radical  Convention  was  elected;  the 
latter  had  been  instructed  by  the  Legislature  to  amend  the  Constitu- 
tion relative  to  the  emancipation  of  slaves,  also  to  purify  the  ballot 
and  bring  such  other  amendments  as  they  may  deem  essential  for  the 
promotion  of  the  public  good. 

Of  the  first  Convention  eight-tenths  of  its  members  were  born  in 
the  South,  near  two-tenths  in  the  North  and  four  members  were 
born  in  Europe,  but  the  New  Convention  showed  a  different  com- 
plexion, for  only  35  of  its  members  were  born  in  the  South,  23  in 
the  North  and  11  in  Europe.  As  to  vocation,  15  were  lawyers,  15 
farmers,  14  physicians,  12  merchants  and  13  from  sundry  other 
callings,  and  two-thirds  of  all  the  members  were  under  50  years  of 
age,  showing  a  much  less  conservative  complexion  than  the  first  Con- 
vention. Their  action  very  soon  proved  this  estimate.  First  of  all, 
they  abrogated  the  measure  of  conditional  emancipation  passed  on 
the  1st  day  of  July,  1863,  and  on  the  llth  of  January,  1865,  they 
adopted  the  following  ordinance: 

"Bt  it  ordained  by  the  People  of  the  State  of  Missouri  in  Conven- 
tion assembled: 

"That  hereafter  in  this  State  there  shall  be  neither  Slavery  nor 


3412  The   Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

involuntary  servitude,  except  in  punishment  of  crime,  whereof  the 
party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted ;  and  all  persons  held  to  service 
or  labor  as  slaves  are  hereby  declared  free."  The  Governor  was 
asked  to  issue  his  proclamation  that  by  the  irrevocable  action  of  the 
Convention  Slavery  is  abolished  in  the  State  of  Missouri  now  and 
forever. 

The  Convention  adjourned  April  10,  1865,  after  receiving  a  tele- 
gram that  Lee  had  surrendered  at  Appomattox. 

CONCLUSION. 

In  giving  the  causes  of  the  Civil  War,  the  original  elements 
which  shaped  the  minds  of  the  parties  to  it,  and  the  emancipation 
proclamation  initiated  at  St.  Louis  in  1861,  an  epitome  of  the 
greatest  tragedy  in  modern  History  has  been  presented.  While  the 
events  in  the  entire  Union  were  on  a  larger  scale,  affected  more 
people  and  greater  values,  they  bore  the  same  character,  followed 
the  same  lines  of  development,  proved  the  same  principles  and  led 
to  the  same  results. 

It  was  not  the  purpose  of  this  sketch  to  cast  blame  or  vindicate 
glory  for  either  side,  but  to  find  the  causes  and  trace  the  develop- 
ment, which,  with  the  certainty  of  fate,  led  to  an  inevitable  result. 
Influences  of  climate,  derivation,  ethical  views,  agricultural,  indus- 
trial and  labor  relations,  were  all  potent  factors  in  developing,  step 
by  step,  those  conditions,  \vhich  brought  the  final  issue.  History, 
as  the  supreme  judge  of  right  and  wrong,  has  condemned  Slavery  as 
the  cause  of  the  Civil  War,  not  only  because  it  was  a  grievous  injus- 
tice to  the  slave,  but  much  more  so  because  it  unfitted  the  slave 
owner  and  his  retainers  to  be  members  of  a  representative  free  Gov- 
ernment. Such  will  be  the  result  of  every  aristocracy,  whether  the 
same  is  based  on  labor  or  money,  on  birth  or  privileges ;  for  each  of 
these  will  engender  a  sickly  selfishness,  which  preys  upon  the  ener- 
gies of  the  oppressed  and  degenerates  the  oppressor,  who  deteriorates 
in  human  worth,  as  there  can  be  no  happiness  in  store  for  any  one 
who  is  all  concentrated  'in  self.  Obligations  to  fellow-men  grow  with 
the  capacity  and  ability  to  be  useful,  and  such  activities  elevate  our 
sentiments  and  enjoyments  beyond  the  reach  of  the  egotist;  they 
imbue  us  with  that  patriotism  extolled  by  the  sages  of  all  nations  and 
all  ages,  which  leads  true  men  to  shun  no  sacrifice  in  defense  of  the 


Conclusion.  343 

commonweal.  Nor  can  a  glowing  self-sacrificing  patriotism  be 
denied  to  the  champions  of  the  Southern  cause;  but  it  was  locally 
restricted  to  their  State,  their  section,  their  institutions,  and  was  not 
based  on  the  glorious  principle  that  every  man  is  born  free  and  has 
equal  rights  before  the  law. 

In  trying  to  be  just  to  the  men  of  the  Secession  movement,  we 
must  consider  the  palliative  circumstances  under  which  *the  move- 
uifiit  took  place.  Slavery  was  established  in  the  Southern  States  by 
the  authority  of  State  laws;  it  was  sanctioned  by  the  preachers  of 
that  section:  it  was  profitable  to  the  men  who  owned  slaves;  it  was 
inherited  and  had  at  least  the  tacit  approval  of  the  ancestors. 
Prejudice  of  color,  aristocratic  notions,  absence  of  an  independent 
middle  class,  a  venal  press  and  pulpit,  aided  other  influences,  and 
the  impoverishment  of  the  soil  of  the  old  States  naturally  caused  the 
demand  for  new  territory.  The  men  brought  up  in  the  atmosphere 
of  Slavery  could  not  be  different  from  what  they  were:  proud, 
domineering,  passionate,  of  necessity  hostile  to  free  speech,  free 
pros,  free  education  at  home,  they  could  ill  brook  freedom  in  the 
national  councils.  Work,  the  great  educator  and  health  spender, 
was  unknown  to  most  of  the  Southern  gentry,  and  all  their  other 
good  qualities  could  not  make  up  for  the  above  deficiencies.  Even 
the  example  of  the  fathers  of  the  nation  was  often  cited  in  support 
of  the  Southern  institutions,  and  the  question  asked:  Were  not 
Washington  and  Jefferson  and  a  number  of  most  eminent  men  also 
slave-holders?  It  is  true,  such  they  were,  and  as  such  they  were 
l»orn.  But  those  men  clearly  perceived  the  nature  of  the  great  evil 
and  raised  their  warning  voices  in  accents  that  could  not  be  mis- 
taken, and  which  should  have  formed  a  cardinal  chapter  in  the 
political  catechism  of  every  Southerner.  Was  this  done?  Should 
not  the  views  of  our  greatest  men  live  in-  the  memory  of  coming 
generations,  even  after  the  downfall  of  Slavery,  for  they  apply 
equally  to  those  evils  which  arise  from  any  kind  of  aristocratic 
institutions,  from  class  and  race  legislation,  from  privileged  pre- 
rogatives and  monopolizing  advantages,  whose  sinister  consequences 
have  of  late  been  sorely  felt  by  the  entire  nation. 

How  George  ]V(t*Jtingfon  looked  at  Slavery,  his  words,  in  a  letter 
addressed  to  Robert  Morris  on  April  12,  1781,  plainly  show: 

"I  can  only  say  that  there  is  not  a  man  living  who  wishes  more  sincerely 
than  I  do  to  see  a  plan  adopted  for  the  abolition  of  it."    Again,  in  a  letter  of 


344  The   Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

September  9th,   1786,   he  states:      'It  being  among  my   first  wishes   to   see 
some  plan  adopted  by  which  Slavery  in  this  country  may  be  abolished  by  law.' 

Thomas  Jefferson  was  even  more  emphatic  in  his  notes  on  Vir- 
ginia, when  he  wrote: 

"With  what  execration  should  the  statesman  be  loaded,  who,  permitting 
one-half  the  citizens  thus  to  trample  on  the  rights  of  the  other,  transform 
those  into  despots  and  these  into  enemies,  destroys  the  morals  of  the  one 
part  and  the  amor  patriae  of  the  other;  for  if  a  Slave  can  have  a  country  in 
this  world,  it  must  be  any  other  in  preference  to  that  in  which  he  is  born 
to  live  and  labor  for  another." 

In  a  letter  of  August  7,  1785,  Jefferson  wrote  to  Dr.  Price,  relat- 
ing to  emancipation  in  Virginia: 

"This  is  the  next  State  to  which  we  may  turn  our  eyes  for  the  interesting 
spectacle  of  justice  in  conflict  with  avarice  and  oppression."  At  another  place 
he  writes:  "We  must  wait  with  patience  the  workings  of  an  overruling  Provi- 
dence, and  hope  that  that  is  preparing  the  deliverance  of  these  our  brethren. 
When  the  measure  of  their  tears  shall  be  full,  when  their  groans  shall  have 
involved  heaven  itself  in  darkness,  doubtless  a  God  of  justice  will  awaken 
to  their  distress.  Nothing  is  more  certainly  written  in  the  Book  of  Fate,  than 
that  this  people  shall  be  free." 

James  Madison,  the  father  of  the  Constitution,  thought  it  wrong  to  admit 
in  the  Constitution  the  "idea  that  there  could  be  property  in  men."  He 
states  in  the  Federalist  that  it  is  "the  fundamental  principle  of  the  Revolution 
to  rest  all  our  political  experiments  on  the  capacity  of  mankind  for  self- 
government,"  and  states  at  another  place,  "Where  Slavery  exists,  the  Repub- 
lican theory  becomes  still  more  fallacious." 

Henry  Clay  declared  in  the  United  States  Senate,  in  1850:  "So  long  as  God 
allows  the  vital  current  to  flow  through  my  veins,  I  would  never,  never,  never, 
by  word  or  thought,  by  mind  or  will,  aid  in  admitting  one  rood  of  free  territory 
to  the  everlasting  curse  of  human  "bondage." 

John  Randolph,  of  Roanoke,  states  in  his  will:  "I  give  to  my  Slaves  their 
freedom,  to  which  my  conscience  tells  me  they  are  justly  entitled.  It  has  a 
long  time  been  a  matter  of  the  deepest  regret  to  me,  that  the  circumstances 
under  which  I  inherited  them,  and  the  obstacles  thrown  in  the  way  by  the 
law  of  the  land,  have  prevented  my  emancipating  them  in  my  lifetime,  which 
is  my  full  intention  to  do  in  case  I  can  accomplish  it." 

The  words  of  these  sages  of  our  nation  passed  unheeded,  and  these 
patriots  went  to  their  graves  before  their  warning  prophecies  be- 
came verified  by  the  greatest  civil  war  ever  suffered  by  any  nation. 
Time  has  effaced  the  sacrifices  and  animosities  of  the  war,  and  made 
our  whole  people  again  a  nation  of  brothers;  and  the  spirit  of  the, 


Conclusion.  345 

age  and  the  dire  lessons  of  the  past  admit  the  just  expectation  that 
our  free  institutions  will  not  again  be  jeopardized  by  the  introduc- 
tion of  new  organic  faults,  nor  by  the  toleration  of  unjust  relations, 
made  recently  possible  by  a  most  wonderful  material  development 
that  has  far  outstripped  the  necessary  safeguards  of  organic  and 
legal  institutions.  A  political  system,  based  upon  the  rule  of 
majorities,  conditions  the  enlightenment  of  the  masses  or  the  suffer- 
ing of  the  Community.  Nothing  will  assist  more  to  attain  the  object 
in  view  than  a  thorough  study  of  History,  teaching  the  rational  and 
ethical  obligations  of  man  to  man,  and  the  truth  that  virtue  alone 
is  not  the  foundation  of  republics,  but  virtue  combined  with  intelli- 
gence. Thus  we  will  find  that  our  private  and  public  duties  grow 
with  our  capacity.  While  the  trials  of  the  future  will  not  come  in  the 
same  garb,  they  will  come  nevertheless.  The  authorities,  doctrines 
and  experiences  of  the  past  must  evolve  the  correct  actions  of  the 
future.  The  more  complicated  our  private  and  public  life  becomes, 
the  more  difficult  will  be  the  task  to  meet  its  obligations,  but  also  the 
greater  will  be  the  enjoyment  and  reward  of  a  healthy  and  successful 
activity. 

As  for  the  past,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  most  of  the  people  of 
St.  Louis  came  from  the  Southern  States.  Still  there  were  among 
the  native  American  population  of  St.  Louis  a  number  of  able  un- 
conditional Union  men;_but  the  great  majority  were  either  Seces- 
sionists or  conditional  Union  men  and  outspoken  Southern  sym- 
pathizers, good  many  taking  that  direction  in  consequence  of  their 
previous  political  party  affiliation  and  antagonism  to  the  Repub- 
licans. Eight-tenths  at  least  of  the  unconditional  Union  men  in  St. 
Louis  were  foreign-born  citizens  and  their  offspring  most  of  them 
Germans.  Politically,  nearly  all  of  these  may  be  classed  as  Radicals, 
who  favored  energetic  measures,  indorsed  Fremont's  proclamation  of 
emancipating  the  slaves  of  Secessionists  and  sorely  criticized  its 
partial  repeal  by  President  Lincoln,  as  well  as  the  slow  progress  of 
military  affairs. 

It  cannot  be  denied  that  in  the  beginning  there  was  great  deal  of 
animosity  between  the  parties  to  the  contest,  and  that  this  was  most 
evident  in  the  men  who  did  not  verify  their  conviction  by  taking 
up  arms  on  either  side.  National  pride  kept  people  clanishly  segre- 
gated from  getting  acquainted  with  each  others  good  qualities. 
Looking  backward  now,  over  a  period  of  more  than  forty-eight 


346  The   Union  Cause  in  St.  Lnu!*   in   1S61. 

years,  the  eminent  character  of  St.  Louis  men  who  went  into  both 
armies  must  be  patent  to  the  most  casual  observer.  since,  from  the 
men  actually  engaged  in  the  contest  of  1861  in  St.  Louis,  there 
emanated  several  Vice-Presidential  candidates,  United  States  Sena- 
tors. Members  of  Congress,  Governors,  Legislators,  Civil  Engineers, 
Teachers,  Public  Officers,  influential  Bankers,  great  Merchants  and 
Lawyers,  Captains  of  industry  who  stand  at  the  head  of  establish- 
ments controlling  thousands  of  men  and  millions  in  property. 

Enlarged  views  are  mostly  the  sequel  of  generous  sentiments,  for 
spite  and  hatred  have  no  room  in  a  noble  heart.  A  telling  illustra- 
tion of  this  was  the  action  of  Union  men  during  the  contest  upon 
the  "Drake  Constitution,"  a  document  disfranchising  all  Southern 
sympathizers  and  subjecting  voters  and  candidates  to  a  humiliating 
test  oath.  This  measure  was  energetically  opposed  by  St.  Louis  Re- 
publicans, who  had  been  in  active  service  and  who  issued  a  call  to  the 
citizens  to  defeat  the  Drake  Constitution  by  their  vote.  A  Commit- 
tee was  selected  of  men  active  in  the  organization  for  the  Union 
Military  service  in  1861 ;  circulars  were  issued  to  all  the  Union 
people  in  the  State,  speakers  sent  out  and  delegates  dispatched  to 
Federal  Missouri  Regiments  in  the  field,  to  bring  home  their  vote, 
adverse  to  the  prescriptive  Constitution ;  for  at  that  time  the  law 
enabled  Missouri  Volunteers  to  cast  their  votes  even  while  on  mili- 
tary duty  in  other  States.  St.  Louis  City  and  County  cast  good 
majorities  against  the  prescriptive  Constitution.  The  result  showed 
a  close  vote,  and  it  was  generally  believed  that  the  Drake  Constitu- 
tion was  counted  in,  and  not  voted  in.  Although  St.  Louisians  were 
the  first  to  rise  for  the  Union  cause,  they  were  also  the  first  to  offer 
a  brotherly  hand  of  conciliation  to  their  opponents  in  arms. 

The  generation  of  the  men  of  1861  is  fast  disappearing;  the  les- 
sons of  tradition  from  father  to  son  will  soon  be  mute.  May  this 
sketch,  gathered  from  the  writings  of  cotemporaries,  from  the  actual 
experience  of  comrades,  from  public  documents  and  from  the 
author's  recollection,  continue  to  convey  the  events  of  a  patriotic 
exertion  and  animate  the  men  of  the  present  generation  to  do  their 
duty,  by  solving  the  difficult  social  and  political  questions  before 
them,  so  that  this  great  American  Union  may  truly  fulfill  its 
destiny,  and  remain  the  refuge  of  the  oppressed,  the  home  of  the 
free,  and  the  brightest  constellation  among  all  civilized  nations. 


THE  FIRST  UNION  REGIMENTS. 

In  presenting  the  names  of  men  who  in  the  spring  of  1861  took 
up  arms  for  the  Union  in  St.  Louis,  and  formed  five  Volunteer  and 
five  Reserve  Regiments,  a  permanent  keepsake  is  intended  for  their 
offsprings. 

The  action  of  the  Union  people  of  that  period  are  worthy  to  be 
perpetuated  beyond  the  mention  of  a  few  prominent  men  who  rose 
upon  the  wave  of  a  great  popular  upheaval.  It  is  in  the  nature  of 
important  events  that  they  are  effected  by  great  masses.  The  rising 
of  10,000  St.  Louis  loyalists  is  one  of  the  most  striking  demonstra- 
tions of  popular  power,  based  on  correct  principles  and  wielded  with 
the  momentum  of  a  systematic  organization.  No  doubt  it  will  be  a 
matter  of  great  interest  to  the  many  thousand  descendants  to  find 
the  names  of  their  ancestors  enrolled  in  the  different  Regiments  and 
Companies  of  that  period. 

Official  records,  on  account  of  their  very  size  and  location,  are 
beyond  the  reach  of  most  men,  and,  even  under  very  restricted  use, 
are  fast  going  to  pieces.  A  concise  summary  of  names,  based  on 
the  best  official  evidence  that  could  be  obtained,  will,  to  a  large  ex- 
tent, obviate  this  difficulty ;  but,  with  all  due  diligence,  no  claim  can 
be  laid  to  entire  correctness.  Missouri  had  no  proper  State  officers 
when  the  important  events  of  1861  took  place.  Hostile  armies 
traversed  the  State  in  every  direction,  and  little  heed  was  paid  to 
recording  while  the  fire  burned  on  the  nails.  A  fruitful  source  of 
error  lay  in  the  misspelling  of  names,  in  the  very  great  number  of 
transfers  from  one  Company  or  Regiment  to  another,  and  in  the 
repeated  occurrence  of  two  sets  of  Company  letters,  as  "Company 
A"  and  "Company  A  Rifles,"  or  "B  and  B  Rifles,"  which,  in  case  of 
reference  to  these  lists,  should  both  be  consulted  Some  of  these 
double-lettered  Companies  had  to  be  thrown  together  in  these  lists, 
as  it  was  not  practicable  to  separate  them. 

The  enlistments  of  the  three  months'  service,  exceeding  10,000 
men.  may  be  classified  as  to  nationality: 

German  and  of  German  parentage 80  percent. 

American 12  percent. 

French,  Irish,  Bohemian  and  others 8  percent. 

349 


350  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 

This  exhibit  verifies  the  statements  made  by  the  writer  in  the 
preceding  sketch,  whose  aim  was  to  give  conditions,  relations  and 
events  as  they  actually  existed. 

While  the  officers  in  every  organization  appear  more  prominent, 
justice  prompts  the  statement  that  equal  patriotic  devotion  animated 
all  members  of  these  Regiments,  and  many  of  the  most  energetic 
organizers  declined  to  accept  any  office;  in  fact,  the  men  of  these 
Regiments  were  mostly  of  one  cast,  and  many  stood  in  the  ranks 
who  were  qualified  to  take  command.  The  Companies  elected  their 
officers,  the  latter  the  Field  officers,  and  the  Commander  of  the 
Regiment  designated  his  staff. 

The  original  muster-in  rolls  were  not  within  reach  of  this  compila- 
tion. 


FIRST  REGIMENT  INFANTRY  MISSOURI  VOLUNTEERS 

Companies  A.  15  and  C,  called  the  Turner  Battalion,  were  the 
first  to  enter  the  1'iiited  States  Arsenal,  April  21,  1861.  The  Regi- 
ment was  completed  by  the  27th  of  April  and  elected  Francis  P. 
lilair  Colonel.  It  took  part  in  the  capture  of  Camp  Jackson,  and  the 
ten  Infantry  Companies  in  the  engagement  of  Boonville,  some 
minor  skirmishes  and  the  battle  of  Wilson's  Creek.  It  was  reor- 
ganized June  10  of  same  year  for  the  three  years'  Infantry  service 
and  again  reorganized  September  1  as  an  Artillery  Regiment. 

The  lists  available  for  this  compilation  gave  the  names  of  mem- 
bers of  this  Regiment  for  the  end  of  August,  including  those  who 
had  joined  the  ten  Infantry  Companies  after  June  10,  but  neither 
the  dead,  transferred  or  those  three  months'  men  who  did  not  re- 
enlist  in  this  same  Regiment.  The  names  of  the  last,  as  far  as  they 
could  be  ascertained,  are  therefore  reported  on  the  subsequent 
separate  list,  commencing  page  304. 

The  two  Rifle  Companies  went  on  detached  service  to  Southeast 
Missouri,  and  those  not  transferred  to  other  Companies  were  honor- 
ably discharged  at  the  St.  Louis  Arsenal  on  July  31  and  August  2, 
1861.  Most  of  these  also  re-enlisted  in  other  Regiments.  In  fact, 
during  this  whole 'period  discharges,  transfers  and  re-enlistments 
were  often  irregular,  causing  later  on  much  difficulty  in  establish- 
ing correct  records.  To  these  irregularities  omissions  of  some 
names  in  the  lists  are  due. 

Counting  all  members  of  the  First  Volunteers  as  originally  con- 
stituted, it  held  48  per  cent  Germans  or  German  descendants,  44 
per  cent  Americans  and  8  per  cent  Irishmen.  The  list  contains 
1,217  names. 

For  names  of  men,  who  did  not  re-enlist  in  the  First  Regiment 
Three  Years'  service,  see  Complement  List,  page  364. 

FIRST    REGIMENT    INFANTRY,    MISSOURI    VOLUNTEERS  PARTLY 
THREE  MONTHS'  AND  THREE  YEARS'  SERVICE. 

FIELD  AND  STAFF. 

Frank  P.  Blair,  Colonel  Edward  Feahan,  Asst.   Surgeon 

George  L.  Andrews,  Lt.  Colonel  Wm.  A.  Pile,  Chaplain 

John  M.  Schofield,  Major  Phil.  F.  Jenks,  Com.  Sergeant. 

Henry    Hescock,    Adjutant  Thos.   Mitchel,  Quartermaster 

Herbert  M.   Draper,  Quartermaster  Peter  R.  Tendick,  Sergeant-Major 

Florence    Cornyn,    Surgeon  B.  F.  Gempp,  Sergeant-Major. 

Wm.   Simon,  Asst.  Surgeon 

351 


352 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


Blum,   Hy. 
Bogle,  Andrew 
Boleska,  Wm. 


Band  and  Unassigncd. 

Byd,  Wm. 
Hooker,  Franz 
Hubert,  Otto 

Wittig,  Charles 


Katte,  Rudolph 
Klueber,  Franz 
Lustkandle,  John 


COMPANY  A. 


Rufus  Saxton,  Captain 
Wm.  A.  Gordon,  1st  Lieutenant 
Ernst  W.  Decker,  2d  Lieutenant 
John  E.  Winter,  1st  Sergeant 
Roland  T.  Rombauer,  Sergeant 
Fred  Schmitgen,  Sergeant 
Fred  Wehe,  Sergeant 
Emil  Knoll,  Sergeant 


Charles  F.  Schneider,  Sergeant 
Henry  Hammel,  Corporal 
John   Kassing,   Corporal 
Jacob  Kohlhauf,  Corporal 
Louis  Werz,  Corporal 
Adolph  Schuster,  Corporal 
Ch.  Reinhard  Richter,  Corporal 
Christ  Wigsch  (Nigsch)  Wagoner 


Bamberger,  John 
Barchler,  Jacob 
Barth,  August 
Barth,  John  Leonard 
Betz,  Charles 
Blair,  Jonn 
Bleichner,  John 
Blum,  Robert 
Bodner,  John 
Bornemann,  Conrad 
Bruner,  Joseph 
Ebscher,  Charles 
Ehrlich,  Edward 
Emanuel,  Alex. 
Fischer,  Fred 
Fuchs,  Charles 
Geiser,  Anton 
Gellichsheimer,  Geo. 
Gering,  Henry 
Greiner,  August  Adolph 
Guth.  John 
Hageman,  Hy. 
Heddinghaus,  Stephen 
Heitmueller,  Wm. 
Hunker,  Louis 
Jost,  Louis 


Privates. 

Kleinschmidt,  Otto  A. 
Kloepner,  Hy. 
Knoll,  Louis 
Koenig,  Reinhold 
Kohrt,  Karl 
Korrell,  Fred 
Kuhlmey,  Edward 
Kuhrt,  John 
Mangold,  Fred 
Milentz,  Gustav 
Mueller,  Michael 
Muhrn,  Peter 
Neuman,  Charles 
Numan,  Jacob 
Numan,  John 
Paul,  Jacob 
Paul,  Louis 
Pesch,  Joseph  Louis 
Poll,  John 
Rahaus,  Christian 
Rauschenplat,  Emil 
Renz,  Jacob 
Renz,  Adam 
Renz,  John 
Reuter,  Sylvester 


Riedy,  John  D. 
Rosenbusch,  Paul 
Rothfuss,  Fritz 
Rothfuss,  John 
Ruff,  Bernard 
Schindelman,  Geo. 
Schmidt,  Fred 
Schmidt,  Gottfried 
Schnauffer,  Fred 
Schuster,  Hugo 
Schoening,  Fred 
Schurei,  Fred 
Stock,  Charles 
Stockli,  Joseph 
Strandler,  John 
Thomas,  Adam 
Toussaint,  Fred 
Unverzagt,  Hy. 
Wagenbrett,  Traugott 
Wagerley,  Wm. 
Weiss,  Engelbert 
Welker,   Henry 
Wetzer,  Fred 
Woermer,  Jos. 
Zepp,  Louis 


First  Regiment  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers. 


353 


COMPANY  B. 


M.  L.  Lothrop,  Captain 
Thomas  D.  Maurice,  Captain 
Benjamin  Tannrath,  1st  Lieutenant 
John  L.  Mathaei,  2d  Lieutenan-t 
Charles  Epenreiter,  1st  Sergeant 
Henry  Meyer,  Sergeant 
Fred  Rink,  Sergeant 
Charles  Manser,  Sergeant 
George  Mennel,  Corporal 


Jacob  Deschemeier,  Corporal 
George  Paul,  Corporal 
Leonard  Stuckert,  Corporal 
Jacob  Gruen,  Corporal 
John  Esweint,  Corporal 
Charles  Krueger,  Corporal 
Louis  Nast,  Corporal 
Fred  Schoen,  Musician 
John   Stock,   Musician 


Hy.  Voigt,  Wagoner 


Ambs,  Jacob 
Barnhard,  John 
Basse,  Phillip 
Bessmer,  Hy. 
Bockenberg,  Charles 
Brown,   Wm.   F. 
Bruening,  Hy. 
Colbert,  John 
Collmeyer,  Hy. 
Dehaas,  Casper 
Dehaas,  Fred 
Dietrich,  Joseph 
Eschle,  John 
Evers,  Julius 
Fey,  Henry 
Frenger,  Jacob 
Frotscher,  Louis 
Gaertner,  Andrew 
Gieselman,  John 
Gessman,  Ch. 
Gevers,  August 
Hartman,  Anton 
Heim,  George 
Heinz,  John 
Heinzelmann,  Rudplph 
Herman,  Louis 
Hild,  Adam 


Privates. 

Hild,  George 
Hoelzle,  Louis 
Hoffman,  Chas. 
Hoffman,  Wm. 
Hollman,   Wm. 
Husman,  Henry 
Juenger,  Wm. 
Kaufman,  Conrad 
Kiefer,  Louis 
Kirchner,  Jacob 
Kollachny,  Joseph 
Leimkiehler,  Fred 
Leng,  Wm. 
Linden,  Robert 
Loeffler,  Philip 
Loesch,  Philip 
Martin,  Wm. 
Meinhold,  Wm. 
Meissmann,  Chas. 
Meltzow,  August 
Merritt,  Anton 
Mersch,  Hy. 
Mersch,  John 
Meyer,  Gerhard 
Moritz,  Gustav 
Naumann,  John 
Neumeyer,  Louis 


Oberl,  Joseph 
Obrecht,  Michel 
Papendick,  Richard 
Pfau,  Jacob 
Pfeiferling,  John 
Pregitzer,  John 
Rauch,  John 
Roth,  Theodore 
Sanders,  Adam 
Sautter,  Fred 
Schleif,  Ch. 
Schneider,  Geo. 
Schulte,  Hy. 
Stuthalter,  Jos. 
Thomas,  Hy. 
Tyller,  Jos. 
Vanluer,  Theo. 
Vohl,  Geo. 
Vohl,  Louis 
Warneke,  Louis 
Weber,  Frank 
Welker,  Chas. 
Wiese,  Jos. 
Wilde,  Chas. 
Wolf,  Anton 
Zieres,  Geo. 
Zwiesler,  John  Th. 


354 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  C. 


G.  Harry  Stone,  Captain 
Gustavus  A.  Finkelnburg,  1st  Lieut. 
John  H.  Tiemeyer,  2d  Lieutenant 
Gustave  Schuler,  1st  Sergeant 
Peter  Bischoff,  Sergeant 
Phillip  Fries,  Sergeant 
Frank  White,  Sergeant 
Wm.  Lindenschmidt,  Sergeant 
John  E.  Stolze,  or  Holze,  Corporal 
Alfred  Clausen,  Corporal 


Wm.  H.  Hess,  Corporal 
\  Abraham  Frankenstein,  Corporal 
~l  Andrew  Franklin,  Corporal 

Frank  X.  Weiss,  Corporal 

Gustave  Vollmer,  Corporal 

Henry  Mueller,  Corporal 

John  Sickinger,  Corporal 

Jacob  Voght,  Corporal 

John  Kraehe,  Musician 

August  Schmidt,  Wagoner 


Anthes,    Christian 
Bader,  Jacob 
Bauer,  John 
Baumann,  Leonhard 
Bickel,  John 
Biegel,  Louis 
Dehnert,  Adolph 
Bothe,  Fred 
Dellit,  Charles 
Dvoraczyk,  Frank 
Euler,  Ludwig 
Flammger,  Fred 
Fritz,  Frank 
Geyler,  Andrew 
Gossman,  Hy. 
Gutting,  John 
Hage,  Bernhard 
Hauer,  Lorenz 
Heidenrich,  Robert 
Heil,  John 
Heinz,  Nicolas 
Heinemann,  Wm. 
Herchenbach,  Geo. 
Herkert,  Fred 
Herb,  John 
Herold,  Adam 


Privates. 

Hlawacek,  Wendelin 
Hittwen,  Charles 
Hoehn,  Peter 
Jentsch,  John 
Kalinowsky,    Joseph 
Kaltmeyer,  Christ 
Kaenther,  Chas. 
Klauss,  George 
Klemme,  Fred 
Knueppel,  Wm. 
Koenig,  Christian 
Koenig,  Fred 
Kraemer,  Chas. 
Kreyling,  Conrad 
Lauter,  Wm. 
Loeffler,  Joseph 
Lohner,  Chas. 
McBurney,  Wm. 
Mack,  Fred 
Mahler,  John 
Mahr,  Frank 
Medart,  Fred 
Milbach,  Geo.  P. 
Mohr,  Ludwig 
Mehl,  Thuisko 
Mueller,  Ulrich 


Payrleitner,   Geo. 
Reiling,  John 
Rhein,  Henry 
Roehl,  Theo. 
Roemer,  Edward 
Ronnigke,  Edward 
Rosenthal,  Moses 
Sallman,  Sigmund 
Scharr,  Jacob 
Schulze,  Ferdinand 
Schumacher,  John 
Schwenger,  Hy. 
Schwinn,  Charles 
Sparks,   Wm. 
Staneky,  Lucas 
Storks,  John 
Stucke,  Hy. 
Voigt,  John 
Wawrzinowsky,   Hy. 
Weber,   Hy.  W. 
Weyh,  Wm. 
Wiedrian,  G.  Fre'd 
Wiegenstein,  Anton 
Wittig,  Charles 
Wittig,  Maximilian 
Wolf,  Jacob 


First  Regiment  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers. 


355 


COMPANY  D. 


Charles  W.  Anderson,  Captain 
Henry  Richardson,  Captain 
Stillman  O.  Fish,  1st  Lieutenant 
Fulton  H.  Johnson,  2d  Lieutenant 
M.  Wm.  DuTour,  1st  Sergeant 
John  S.  Anderson,  Sergeant 
Frank  Schaefer,  Sergeant 
Daniel  Boelling,  Sergeant 
Wm.  G.  Fletcher,  Sergeant 
Thos.  H.  Oliver,  Sergeant 

John 


Wm.  Stuart,  Corporal 
Chas.  T.  Wendler,  Corporal 
Norman  W.  Carr,  Corporal 
Edward  Walker,  Corporal 
Jas.  Crawley,  Corporal 
Chas.  Stuelzmann,  Corporal. 
T.  Percival  Jones,  Corporal 
Sam  J.  Clark,  Corporal 
John  H.  Grace,  Wagoner 
Wm.  Creutzman,  Musician 
Smith,  Corporal 


Boxer,  Marcus 
Brown,  Louis 
Bruce,  Lawrence 
Cameron,  Chas. 
Corby,  Henry 
Creamer,  Hy. 
Crome,  Chas.  W. 
Cronenberg,  August 
Dixon,  John  O. 
Donahue,  Michael 
Doyle,  James 
Doyle,  Thomas  H. 
Eckert,  John 
Finnerty,  James 
Flynn,  Patrick 
Godfrey,  Jas.  D. 
Good,  John 
Goody,  Geo. 
Goodall,  Jas.  S. 
Haas,  Anthony 
Hackenrath,  Albert 
Hacker,  Geo. 
Hartford,  Patrick 
Haunschild,  Gottlieb 


Privates. 

Hausburg,  Jos. 
Hoehn,  Ernst  A. 
Hashagen,  Klaas 
Kenner,  Valentin 
Kent,  Hamilton 
Kirkland,  G.  W'tn.  D. 
Kromer,  John 
Layfeld,  Wm. 
Lefflngwell,  Louis 
Letz,  Sam. 
Lynch,  Patrick 
McGuire,  Michael 
Meisman,  Ernst 
Meister,  Jos.  P. 
Morgan,  Paul  L. 
Murphy,  John 
Murray,  Robert 
Nelson,  Fred 
Nolan,   John 
O'Donnell,  Frank 
O'Donnell,  Hugh 
Powers,  Patrick 
Powers,  Thomas 
Pretz,  Nicholaus 


Price,  Michael 
Rachor,  Jacob 
Reidner,  Christopher 
Reidner,  Ferdinand 
Reipschneider,  Jos. 
Reisz,  Franz 
Rider,  Jas. 
Reischmann,  Peter 
Schaerer,  John  R. 
Schultz,  Louis  H. 
Schoenefeldt,  H.  A. 
Schaefer,  Louis 
Setz,  Samuel 
Shephard,  Jasper 
Smithy,  John 
Spooner,  Wm.  H. 
Stander,  John 
Thompson,  Geo.  W. 
Walker,  Jacob 
Watson,  John 
Wilson,  Hy. 
Wilson,  Jos. 
Wilson,  Robert 
Young,  John 


356 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  E. 


Nelson  Cole,  Captain 
Joseph  Foust,  1st  Lieutenant 
Jas.  G.  W.  McMurray,  2d  Lieutenant 
John  L.  Walker,  1st  Sergeant 
Edward  J.  Rice,  Sergeant 
Chas.  H.  Wallace,  Sergeant 
Hy.  B.  Warren,  Sergeant 
Edward  S.  Rowland,  Sergeant 
Ben.  W.  Morrison,  Corporal 
Robert  R.  Clarkson,  Corporal 


John  A.  Duwall,  Corporal 
John  Fitzgerald,  Corporal 
Phillip  Lynch,  Corporal 
Abram  S.  Hoagland,  Corporal 
John  Fanning,  Corporal 
Joseph  Simmons,  Corporal 
Geo.  W.  Marshall,  Corporal 
Thomas  Gay,  Wagoner 
Arthur  Roth,  Musician 
John  F.  Dean,  Musician 


Archers,   Perry 
Atkins,  John 
Austin,  Wm. 
Bascomb,  John 
Bennett,  Jas. 
Blanchard,  Ferd. 
Carlin,  Arthur 
Carlton,  Geo.  E. 
Cardinal,  Peter 
Carney,  Edward 
Carrier,  Octave 
Carroll,  John 
Childers,  John 
Cline,  Fred 
Collins,  John 
Cronk,  Wm.  L. 
Degough,  Thos.  L. 
Derosen,  Jas. 
Demorest,  Cornel 
Dipley,  Andrew 
Drake,  Thomas 
Drennan,  N. 
Dwyer,  Jeremiah 
Earl,  Jas. 
Farren,  Jas. 


Privates. 

Finnegan,   Barnes 

Fuller,  Wm. 

Garrett,  Hugh 

Gaskill,  John 

Gibson,  Albert 

Heaton,  Wm.  A.. 

Henebury,  John 

Holden,  Wm. 

Jones,  Edw.  P. 

Keenan,  Hugh 

Kelter,   Peter 
Kile,  Milton 
Lary,  Jeremiah 
Lefevre,   Edw. 
Liberty,  B.  W. 
Lynch,  Phil. 
McBride,   John 
McCabe,  Patrick 
McCarthy,  John 
McChesney,  Jas. 
McKnight,  Hiram 
Miller,  Daniel 
Miller,  John 
Miller,  Jos. 


Moriarty,  Michael 
Olcott,  Newton 
Patterson,  Jas. 
Patterson,  John 
Pierson,  Wm.  H. 
Purdy,  Geo. 
Quinlin,  John 
Ramsey,  John 
Rice,  Mansfield 
Rodgers,  Sam 
Rowland,  Richard 
Scherer,  Andrew 
Seaman,  Barney 
Seymour,  Jos. 
Sheridan,  Thos. 

Sheehan,  John 

Smilia,  Phillip 

Templer,  Fred 

Tunget,  John 

Wells,  Wm.  H. 

Wilkinson,  John  D. 

Windley,  Jas. 

Worth,  John 

Wright,   Horace 


First  Regiment  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers. 


357 


COMPANY  F. 


Carry  Gratz,  Captain 
Walter  C.  Gantt,  Captain 
Wm.  S.   Stewart,   1st  Lieutenant 
F.  A.  Howard,  1st  Lieutenant 
John  D.  Baldwin,  2d  Lieutenant 
George  F.  Meyers,  2d  Lieutenant 
Chas.  F.  Talcott,  1st  Sergeant 
Thos.  Mitchell,  1st  Sergeant 
Jas.  E.  Cromwell,  Sergeant 
Thos.  R.  Cross,  Sergeant 
Albert  Herkenrath,  Sergeant 


Albert  S.  Reigor,  Sergeant 
Wm.  K.  Smith,  Sergeant 
Ed.  H.  Stoddart,  Corporal 
John  Stein,  Corporal 
Thos.  McMeans,  Corporal 
Geo.  W.  Bailey,  Corporal 
Edw.  Burk,  Corporal 
Louis  Dorman,  Corporal 
Wm.  Harper,  Corporal 
Alex.  Russell,  Corporal 
Thos.  F.  Rumble,  Musician 


Hugh  Roberts,  Musician 


Alt,  Conrad 
Baltzer,  Wm. 
Bates,  Alonzo 
Belden,  Hy. 
Bellinger,  Wm. 
Brinckmann,  Barney 
Buckman,  Delworth 
Burchard,   John   R. 
Burton,  Frank 
Calahan,  Michael 
Carlin 

Castle,  Asker 
Chesholm,  Jas. 
Clifford,  Jerry 
Clifford,  Frank 
Clifford,  Jonn 
Coffman,  Eugene  C. 
Conroy,  Michael 
Coughlin,  Dan 
Cunningham,  Patrick 
Deal,  John 
Decker,  John 


Privates. 

Donnelly,  Wm.  B. 
Elworthy,  Wm. 
Flohra,  Fred 
Garrothy,  Thos. 
Gleason,  Patrick 
Griffin,  T.  .M. 
Gully,  Sebastian 
Hacking,  Jas. 
Hogan,  Michael 
Jenkins,  Geo. 
Johann,  F.  A. 
Johnson,  Jas. 
Lafllle,   Wm. 
Lillman,  Aug. 
Lilly,  Geo. 
Lindsay,  Gilbert 
McNulty,  Wm. 
Muehlheim,   Nic. 
Miller,  Geo. 
Morris,  Wm. 
Nagle,  John 


Nealy,  Chas.  F. 
Nicks,  M.  L. 
O'Brien,  John  H. 
O'Kabe,  Otto 
Reed,  Robert 
Ritchie,  Jas. 
Roche,  Patrick 
Robinson,  Wm.  C.  L. 
Shea,  Dennis 
Sheppard,  Geo.  E. 
Schields,  Patrick 
Schilling,  Jacob 
Simpkins,  Wm.  H. 
Smith,  George 
Spore,   Jacob 
Stafford,  Stephen 
Steigers,   Hy. 
Till,  John 
Wallace,  John 
Weidner,  Aug. 
Williams,  Reese 


358 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  G. 


John  S.  Cavender,  Captain 
Fred  Welcker,  1st  Lieutenant 
Chas.  L.  Sheldon,  2d  Lieutenant 
Louis  Beckman,  1st  Sergeant 
Edward  Huther,  Sergeant 
Christ  Conrad,  Sergeant 
Philibert   Melenant,   Sergeant 
Bernhard  Simner,  Sergeant 


John  Sailfard,  Corporal 
Cornelius   Maher,   Corporal 
Thomas  Powell,  Corporal 
Wm.  H.  Rogers,  Corporal 
Ed.  S.  Chapman,  Corporal 
August  Funk,  Corporal 
Silas  Howard,  Corporal 
Etienne  Hug,  Corporal 


Emil  Rathplatz,  Musician 


Aizaire,  John 
Ansermoy,  Francois 
Beller,  John 
Beneker,  Hy. 
Bernays,  Hy. 
Bernard,  Andrew 
Bertsch,  Francois 
Boenig,  Hy. 
Bonamie,  Jno. 
Bowman,  John 
Bronn,  Anton 
Bronn,  Daniel 
Beumer,  Robert 
Benner,  Max 
Cairn,  John 
Delvenne,  Gottfried 
Dennis,  Peter 
Ehrig,  Geo. 
Fink,   Wm. 
Follet,  Jos.  L. 
Froment,  Nicolas 
Galmiche,  Francois 
Geiser,  Louis 


Privates. 

Goerig,  Severin 
Grubert,  Peter 
Horn,  Chas. 
Horn,  Herman 
Hubert,  Randolph 
Jacob,  Jacques 
Jalageas,  Philibert 
Keegan,  James 
Kropf,  Christian 
Lande,  Hy. 
Laurentz,  Andrew 
Mayol,  Fred 
Meier,  John 
Mesnier,  Gaston 
Meumer,  Joseph 
Monta,  Charles 
Mueller,  John  Jos. 
Nazari,  Jacques 
Neumann,  John 
Peterson,  Peter 
Robert,  John  A. 
Romanof,  Emile 
Rosis,  Emile 


Roth,  Conrad 
Schaeffer,  Fred 
Schaeffer,  Henry 
Selzen,  Christian 
Siess,  Ignace 
Shenan,  Chas. 
Stuefhacker,  Fridolin 
Streit,    vVm. 
Striely,  Ulrich 
Tebbens,  Geo. 
Tesson,  Germain 
Trautman,  Hy. 
VanNugen,  John 
Wack,  Anthony 
Walch,  Daniel 
Walker,  John  E. 
Warner,   Chas. 
Weber,  August 
Weltz,  Sebastian 
Whitman,  Lnas. 
Whitman,  Fred 
Whiske,  Edward 
Zay,  Franzose 


First  Regiment  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers. 


359 


COMPANY  H. 


Theodore  Yates,  Captain 
Francis  H.  Manter,  1st  Lieutenant 
Thomas  Haynes,  2d  Lieutenant 
Harvey  Hogan,  1st  Sergeant 
Wm.  Drudy,  Sergeant 
Chas.  M.  Duffy,  Sergeant 
Prank  Gorman,  Sergeant 
Wm.  R.  Donaldson,  Corporal 


James  D.  Stein,  Corporal 
Richard  Mollencott,  Corporal 
T.  Jeff'n  Edwards,  Corporal 
John  H.  Connant,  Corporal 
Wm.  A.  Murrell,  Corporal 
Frank  Stolz,  Corporal 
Augustus  W.  Colton,  Corporal 
Jesse  D.  Townsend,  Wagoner 


Wm.  Schebe,  Musician 


Allen,  Thomas 
Augusta,  Wm. 
Baldwin,   Elijah  D. 
Blyholden,  John  B. 
Brennan,  Thomas 
Brinton,  Wm.  L. 
Brost,  Geo.  W. 
Brown,  Geo.  W. 
Brueggemann,  Louis 
Burns,  Thomas 
Caldwell,  Andrew  J. 
Centner,  Geo. 
Conlin,  Patrick 
Coolidge,  Marcus  M. 
(  Darelan,  John 
I  Davalar,  John 
Davis,  Hy. 
Dobyns,  David  H. 
Earl,  Geo. 
Earl,  Wm. 
Early,  James 
Echo,  Bernard 
Edwards,  Francis 
"{"  Enders,  Mathias  H. 
"'  Engel,  Mathias  H. 
Faer,  Christian 


Privates. 

Fish,  John 
Foubert,  Edward 
Gable,  Louis 
Giebler,  Louis 
(  Gronert,  Jno.  M. 
(   Grouart,  Jno.  M. 
Gudell,  Hermau  *L 
Harris,  Geo.  O. 
Hartman,  Richard 
Hill,  Robert 
Hughes,  Richard 
Kemper,  Bernard 
Kepphard,  Wm. 
Lack,  Wm.   F. 
Lock,  Wm. 
McFarland,  Jno.  D. 
McGlennon,  Hugh 
McGlone,  Francis 
Miller,  Jno. 
Neun,  August 
Oaks,  George 
O'Kelly,  Chas.  D. 
Pamy,  Hy. 
Pelche,  Jno. 
Peters,  (jnas. 
Peters,  John 


Pownzer,  Fritz 
Rader,  Chas. 
Rheder,  Hy. 
Rickmann,  Wm.  W. 
Rowe,  Richard  W. 
Rupp,  Conrad 
Saler,  Robert 
Schlegle,  Alexander 
Schwanacher,  Chas. 
Schwartz,  Christian 
Seal,  Joseph 
Shell,  Phillip 
Stolle,  August 
Sullivan,  Timothy 
Tanner,  Chas.  K. 
Walker,  James' 
Welpley,  Jas. 
Weimer,  Fred. 
Wheatly,  John 
Wheatly,  Wm.  D. 
Wick,  Robt. 
Wielhaupt,  Hy.  A. 
Wolf,  Frank 
Woods,  Andrew 
Woodward,  Chas.  H. 
Yost,  Christian 


360 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


Madison  Miller,  Captain 
David  Murphy,  1st  Lieutenant 
Jas.  Mar,  2d  Lieutenant 
Edward  Reily,  1st  Sergeant 
Daniel  Leary,  Sergeant 
Frank  Killian,  Sergeant 
Charles  Borberg,  Sergeant 
Hinton  Breman,  Sergeant 
Wm.  H.  Cooper,  Corporal 

Dougal 


COMPANY  I. 

Morris  Fitzgerald,  Corporal 
Chas.  Pretaboire,  Corporal 
Edward  L.  Donnelly,  Corporal 
€has.  Wandel,  Corporal 
Robert  C.  Foster,  Corporal 
Joseph  Scott,  Corporal 
Charles  Fendel,  Corporal 
Martin  Toeppe,  Wagoner 
Jas.  Robins,  Musician 
Ferguson,   Musician 


Arms,  Hy.  S. 
Atkins,  Ben 
Ball,  Hy 

Baumgartner,  Jacob 
Bloom,  Hy. 
Bryant,  Wm. 
Canning,  Daniel 
Casey,  Wm.  F. 
Conley,  Wm. 
Crone,  Robert 
Dapron,  Adolph 
Davis,  Jas.  F. 
Dieman,  Fritz 
Dilge,  Nicolaus 
Dobin,  Baptiste 
Dohrman,  Christian 
Donahue,  John 
Donahue,  Michael 
Fox,  John 
Fidler,  Jas.  M. 
Gahn,  John  G. 
Gallagher,  John 
Ganert,  Conrad 
Grand,  Francis 
Grow,  Rudolph 
Hankes,  Frank 
Harper,  George 


Privates. 

Henesey,  John 
Herman,  Lorenz 
Hughes,  John  M. 
Hurd,  Thomas 
Ifinger,  Hy. 
Kearny,  Martin 
Koeln,  Adam 
Kroeger,  Christian 
Lindsay,  Robt.  L. 
Lyon,  Nelson  J. 
McCormack,  Peter 
McGarvey,  John 
McGarvey,  Michael 
McGuire,  John 
McKinnon,  Archie 
McSloy,  Mathew 
McSpirit,  Terence 
Maher,  Patrick 
Mahler,  Aug. 
Marshall,  Jas. 
Massner,  Fred 
Mathias,  Nicolas 
Meier,  Christian 
Meftz,  Xavier 
Miller,  John 
Miller,   Wm.   H. 
Owens,  Edward 


O'Laughlm,  John 
Parish,  Chas.  G. 
Pesold,  Nicolaus 
Pretaboire,  Eli 
Priester,   John 
Regner,  John  M. 
Renkle,  Jacob 
Ryan,  John 
Schall,  John  D. 
Schmidt,  Jos. 
Schubert,  Wenzel 
Smith,  James 
Smith,  John 
Spiedel,  Aug. 
Springer,  Hy. 
Stiegelmeyer,  Fred 
Stoner,  Peter 
Tochtermann,  Chas. 
Vorlage,  Herman 
Watson,  John  W. 
Weber,  John 
Wolf,  John 
Wuerpel,  Morris 
Yaeger,  Chas. 
Zeppenfeld,  Robt. 
Zimmerman,  Reinhard 


First  Regiment  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers. 


361 


COMPANY  K. 


Patrick  E.  Burke,  Captain 
Alonzo  W.  Webber,  1st  Lieutenant 
Robert  C.  Slow,  1st  Lieutenant 
Edward  Madison,  2d  Lieutenant 
Andrew  M.  Brown,  2d  Lieutenant 
Andrew  Hochstadler,  1st  Sergeant 
Chas.  M.  Callahan,  Sergeant 
Ezra  S.  Dodd,  Sergeant 
Geo.   Dickinson,  Sergeant 


Wm.  J.  Erlanger,  Sergeant 
Geo.  E.  Martin,  Corporal 
Bernard   Rodgers,   Corporal 
Richard  Kane,  Corporal 
Arthur  Suddath,  Corporal 
Thomas  Morgan,  Corporal 
Chas.  Seller,  Corporal 
Thos.  J.  Fitzgerald,  Corporal 
Benjamin  Joel,  Corporal 


Adams,  Louis 
Bower,  Adam 
Boyd,  George 
Boyd,  William 
Brash,  Nicolas 
Brown,  John 
Carey,  Peter 
Clark,  Leopold 
Coleman,  Fred 
Coleman,  Hy. 
Conroy,  John 
Cota,  Peter 
Crisp,  Arthur 
Dailey,  Dennis 
Dicks,  Wm.  F. 
Dodson,  Jas. 
Duff,  Noel  P. 
Ferris,  Peter 
Filch,  Conrad 
Flynn,  Patrick 
Foley,  John 
Fowler,   Wm. 
Givens,  John 
Guerin,  Fitz  Wm. 
Guerin,  Francois 
Halscher,  F.  Aug. 
Hamilton,  John 


Privates. 

Hawkins,  Thos. 
Heaton,  Wm.  A. 
Heinzelman,  John 
Hermans,  Edmund 
Jones,  Louis  C. 
Kammerer,  Oscar 
Kelly,  Patrick 
King,  John 
Lamkins,  John 
Lynde,  Herman 
McNichol,  Duncan 
McQuillan,  Chas. 
Maguire,  Patrick 
Marlow,  Enoch 
Matthieu,  Jos. 
Matt,  Leopold 
Michel,  Louis 
Moritz,  Fred  W. 
Mullins,  John 
Nolan,  Thos. 
O'Brien,  Dennis 
O'Connell,  Jos. 
O'Gorman,  Jos. 
O'Neil,  Arthur 
Orleans,  Aug. 
Overman,  Chas. 
Park,  Daniel 


Ransome,  Francois 
Reilley,  Edw. 
Reilley,  Peter 
Ryan,  John 
Sanders,  Timothy 
Schaeffer,   Charles 
Shadon,  Robert 
Shanon,  Wm. 
Sheehy,  Wm.  J. 
Sheen,  Patrick 
Slough,  Jacob 
Smith,  George 
Stevens,  Jno. 
Straat,  John 
Sullivan,  Mathias 
Sullivan,  Michael 
Taylor,  Marion  . 
Tillman,  Aug. 
Towler,  Jas. 
Vaeth,  Ferdinand 
Van  Horn,  Chas.  A. 
Vintroviez,  Alex. 
Virth,  Josepn 
Vuerster,  Louis 
Wenthe,  Charles 
Wilmore,  Ed. 
Zimmerman,  Geo. 


362 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


RIFLE  COMPANY  A. 


L.  E.  Koniuszeski,  Captain 
L.  F.  Mason,  1st  Lieutenant 
J.  P.  Hibler,  1st  Lieutenant 
Wm.  D.  Bowen,  2d  Lieutenant 
Geo.  F.  Meyers,  2d  Lieutenant 
W.  Fallenstein,  Sergeant 
Fred  Schoening,  Corporal 


Geo.  F.  Glaser,  Corporal 
Jas.  B.  How,  Corporal 
Jas.  A.  Humphrey,  Corporal 
Chas.  B.  Fulte,  Corporal 
Chas.  R.  Richter,  Corporal 
Engelbert  Weiss,  Corporal 
Anton  Franzel,  Musician 


Conrad  Gieselmann,  Musician 


Ahrensmann,  Hy. 
Armstrong,  Wm.  E. 
Arnold,  Florenz 
Babka,  Chas. 
Backhaus,  Conrad 
Barada,  Austin 
Earth,  Wendel 
Beck,  John  F. 
Beckmann,  Bernard 
Beinke,  Herman 
Bohrberg,  Chas  (Sergt.) 
Braschler,  Jacob 
Brieglieb,  Phil 
Buschgert,  Peter 
Campbell,  Frank 
Canning,  Daniel 
Chess,  Thos.  R.  (Sergt.) 
Clairmont,  Louis 
Cleland,  Wm.  W. 

(Sergt.) 

Cowperthwaith,  J.  W. 
Crozet,   Chas. 
Dam,  John 

Damschroeder,  Christ. 
Dapron,  Ainable 
Dewane,  Fred 
Dienstbier,  John 
Dierkauf,  John 
Dinninger,  Michael 
Donnelly,  Edm.  S. 
Downer,  Jas.  W. 
Duemler,  Aug. 
Duemler,  John  G. 
Duemler,  John  H. 


Privates. 

Eickhoff,  Frank 

Ellers,  Phil. 

Ewig,  Robt. 

Fischer,  Francis 

Fischer,  Louis  G. 

Fletcher,  Perry  V. 

Frances,  Felix  Jos. 

Frances,  James 

Gaertner,  Ferd. 

Gates,  Marvin 

Gerkin,  Hy. 

Gibler,  Thomas 

Griffin,  Boone 

Grimmler,  John 

Haas,   Andrew 

Hartmann,  Wm. 

Hermann,  Chas. 

Hermann,  Frank 

Heihn,  Jos. 

Hostetter,  Christoph 
Hoyle,  Mathew 
Hug,  George 
Jacobet,  Casper 
Kaiser,  Ambrose 
Kasnitz,  Herman 
Keil,  Friedrich 
Kohlhauf,   Jacob 
Korring,  Hy.  John 
Krause,  Fred 
Kummer,  Christ 
Kuhn,  Jacob 
Lange,  Hy. 
Larsen,  Peters 
Latournier,  Louis 


Loeffler,  Hermann 

Leisse,  Fred 

Lindner,  Wm. 

Lori,  Chas. 

Maupin,  John  W. 

Merz,  Louis 

Meyer,  Chas.  G. 

Meyersick,  Wm. 

Miller,   Frank 

Miller,  John 

Miller,  Philip 

Mittendorf,  Hy. 

Mueller,  Ferd. 
Nagel,  Wm. 
Nieb,  Louis  J. 
Nigsch,   Christ. 
Obenhaus,  Wm. 
Obenhauf,  Herman 
Oesterle,  Jos. 
Ottman,  Jacob 
Ottman,  John 
Pack,  Jas. 
Pack,  Anderson 
Piening,  Fred 
Phinel,  Alois 
Quinn,  Anderson 
Roben,  Ad. 
Roe,  John 
Sautier,  Ale'x. 
Sautier,  Eugene 
Scheebaum,  Hy. 
Scheebaum,  John 
Schlacke,  Edw. 
Schmidt,  Chas. 


Regiment  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers. 


363 


RIFLE  COMPANY  A.—  Con't. 


Schmidt,  Jos. 
Schneider,  Paul 
Schopp,  Jos. 
Schorn,  Herman 
Schreiner,  Geo. 
Schultheis,  Martin 
Simmermann,  Reinh'rdt 
Smith,  Orlando  C. 
Spidel,  Aug. 
Solf,  Aug. 


Sonderman,  Aug. 
Steffan,  Hy. 
Stohlenberg,  Nic. 
Sumkiller,  John 
Swedensky,  Martin 
Tendick,  Peter 
Tochtermann,  Christ 
Uhrig,  Stephan 
Vitt,  Alfred 
Volasti,  Herman 


Voyard,  Cnas. 
\VTeber,  John 
Weimann,  Geo. 
Wendell,  Chas. 
Witger.  Fred 
\Vilke,    Aug. 
\Vondrauschek,  Jos. 
Zimmermann,  R. 
Zoleski,  Jas. 


RIFLE  COMPANY  B. 


John    McFall,  Captain 

Frank  Howard,  Captain 

George  F.  Meyers,  1st  Lieutenant 


Robert  Evans,  Sergeant 
Edward  Boyce,  Corporal 
Chas.  Bfeger,  Corporal 


James  W.  McMurray,  2d  Lieutenant     David  Landrigan,  Corporal 


Andrew  Dyon,  1st  Sergeant 
John  Hackmann,  Sergeant 
Paul  Merenskey,  Sergeant 
Frederick  Schnitzer,  Sergeant 


Jas.  M.  McClenahan,  Corporal 
Adam  Trautman,  Corporal 
Jos.  T.  Parker,  Musician 
Richard  Rapier,  Musician 


Althoff,  Fred 
Beckmann,  Hy. 
Biermann,  Herman 
Blume,  Louis 
Bradly,  F.  H. 
Brell,  Andrew 
Brown,  Jas.  T. 
Brown,  Sylvester 
Chibnall,  John 
Crimins,  Thomas 
Dohn,  Jacob 
Dundas,  John 
Ebeling,  Wm. 
Ellis,  Isaac 
Enders,  Mathias 
Fahse,  Daniel 
Feustel,  Louis 
Fiedler,  Joseph 
Foster,  John 
Gaehner,  Fred 


Privates. 

Gilner,   Aug. 
Glenn,  Jas. 
Glenn,  Patrick 
Graff,  Geo. 
Harris,  John 
Heifel,  Jacob 
Heilmann,  Geo. 
Herman,  Wm. 
Hertzog,  Julius 
Holden,  H.  W. 
Horst,  Hy. 
Hoyt,  A.  F. 
Huether,  Geo. 
Justin,  Nicolas 
Kelly,  Patrick 
Kerksick,  Hy. 
Kerksick,  Herman 
Kerwin,  Thomas 
Knable,  Michael 
Kraft,  Geo. 


Krausch,  Christian 
Kruese,  Hy. 
Lambert,  Amos 
Leng,  Wm. 
Lewis,  Edmond 
Lewis,  Geo.  T. 
Long,  Justin 
Long,  Wm. 
McCullough,  Wm. 
McHenry,  John 
McHenry,  Wm. 
Maulhardt,  Aug. 
Maurer,  Zacharias 
Mehl,  Geo. 
Metz,  Norbert 
Miller,  Wm.  H. 
Morekamp,  Hy. 
Neville,  Jos. 
Nicholson,  Theophil 
Ott,  Frederick 


304  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861- 


RIFLE  COMPANY  B.—Cou't. 

Overmann,  Ben  Schaeffer,  Arnold  Voght,  Wm. 

Peters,  Chas.  Schaeffer,  Edward  Vollmar,  Frank 

Peters,  Wm.  Scheller,  Cnas.  Wallis,  Wm. 

Reagher,    Chas.  Schwidle,  Wm.  Weber,  Charles 

Regh,  Fred  Seiglemann,  Hy.  Wegh,  Lewis 

Regh,  George  Sickmann,  Fred  Weigner,  Jonn  W. 

Rickers,  Wm.  H.  Streckebein,  John  Weissmeyer,  John  W. 

Ring,  Richard  Targee,  John  Welker,  Chas.  (No.  2) 

Risley,  Sam  H.  Utt,  L.  H.  Wieda,  Hy. 

Sachlebend,  Hy.  Vienup,  Chas.  Wittmeyer,  Aug. 
Sailor,  Wm.  J. 


COMPLETED  LIST  OF  FIRST  REGIMENT  INFANTRY 
THREE  MONTHS'  VOLUNTEERS 

who  enlisted  under  President  Lincoln's  call  for  75,000  men  in  April, 
1861,  but  did  not  wish  to  continue  in  their  original  Regiment  for 
the  Three  Years'  Service,  on  account  of  the  manner  of  reorganiza- 
tion. 

The  Muster-In  Rolls  of  the  Three  Months.'  Regiments  could  not 
be  secured,  and  these  members  were  not  accounted  for  on  the  later 
Muster  Rolls  accessible  to  this  compilation ;  but,  having  faithfully 
filled  the  obligations  of  service  for  which  they  volunteered  and  hav- 
ing been  among  the  first  to  take  up  arms  for  their  country,  their 
names  are  deservedly  reported  on  this  list.  Being  transferred  to 
different  Companies,  their  original  Company  letter  could  not  be 
noted  and  their  names  are  given  collectively.  Most  of  them  re- 
turned to  the  Arsenal  with  the  Detachment  of  Lieutenant  Colonel 
C.  D.  Wolff,  who  left  Springfield  'July  24,  arrived  in  St.  Louis 
August  2,  where  the  men  were  honorably  discharged  and  most  of 
them  joined  the  service  for  three  years  in  different  Regiments. 

After  the  expiration  of  their  term  of  office,  some  left  without 
securing  the  discharge  due  to  them. 


First  Regiment  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers. 


365 


ENLISTED  AT  THE  ST.  LOUIS  ARSENAL  ON  APRIL  22  AND  23,  1861, 
IN  THE  FIRST  VOLUNTEER  COMPANIES  OF  MISSOURI  FOR  THE 
THREE  MONTHS'  SERVICE. 


Ahern,  Thomas 
Alter,  Henry 
Anderson,  Andrew 
Andrae,  Wm.,  Sergeant 
Baier,  Franz 
Balzing,  John 
Barchtler,  Fred 
Bates,  Robert 
Bauro,  John 
Beck,  Robt.  B.,  Captain 
Becker,  John 
Becker,  Wm. 
Behland,   John 
Belmar,  John 
Benning.  Jonn 
Belke,  Hermann 
Betzar,  Wm. 
Biermann,   H. 
Bintz,  Jacob 
Blakely,   Thos.  B. 
Boechtler,  Aug. 
Boehm,  Hy. 
Bonn,  M.  W. 
Brendel,  Hy. 
Brockmann,  Fred 
Brokatrick,  Hy. 
Bronn,  Louis 
Byrne,  Patrick 
Byrne,   Wm.  H. 
(First  Sergt.) 
Byron,   Hy. 
Cady,  Aug. 
Calabraisi,  Antoine 
Cannon,  Patrick 
Capard,  Alphonse 
Carr,  John 
Carr,  Philip 
Casey,  Michael 
Castello,  Peter 
Chevalair,  Jos. 
Churchill,  John 
Clancey,  Michael 
Clarens,  Jacob 
Clerew,  John 


Clifton,  Chas. 
Colt,  Philip 
Cordes,  John 
Cutler,  Geo. 
Dahm,  Wm. 
Daily,  Michael 
Dawson,  Sam  B. 
Deimler,  Sam 
Dickson,  Chas. 
Diemer,   Fred 
Eckert,   Geo. 
Elwanger,  Wm. 
Ernig,  John  Chas. 
Fargo.  Aloni 

(   Fertel,  Chas.  L. 

/   Fertel,  John  L. 
Ferguson,  John 
Fischer,  Frank 
Fischer,  John 
Fitzgibbons,  John 
Flammger,  Ludwig 
Fox,  David 
Fries,  Wm. 
Fritsch,  Bruno 
Frohman,  Hy. 
Fuergotli,  Jos. 
Gan,  Christian 
Gartland,  Wm. 
Geier,  Edward 
Gemler,  Hy. 
Gerichten,  fhilip 

(   Gesmeier,   Frank 

/   Greimer,  Frank 
Geyer,  Henry 
Gibson,  Chas 
Gillet,  Eugene 
Glockner,  John 
Golden,  John 
Gonmeier,  Julius 
Gonsha,  Jeremia 
Gottung,  Christian 
Grimm,  Valentine 

(Sergt.) 
Grimminger,  Wm. 


Grosse,  Arnold 
Grosse,  Hy. 
Grunden,  Sam. 

\   Guset,  Chas. 

>  Guyot,  Chas. 
Hachbaith,  Julius 
Hackbein,  H. 
Haley,  Richard 
Hartmann,  Hy. 
Hartmann,  Jacob 
Hartmann,  Philip 
Haughton,  Geo. 
Helmes,  Wm. 
Henley,  John 
Hesse,  Fred 
Hilbig,  Aug. 
Hoblitzel,  Geo. 
Hoffmann,  Hy. 
Hogan,    John 
Hook,  Christian 
Hubbard,  Walter  B. 
Hubert,  John 
Hulgrave,  A. 
Hun,  Michael 
Hurley,  John 
Jacobs,  Geo. 
Jargon,  Chas. 
Kaiser,   Hy. 
Kaiser,  Wm. 
Keller,  Chas. 
Keller,  Wm. 
Kelly,  Corn.  A.   (Fifer) 
Kelly,  John 
Kelly,  Patrick 
Kelly,  Thomas 
Klein,  Louis 
Knecht,    Edw.     (Drum- 
mer) 

Koch,  Hermann 
Koehler,  Francis 
Kornet,  Fred 
Kramel,  Fred 
Kramer,  Wm. 
Krauss,  Frank 


366 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


Kuehn,  August 
Kuntz,  Joseph 
Lane,  Wm. 
Larkin,  Thomas 
Leahy,  Dennis 
Leary,  Cornelius 
Letcher,  Nelson  H. 
Lewecke,  Chas. 

(  Lohrmann,  Wm. 

(  Lohmann,  Wm. 
McCarthy,  J. 
McClellan,  Chas. 
McCrelekin,  Dave 
McDougal,  Robt. 
McGiren,  Jas.  W. 
McMillan,  Jas. 
McMillan,  Patrick 
Mack,  John 
Mark,  Josepn 
Martini,  Hermann 
Medart,  Philip 
Mehl,  August 
Mehl,  George 
Merkel,  Conrad 
Metzger,  Emil 
Meyer,  Peter 
Miles,  John  J. 
Miller,  Julius 
Miller,  Wm. 
Mittendorf,  David 
Montgomery,  Robert 
Moser,  Joseph 
Mueller,  Christ    , 
Mueller,  John 
Mueller,  Leo 
Murphy,  Morris 
Myers,  Edw. 
Neuman,  Carl  L. 
Neuman,  Carl  T. 
Neumann,  Wm. 
Neun,  Chas. 
Neun,  John 
Neun,  Hy.   (Sergt.) 
Neustaedter,  Hy. 
O'Brien,  Francis 
O'Brien,  John 


CONTINUED  LIST. 

O'Brien,  Richard 
O'Neil,  Jno.  (Drummer) 
Oesterling,  Philip 
Parson,  T.  T. 
Paul,    Fride 
Pforitzer,  Geo. 
Phillips,  Christian 
Pinter,  John 
Presley,  Peter 
Priester,  Baptiste 
Prince,  Henry 
Quincy,  Henry 
Rane,  Geo. 
Raymond,  John 
Regner,  Albert 
Reichtenbach,  Hugo 
Reising,  Anton 
Reynolds,  Jas. 
Riley,  Philip 
Rittberg,  Hugo 
Ritterbach,  Bernard 
Robin,  Emil 

Rombauer,  R.  Guido,  Sgt 
Rone,  Geo. 
Ruprecht,  Hugo 
Ryan,   Michael 
Samson,  Lena. 
Saunders,  Henry 
Sausse,  Charles 
Schaffner,  Benedict 
Schafling,  Albert 
Schmidt,  Adam 
Schmidt,  Henry 
Schmidt,  Joseph 
Schnake,  Fred  (Sergt.) 
Schramm,  Louis 
Schultz,  Christian 
Schultz,  Joseph 
Schwaeneck,  Nic. 

(  Seumig,  Wm. 

'   Sewing,  Wm. 
Shaughnessy,  Patrick 
Siever,  Frank 
Smith,  Charles 
Smith,  Solomon 
Somnia,  John 


Southwick,  Louis  C. 
Steinecke,  Hermann 
Stepp,  Carl 
Stolle,   Fred 
Stucke,   Carl 
Sturgeon,  Louis 

(   Sutler,   Fred 

'   Sluter,  Fred 
Tappe,  Hy. 
Taylor,  \Vm. 
Theby,  Jacob 
Thomas,  Fred 
Toohey,  Timothy 

(Fifer) 
Turner,  Hy. 
Ude,  Geo. 
Van  Broeck,  Fred 
Van  Broeck,  Hy. 
Vogel,  Victor 
Volk,  Fred 
Volkmeier,  Clemens 
Volmar,  Louis 
Walter,  Hy. 
Ward,  Patrick 
Warner,   Allen   L. 
Watson,  Fred 
Weber,  Alonzo  W. 
Weiden,  Aug. 
Weil,  Philip 
Wenzel,  John 
Wernairt,  Carllow 
Wheeling,  Jos. 
Wheeler,  L.  J. 
Wherman,  Hy. 
Whitly,  Thomas 
Wiegand,  Henry 
Wilde,  F. 
Williams,  Chas. 
Wilson,  Hy. 
Woodruff,    Arch.    (Cor- 
poral) 

(  Zanadill,  W.  C. 

'   Zwadell,  W.  C. 
Zeller,  Chas. 
Zurflueh,  Jacob 


SECOND  REGIMENT  INFANTRY,  MISSOURI 
VOLUNTEERS, 

organized  end  of  April  by  electing  Henry  Boernstein  Colonel.  It 
had  ten  Infantry  and  two  Rifle  Companies ;  took  part  in  the  capture 
of  Camp  Jackson  and  went  with  General  Lyon  to  Jefferson  City, 
where  its  Colonel  acted  as  provisional  Governor  of  Missouri.  Its 
Companies  made  frequent  scouts  into  the  surrounding  disaffected 
districts  and  escorted  steamboats  on  the  Missouri  River.  Its  Rifle 
Companies  marched  with  Lyon  to  the  engagement  of  Boonville, 
took  part  in  several  skirmishes  and  held  an  important  position  at  the 
battle  of  Wilson's  Creek,  under  their  leader,  Captain  Peter  J.  Oster- 
haus,  where,  with  the  First  Missouri  Volunteers,  they  bore  the  brunt 
of  the  battle.  The  Regiment  reorganized  for  three  years'  service 
September  10,  1861,  under  Colonel  Friedrich  Schaefer.  With  the 
exception  of  S1-^  per  cent,  the  Regiment  was  constituted  entirely  of 
Germans. 

In  the  following  lists  the  men  of  Company  "A"  and  "A"  Rifle, 
and  those  of  "B"  and  "B"  Rifle,  are,  according  to  best  accessible  evi- 
dence, listed  together;  all  told,  1,286  men  formed  the  Regiment. 


FIELD  AND  STAFF. 

Henry  Boernstein,  Colonel  G.  G.  Lyon,  Asst.  Surgeon 

Frederick  Schaefer,  Lt.-Colonel  Julius  Windsbecker,  Adjutant 

Bernard  Laibold,     Major  Phil  Schmitt,  Quartermaster 

Ernst  Schmidt,  Surgeon  Chas.  Boernstein,  Sergt.  Major 

Charles  Cook,  Asst  Surgeon  Adolph  Pfau,  Quartermaster  Sergt. 

Band. 

Boehm,  Christoph  Hachler,  Fred  Myer,  Chas 

Eckhardt,  Frank  Kathrinus,   August  .Myer,  Wm. 

Eckhardt,  Wm  Kiesewetter,  Chas.  Schaefer,  August 

Geeks,  Frank  Kohlauf,  Christian  Spindler,  John 

Gushing,  George  Kohlauf,  Fred  Stuck,  Jacob 

367 


368 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


RIFLE  COMPANY  "A"  AND  INFANTRY  COMPANY  "A. 


Otto  Schadt,  Captain 
Aug.  F.  Boernstein,  Captain 
Julius  Windsbecker,  1st  Lieutenant 
Aug.  Guentzel,  1st  Lieutenant 
Francis  Ehrler,  2d  Lieutenant 
Hy.  Steidle,  2d  Lieutenant 
Hy.  F.  Dietz,  1st  Sergeant 
Herman  Cober,  1st  Sergeant 
John  Kayser,  Sergeant 
Mathias  Kramer,  Sergeant 
i^ouis  Meuschke,  Sergeant 
Christian  Mueller,  Sergeant 
Alex.  Pfeiffer,  Sergfeant 


Louis  Yost,  Sergeant 
Aug.  Zerman,  Sergeant 
Geo.  Behnsen,  Corporal 
John  Benzel,  Corporal 
Geo.  Constanz,  Corporal 
Chas.  Frank,  Corporal 
Chas.  Fuelle,  Corporal 
Christoph  Geisler,  Corporal 
August  Hendrich,  Corporal 
Wm.  F.  Reinecke,  Corporal 
Gottlieb  Rose,  Corporal 
Anthony    Zopf,  Musician 
Chas.  Lenz,  Musician 


Louis  Bernays,  Musician 


Aberle,   Jos. 
Adam,  John 
Adam,  Philipp 
Ahlfeld,  Chas. 
Auler,  Hugo 
Bader,  Geo. 
Baier,  Alb. 
Balz,  Fred 
Bange,  Hermann 
Banzhof,  John 
Barring,  Francis 
Bartels,  Hy. 
Basse,  Wm. 
Bassiner,  Hy. 
Baumgartner,  Fred. 
Behrends,  John 
Beiersdorfer,  John 
Benz,  William 
Berg,  Jacob 
Benthe,  Gustav 
Bigler,  Joseph 
Bild,  Herman 
Bleuel,  Albert 
Bohning,  David 
Bonz,  Aug. 
Borghard,  Chas. 
Borghard,  Louis 
Brandeis,  Aug. 


Privates. 

Braun,  Henry 
Brehmer,  Christ 
Buechel,  Herm. 
Bunning,  Geo. 
Burkamp,  Aug. 
Burkhardt,  Jacob 
Burmeister,  Wm. 
Cherouny,  Hy. 
Dietz,  Francois 
Eb,  Frank 
Ebert,  Adolph 
Eppler,  Martin 
Fassmann,  John 
Felix,  John 
Feuerbacher,  Michel 
Finger,  Louis 
Fink,  Jacob 
Fischer,  Wm. 
Fohrenbach,  John 
Frank,  Aug. 
Fuchs,  Fred 
Fuchs,  Hy. 
Fuller,  Wm. 
Gallagher,  Francois 
Gotselig,  Francois 
Graenzenberg,  Herm. 
Gross,  Michel 
Gruetzmann,  Edw. 


Gruenewalder,  John 
Hain,  Aug. 

Hansenburg,  Francois 
Hark,  Wm. 
Hartmann,  Chas. 
Harris,  Hy. 
Hartmann,  Fred 
Hartmann,  Chas. 
Hasser,  Geo. 
Hauser,  Chas. 
Hecht,  Martin 
Heilmann,  Moritz 
Heim,  Wm. 
Hellwig,  Hy. 
Henry,  Louis 
Hesse,  Louis 
Hirth,  Valentin 
Hoffmann,  John 
Hugo,  Fred 
Jackmann,  Anton 
Jogerst,  Basilius 
Jung,  Peter 
Kaltwasser,  Louis 
Keller,  Peter 
Kist,  Adolphus 
Klein,  Theodor 
Kling,  Fred 
Knoche,  Aug. 


Second  Regiment  ////'//>//•//.  Missouri  Volunteers. 


3<J9 


RIFLE  COMPANY  "A"  AND  INFANTRY  COMPANY  "A".—  Con't. 


Kohler,  Richard 
Koster,  Glaus 
Krause,  Theo. 
Krehmeier,  Chas. 
Kuehner,  Wm. 
Kurz,  Ferdinand 
Kreuter,  Edward 
Kreuter,  Ferdinand 
Kreuter,  Henry 
Lachner,  Mathias 
Lavale,    Wm. 
Lebbing,  Herman 
Lipps,  Anton 
Lipps,  Tobias 
Lochbuehler,  Michael 
Lochmeier,  Aug. 
Lory,  Nicolaus 
Luipoldt,  Martin 
Lupking,  Peter 
Malter,  J.  B. 
Marks,  Geo.  B. 
Martini,   Wm. 
Mayer,  Claus 
Mayer,  Felix 
Mayer,  Fred 
Mehlmann,  Hy. 
Meiffarth,  Christoph 
Menerich,  Francois 
Mennerich,  Wm. 
Meuschke,   Louis 
Mettbuch,  Albert 
Michel,  Fred 
Neuberth,  Chas. 
Nudson,  John 
Obrecht,  Val. 
Ott,    Christian 
Palmer,  Otto 
Pausch,    Geo. 


Pausch,  John 
Pettenpohl,  Chas. 
Pfau,  Gustav  Ad. 
Pfeiffer,  Peter 
Pfluger,  Adolph 
Pharo,  John 
Pins,  Hy 
Pohlmann,  Wm. 
Rau,  Nicolaus 
Reed,    Wm. 
Reidel,  John 
Reinhard,  Hy. 
Reinken,  John 
Roesch,  Otto 
Rohrdanz,  John 
Rolfling,  Louis 
Romer,  Hermann 
Rolt,  Anton 
Reif,  Jacques 
Rumelin,  Ferdinand 
Ruppert,  John 
Ruprecht,  Martin 
Sante,  Ferdinand 
Schakel,  Chas. 
Schaumberg,  Albert 
Schuermann,  Wolberth 
Schlichter,  John 
Schmidt,  Anton 
Schmidt,  Chas. 
Schmieder,  Stephan 
Schnoerz'e.  Josiah 
Schoenewolf,  Wm. 
Schorback,  Emil 
Schroeder,  Ernst 
Schwartz,  Hy. 
Segbarth,  John 
Siebert,  Chas.     1 


Siebert,  Chas. 
Stock,  Hy. 
Stoeker,  Wm. 
Sommers,  Valentin 
Spahn,  August 
Steinberg,  James 
Stirner,  Frederick 
Struble,  Christoph 
Sturm,  Edward 
Swind,  John 
Teusel,  Hy. 
Thompson,  Christian 
Trampenau,  Theo. 
Uhlig,  George 
Volker,  Valentine 
Waal,  Chas. 
Waaser,  Jacob 
Wagner,  Adolph 
Wagner,  ueo. 
Walter,  Fred 
Walter,  John 
Wedekind,  Fred 
Wehr,    Fred 
Wehle,  Aug. 
Wehrfritz,  Hugo 
Weidling,  Theo. 
Wenzel,  John 
Wenzel,  Walker 
Widner,  Hy. 
Wiesner,  Louis 
Wilson,   Friderich 
Winkler,  Geo. 
Wolff,  Gustav 
Wunsch,  Hy. 
Zacher,  Christian 
Zils,  Lorenz 
Zimmerman,  John 


370 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


RIFLE  COMPANY  "B"  AND  INFANTRY  COMPANY  "B. 


Peter  J.  Osterhaus,  Captain 
Franz  Kohr,  Captain 
George  Weckherlin,  Captain 
Const.  Von  Haeseler,  1st  Lieutenant 
Fred  Munger,  1st  Lieutenant 
Theo.  Weller,  2d  Lieutenant 
John  N.  Auer,  2d  Lieutenant 
John  Robert  Kunz,  1st  Sergeant 
Jacob  Kiburz,  1st  Sergeant 
Gustav  Lightfoot,  Sergeant 
Louis  Massow,  Sergeant 
Chas.  Sarstedt,  Sergeant 


Christ.  Schifferling,  Sergeant 
Anton  Tanner,  Sergeant 
Wm.  Volk,  Sergeant 
Rud.  Feichert,  Corporal 
Jacob  Kunz,  Corporal 
Adam  Lonnert,  Corporal 
Chas.  G.  Maier,  Corporal 
John  Meyer,  Corporal 
Rudolph  Teichert,  Corporal 
Geo.  Theby,  Corporal 
Herman  Loehr,  Musician 
Fred  Kierber,  Musician 
Johann  Karb,  Musician 


Ahlfeld,  Louis 
Auer,  Theo. 
Bader,  Phil. 
Baer,  Ulrich 
Becker,  Andreas 
Beger,  August 
Behre,  Geo. 
Bern,  John 
Bender,  Ignatz 
Bender,  Valentin 
Bergman,  Peter 
Bernhard,   Fred 
Bickmaier,  Christ 
Binninge",  Geo. 
Bircher,  Rudolph 
Biernstiel,  Conrad 
Borne,  Henry 
Braun,  Jos. 
Braunsteiner,  Nic. 
Brehmer,  Fred 
Breimfleck,  Jos. 
Breitenstein,  Fred 
Brosmer,  John 
Buchner,   Geo. 
Buck,  Willibald 
Buechly,  John 
Burgatzi,  Sigmund 
Burschell,  Hy. 
Conradi,  John 


Privates. 

Daiss,  Wm. 
Dalmer,  Ben 
Banner,  Leopold 
Detwyler,  Jacob 
Dewald,  Nicolas 
Doering,  Carl 
Durkes,  Peter 
Durnbach,  Louis 
Eggers,  Christ 
Bggert,  Hy. 
Eiss,  Fred 
Erxleben,  Chas. 
Fiege,  Christian 
Finke,  Jacob 
Fischer,  Hy. 
Fischer,  John 
Forst,  John 
Freyer,  Hugo 
Fritsche,  Fred 
Funk,  Geo. 
Ganahl,  Christian 
Ganahl,  Conrad 
Ganahl,  Joseph 
Geiger,  Joseph 
Gerardi,  Peter 
Godt,  Chas. 
Goetze,  Adolph 
Grote,  Hy. 
Haacke,  Ernst 


Hange,  Hy. 
Hardinger,  Lorenz 
Hanstein,  John 
Hardwig,  Aug. 
Hartle,  Ignatz 
Hasewander,  Elias 
Heinzmann,  Jos. 
Henkhaus,  Hy. 
Herzog,  Dewald 
Heynauer,  John 
Hilke,  Wm. 
Hoffman,  Jacob 
Herman,  Theodore 
Hunnicke,  Johann 
Hunnicke,  Julius 
Hunziker,  John 
Iberger,  Theo. 
Jacoby,  Peter 
Kaiser,  Jacob 
Kaldekiewitz,  Franz 
Kast,  Adolph 
Klein,  John 
Kline,  Hy. 
Klute,  Fred 
Kollmeyer,  Louis 
Kollmeyer,  Theo. 
Kollmeyer,  Wm. 
Kors,  Nicolaus 
Kramm,  Edward 


Second  Regiment  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers. 


371 


RIFLE  COMPANY  "B"  AND  INFANTRY  COMPANY  "B".—  Con't. 


Krapp,  George 
Kriel,  Martin 
Kuhneman,  Fritz 
Kunz,  Fred 
Kunz,  Jacob 
Kunz,  Wm. 
Kunzler,   Franz 
Kurr,  Hy. 
Kusel,  Friede 
Lampe,  Carl 
Landsberger,  Wolf 
Lauer,  Chas. 
Lehman,  Christ 
Leichsering,  Chas. 
Lempke,  Edw. 
Lenher,  Anton 
Lenher,  Edw. 
Leu,   Peter 
Lisch,  Jacob 
Lohrum,  Peter 
Maier,  Joseph 
Mainhardt,  Robt. 
Marbeth,  Jos. 
Melzdorf,  Anton 
Miller,  Albert 
Miller,  John 
Mink,  John 
Mohr,  Anton 
Morris,  Adolph 
Morsheimer,  Franz 
Mueller,  Bernhard 
Mueller,  Chas. 
Mueller,  Franz 


Privates. 

Mueller,  John  Fred 
Mussmann,  Hy. 
Nagel,   Conrad 
Ney,  Peter 
Nordhaus,  Bernhard 
Otto,  Adolpn 
Peters,  Chas. 
Petzhold,  Chas. 
Popp,  Geo. 
Rammelsdoerfer,  Fr. 
Rehm,  Geo. 
Reinhard,  Valentin 
Reiser,  Jos. 
Ricksner,  Chas. 
Rink,  Wm. 
Rodenwald,  Edw. 
Roh,  Jos. 
Rudolph,  Ad. 
Rueckem,  Wm. 
Ruppert,  Gottlieb 
Rust,  Fritz 
Salardin,  Aug. 
Schalter,  Adam 
Schellenberger,  Christ 
Schirmer,   Jos. 
Schlager,  Jacob 
Schleer,  Moritz 
Schmidt,  Chas. 
Schmitter,  Jacob 
Scheldt,  John 
Schumacher,  John 
Schulz,  Louis 
Semmelbrogge,  Chas. 


Sheby,  Geo. 
Siebenmann,  Ferd. 
Siebenmann,  Chas. 
Spencer,  Bernhard 
Steger,  Franz 
Steils,  Mathias 
Stockinger,  Adam 
Strumph,  Wm. 
Szwescke,  Franz 
Teske,  Aug. 
Tonnies,  Aug. 
Trabant,  John 
Voelkel,  Nicolas 
Vollmer,  John 
Wagner,  Hy. 
Wagner,  Hy.  Wm. 
Wahl,  Paul 
Weber,  John 
Weckherlin,  Fritz 
Wenzel,  Walter 
Werley,  John 
Wessner,  Lorenz 
Wetke,  Chas. 
Wiesian,  Aug. 
Wilte,  Wm.  A. 
Wolf,  Israel 
Wolfram,  Carl 
Woodley,  Fred 
Wuismer,  Geo. 
Wuertele,  Phil. 
Yennicke,   Hy.  - 
Zimmerman,  John 


372 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  186  L 


COMPANY  C. 


Herman  Bendel,  Captain 
Julius  Sauer,  1st  Lieutenant 
John  F.  Wielandy,  2d  Lieutenant 
Aug.  Gramme,  1st  Sergeant 
Chas.  Doerge,  Sergeant 
John    Heitz,    Sergeant 


Louis  Leysaht,  Sergeant 
Wm.  Stucke,  Sergeant 
Adolph  Busse,  Corporal 
John  Hauck,  Corporal 
Edw.  Hunt,  Corporal 
Louis  Mohr,  Corporal 


Louis  Knorr,  Musician 


Adler,  Fred 
Albrecht,   Michael 
Ambeyer,  Jacob 
Amsler,  Jos. 
Anslyn,  Jac.  H. 
Arendt,  Fred 
Bauer,  Wendel 
Bechstein,  Fred 
Beimbauer,  Chas. 
Bergdorf,  Ant. 
Bestmann,  H. 
Bier,  Gustav 
Biermann,  Fred 
Biermann,  \Vm. 
Blentz,  Adam 
Braun,   Fritz 
Braun,  Jacob 
Brendel,  Michel 
Bringer,  Hy. 
Brueggemann,  Hy. 
Bucheit,  Michel 
Carstedt,  Chas. 
Clement,  Michel 
Dirnberger,  Wm. 
Dude,  Geo. 
Durolf,  Hy. 
Eckhardt,  Edw. 
Eickelmann,  Martin 
England,  John 
Finck,  Wm. 
Flack,  Peter 
Frey,  Jos. 
Fricke,  Christian 


Privates. 

Fruet,  John 
Fuchs,  Chas. 
Giese,  rfy. 
Graff,  Jacob 
Guenther,  Jos. 
Hacke,  Fred 
Haeper,  Ferd. 
Hanhart,  David 
Hehr,  Geo. 
Heiness,  John 
Heinze,  Herman 
Hellner,  Edw. 
Hemmel,  Wm. 
Herzog,  Emil 
Heuer,  Louis 
Killer,  Wm. 
Holliday,  Edw. 
Holtz,  Herman 
Huffmann,  Albert 
Huskamp,  Aug. 
Jaenger,  Wm. 
Juncker,  Fritz 
Kemp,  John 
Klein,  John 
Koch,  Christian 
Kuhs,  Chas. 
Kreutz,   Peter 
Laner,  Anton 
Lannert,  John 
Leibschuetz,  Ad. 
Mann,  John 
May,  Martin 
Meyer,  Chas. 


Meyer,  Wm. 
Minder,  Hy. 
Nollmann,  Fred 
Orth,  Gustav 
Peters,  Hy. 
Branil,  Anton 
Rein,  Anton 
Reinagel,  Christian 
Rodeman,  Chas.  Dave 
Roeple,  Michael 
Rohlfing,  Hy. 
Roth,  Felix 
Schaefer,  Hy. 
Schander,  John 
Schanstein,  Fred 
ScReuhenk,  Dave 
Schlacht,   Hy. 
Schmidt,  Jonn 
Schneider,  John  A. 
.  Schumann,  Wm. 
Schwartz,   Fritz 
Sevener,  Martin 
Stabener,  Michael 
Standenraus,  Jos. 
Stucke,  Wm. 
Tehmer,  Aloys 
Trautmann,  Chas. 
Trost,  Leopold 
Vogt,  George 
Wagner,  Max 
Werner,  Paul 
Weslhausen,  Wm. 
Wilbese,  Jos. 


Second  Regiment 


Volunteers. 


373 


COMPANY  D. 


Theo.  Trauernicht,  Captain 
Gustav  Boernstein,  1st  Lieutenant 
Herman  Hartmann,  2d  Lieutenant 
Wm.  Bergen,  1st  Sergeant 
Walther  Hoppe,  Sergeant 
Julius  Most,   Sergeant 


Albert  Tomps,  Sergeant 
Ferdinand  Kuss,  Corporal 
Louis  Leisert,  Corporal 
Wm.  Staabs,  Corporal 
Louis   Wortmann,   Corporal 
Wm.  Stroemer,  Musician 


Theo.  Hemper,  Musician 


Altgeier,  Wm. 
Bauch,  John 
Beck,  Louis 
Beehler,  Fred 
Beiser,  Jos. 
Biedermann,  J.  B. 
Biedermann,  J.  R. 
Blum,  Jos. 
Bornlitz,  Fred 
Brecht,  Otto 
Bullier,  Michel 
Christmann,  Andr. 
Conrades,  Christian 
Diesing,  Jacob 
Endres,  Fred 
Fischer,  Anton 
Frank,  Chas. 
Freese,  Hy. 
Frey,  Jacob 
Fritz,  Jacob 
Goesling,  Wm. 
Gruhn,  John 
Gusching,  A.  E. 
Hahn,  Fred 
Hampe,  Hy. 
Hannecke,  Wm. 
Hansen,  John 
Heidtmann,   Albert 
Hellmert,  Anton 
Hellwig,  Louis 
Herkner,  Christ 
Hesse,  Herman 
Hoffmann,  (jeo. 
Hoffman,  John 
Illig,   Gustav 


Privates. 

Illig,  Wm. 
Jaeger,  Hy. 
Kansenbach,  Wm. 
Kirchhoff,  Christian 
Klarner,  Julius 
Knappe,  Chas. 
Koehle,  Hy. 
Koehler,  Hy. 
Koehnemann,  Fred 
Kolb,  Philip 
Kornbrink,  Ebert 
Kramme,  Wm. 
Krueger,   Aug. 
Kuner,  Jos. 
Kuelger,  John 
Kuester,  Emanuel 
Lob,  Julius 
Lohmann,  John 
Ludwig,  Chas. 
Mennerich,  Hy. 
Meusching,  Fred 
Mogle,  Allen 
Mueller,  John 
Niemeier,  Ernst 
Ninas,  Emil 
Noese,  John 
Obermeier,  Frank 
Obuch,  Wm. 
Ossmann,  Fred 
Ossmann,  Wm. 
Pfister,  Peter 
Pick,  John 
Pick,  Moritz 
Preis,  Fred 


Rademacher,  John 
Rader,  Christ 
Ramakers,  Hubert 
Rade,  Hy. 
Reitz,  Jacob 
Roger,  Jos. 
Rollers,   Mathias 
Rollers,  Chas. 
Rommelitz,  Fred 
Rueter,  Hy. 
Rupp,  Chas. 
Schiebler,  John  C. 
Schlegel,  Emil 
Schmidt,  Fred 
Schmidt,  John 
Schneider,  Anton 
Schmitzius,  Julius 
Schmitzius,  Peter 
Schwab,  John 
Schweninger,  Stephen 
Spaeth,  Aug. 
Strube,  Hy. 
Tinke,  Hy. 
Trauernicht,  Hy. 
Trocke,   Herman 
Tubke,  Geo.  H. 
Uedinger,   Philip 
Vehrmann,  Hy. 
Wall,  Jacob 
Wehrle,  John 
Wiemann,  Albert 
Winter,  Herman 
Woltje,  Wm. 
Zehren,  Peter 


374 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


John  Jaeklin,  Captain 

Ulrica  Schwendener,  1st  Lieutenant 

John  B.  Huber,  2d  Lieutenant 

Math.  Marschall,  1st  Sergeant 

Archie  B.  Freeburn,  Sergeant 

Geo.  P.  Kaiser,  Sergeant 

John  Hirz,  Sergeant 


COMPANY  E. 

Barnhart  Meier,  Sergeant 
Geo.  Constans,  Corporal 
Adam  Ranft,  Corporal 
Chas.  Thery,  Corporal 
Julius  Wagner,  Corporal 
Louis  Walter,  Musician 
Chas.  Lanz,  Musician 


Ludwig  Iselhardt,  Musician 


Alfeld,   Chas. 
Arendt,  Fred 
Baltz,  Fred 
Bange,  Herman 
Bassart,  Daniel 
Becker,  Philipp 
Behringer,  Ernst 
Berg,  Frederick 
Berkemeier,  Herman 
Bernhard,  Peter 
Bertheimer,  H. 
Beyer,  Louis 
Blesing,  Godfred 
Bohn,  Chas. 
Bolliger,  Rud. 
Bremer,  Christ 
Brueggeman,  Hy. 
Carstens,  Alex 
Doernberger,  Wm. 
Ebert,  Adolph 
Erne,  Adam 
Eikelman,  Michel 
Eiseler,  Vincenz 
Feldman,  Hy. 
Fleck,  Peter 
Flink,  Joseph 
"Geiser,  Samuel 
Gerber,  Christian 
Graff,  Jacob 
Greiner,  Conrad 
Gubser,  John 
Halweis,  Herman 
Hambach,  Jacob 
Hanhard,  David 
Hark,  Wm. 
Haupt,  Guenther 
Hellner,  Fred 


Privates. 

Heser,  Fred 
Hesse,  Christian 
Hitzing,  Wm. 
Hoffman,  Geo. 
Hoffman,  Herman 
Indemark,  Hy. 
Jenner,  John 
Kahn,  Bernhard 
Kamdri,  Fritz 
Keller,  John 
Klein,  John  Martin 
Kohler,  Richard 
Kreider,  Andreas 
Kremer,  Hy. 
Krety,  Ferdinand 
Krieg,  Joseph 
Lebbing,  Herman 
Leupp,   Jacob 
Leuthold,  Valentin 
Mannebach,  Geo. 
Meier,  Aug. 
Meinhold,  Hy. 
Mettbach,  Albert 
Meyer,  Wm. 
Mogge,  Conrad 
Mueller,  Julius 
Nemenich,  J.  D. 
Noll,  Wendelin 
Pfalzgraff,  Geo. 
Pohlmann,  Wm. 
Posshardt,  Daniel 
Praseel,  Anthony 
Proske,  John  Julius 
Proske,  Louis 
Ramther,  Fritz 
Reiner,  Christoph 
Reiner,  David 


Remer,  Gottlieb 
Reusch,  Fred 
Ried,  John 
Roeder,  John 
Rotty,  Anthony 
Sallenbach,  John 
Schauenberg,  Ferd. 
Scheven,  Adolph 
Schlichter,  John 
Schmidt,  Edward 
Schmitt,  Wm. 
Schmitt,  Frank 
Schneider,  John 
Schroeder,  Wm. 
Seewald,  Franz 
Seligman,  Valentine 
Semper,  August 
Siebke,  Wm. 
Sohn,  Conrad 
Spriesterbach,  Wm. 
Stabenow,  Fred 
Stender,  Fred 
Sterner,  Chas. 
Stockhammer,  Ferd. 
Stopp,   Peter 
Strassburger,  Jacob 
Tonnelly,  Franz 
Uhlig,  Geo. 
Walsh,  Daniel 
Weiffenbach,  Wm. 
Wiesinger,  John 
Willeboorse,'  Jac. 
Winkeler,  Bernhard 
Wittmer,  John 
Wunsch,  Joseph 


Second  Regiment  ////"////•//,  Mixxotiri 


375 


COMPANY  F. 


Emil  Rebhan,  Captain 
Jacob  Straub,  1st  Lieutenant 
Gustav  Lueckelmann,  2d  Lieutenant 
Chas  Eichler,  Sergeant 
Conrad  Soehlmann,  Sergeant 
Gottlieb  Stoermer,  Sergeant 


Fred  Thomas,  Sergeant 
Hy.  Brown,  Corporal 
Geo.  Ingold,  Corporal 
Wm.  Rapp,  Corporal 
Martin  Schroeder,  Corporal 
Chas.  Lanz,  Musician 


Adam,  John 
Acker,  Fred 
Bauer,  Christian 
Beck,  Friedrich 
Becker,  John  Wm. 
Bernhardt,  Christian 
Bloenaker,  Hy. 
Bock,  Carl 
Brendel,  Michael 
Brockmeyer,  Hy. 
Brucker,  Albert 
Buchenau,  John 
Cort,  Gotthold 
Dohmer,  Alois 
Ebert,  Fred 
Ehrler,  Fred 
Ellmerich,  Peter 
Etter,  John 
Fausel,  Chas. 
Feuerstein,  Jacob 
Ficker,  Gustav  Adolph 
Fischer,  Hy. 
Foltag,  John 
Frasch,  Fred 
Freiberg,  Hy. 
Frohs,  Michael 
Gaertner,  Phil 
Gautenbein,  Christ 
Grassmuck,  Conrad 
Grether,  Wm. 
Haffner,  John 
Hannan,  John 


Privates. 

Hartman,  Geo. 
Hartnecker,  Hy. 
Hesse,  Hy. 
Ittel,  John 
Jecko,  Peter 
Kahn,  Isidor 
Kaesehagen,  Aug. 
Kempf,  Hy. 
Klein,  Louis 
Klose,  Chas. 
Kniffel,  Robt. 
Krumholtz,  Mathias 
Kuhn,  Francis  Jos. 
Kumpf,  Louis 
Langenbecker,  Fred 
Leach,  Aug. 
Leeker,  Aug. 
Leussler,  Robt. 
Linde,  John 
Loehle,  Chas. 
Lorenz,  Hy. 
Luhr,   Fred 
Metzger,  Hy. 
Miller,  Daniel 
Morris,  Wm. 
Otto,  Heinrich 
Pausch,  Geo. 
Peterson,  Wm. 
Pfauentz,  Chas. 
Rattemeyer,  Hy. 
Ratz,  John 
Rhein,   Daniel 


Robins,  Rufus 
Rose,  Wm. 
Ruf,  John 
Ruf,  Stephan 
Ryan,  Edmund 
Scherman,  Wm. 
Schlittenhardt,  Louis 
Schmidt,  Aloys 
Schneider,  Anton 
Schnelle,  Diedrich 
Schopp,  Philip 
Steiner,  Joseph 
Stenzel,  Otto 
Strubbe,  Fred 
Struckmann,  Otto 
Stuhahn,  Aug. 
Suiter,  Sigismund 
Sybertz,  Joseph 
Thoermer,  G.  B. 
Triner,  Jos. 
Volz,  Philip 
Voss,  John 
Walldorf,  Jacob 
Wetzel,  Frank 
Wich,  John 
Wilbert,  Suberturn 
Wilson,  Chas. 
Wimesdorfer,  Jos. 
Wissing,  George 
Worms,  Christian 
Zobel,  Chas. 


376 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Lou,*  /// 


COMPANY  G. 


Ernst  Pfaff,    Captain 

Fred  Wm.    Weber,  1st  Lieutenant 

Clemens  Landgraeber,  2d  Lieutenant 

Fritz  Dinkelmann,  1st  Sergeant 

John  Klein,  Sergeant 

Hy.  Kraemer,  Sergeant 


John  Shipper,  Sergeant 
Hy.  Drees,  Corporal 
S.  Hirlinger,  Corporal 
Chas.  Lieder,  Corporal 
Theo.  Wunderlich,  Corporal 
Christoph  Oblinger,  Musician 


Alberstadt,  Fritz 
Althof,  Fritz 
Alwer,  Phil 
Beckmann,  Gottlieb 
Bender,  Peter 
Berberich,  Chas. 
Berg,  Jacob 
Bockhof,  Theo. 
Boone,  Frank 
Bosh,  Aug. 
Bredemaier,  Fritz 
Bree,  Simon 
Bremser,  Phil 
Dahmke,  Chas. 
Deglow,   Robt 
Dettwiller,  Herman 
Fell,  Michael 
Feuerbacher,  Michael 
Flaick,  Mathew 
Foerster,  John  M. 
Fuehrer,  Fritz 
Gabler,  Alexander 
Gaebler,   Chas. 
Gehrke,  Bernhard 
Grothaus,  Chas. 
Gueltemaier,  Chas. 


Privates. 

Hager,  Fritz 
Hahn,  Hy. 
Haimann,  Hermann 
Harrer,  Geo. 
Hase,  Peter 
Heil,  Louis 
Henkelbein,  John 
Hildebrandt,  Peter 
Kelling,  Fred 
Kempt,  Andrew 
Kenz,  Andrew 
Kenz,  Chas. 
Kling,  Fritz 
Koehler,  John 
Koenig,  Callus 
Kraft,  Phil 
Kreuter,  Edw. 
Kreuter,  Hy. 
Kuhn,  Michael 
Lips,  Anton 
Lohmer,  Peter 
Lorenz,  Pius 
Lutz,  Jacob 
Miller,  Herman 
Miller,  Peter 
Moeller,  John 


Odrich,  Chas. 
Ott,  Ferdinand 
Priesmaier,  Fritz 
Schaaf,  John 
Schainemann,  Aug. 
Schmidt,  Norman  J. 
Schubert,  Christian 
Schuette,  Fritz 
Schueler,  Balthasar 
Schwarz,  Emil 
Selig,  Sam.  S. 
Swertmann,  Herman 
Spilker,  Hermann 
Struebing,  Chas. 
Schwab,  Michael 
Tempelmann,   Sam. 
Toebbe,  Hy. 
Vollert,  Peter 
Wagenbrett,  Chas. 
Walter,  Jacob 
Werner,  Chas. 
Werner,  Edw. 
Wiere,  Fred 
Wolf,  Chas. 
Worheide,  John 
Ziegler,  Jacob 


Second  Regiment  ////»»;///•//•  Mi**"" ft  Volunteers. 


377 


COMPANY  H. 


Hy.  Landfried,  Captain 
Philip  Wild,  1st  Lieutenant 
Chas.  Mueller,  2d  Lieutenant 
Fred  Jaensch,   1st  Sergeant 
Gas.  Deyhle,  Sergeant 
Chas.  Mueller,  Sergeant 


Wm.  Sachse,  Sergeant 
Michael  Deger,  Corporal 
Hy.  Hutzfeld,  Corporal 
Fred  Lenderking,  Corporal 
Jacob  Schiess,  Corporal 
Valentin  Deigler,  Musician 


Bamberger,  Jos. 
Bartels,  Anthony 
Bartmann,  Anthony 
Berger,  Fred 
Berges,  George 
Bertrand,  Peter 
Beyer,  Albert 
Born,  Wm. 
Burkhart,  Jac. 
Dechler,  Herman 
Demorest,  Cornelius 
Dinges,  Geo. 
Dremeyer,  Geo. 
Eggemann,  Herman 
Enderle,  David 
Ettling,  Werner 
Fauth,  Jacob 
Figlang,  Jacob 
Fritz,  Jos. 
Fuchs,  Lewis 
Gahle,  Hy. 
Gaus,  John 
Gaus,  Nicolas 
Gebert,  Theo. 
Graentzenberg,  Herman 
Gritzmann,  Edw. 
Hammel,  Fred 
Hanf,  Edw. 
Hart,  Sam. 
Hauser,  Julius 


Privates. 

Haverkamp,  Fred 
Haverkamp,  Hy. 
Hecht,  Martin 
Heeman,  Aug. 
Heilman,  Moritz 
Henley,  Steven 
Hennel,  John 
Herbes,  Theo. 
Hinkelbein,  Phil. 
Hoffman,  Conrad 
Hull,  Bernard 
Ihms,   Hy. 
Kaebel,  Jacob 
Kaminsky,  Jos. 
Kehlenbring,  Herman 
Kessler,  Gustav 
Kleemann,  Aug. 
Koch,  Herman 
Kossmann,  Isidor 
Kunth,   Leopold 
Langlot.  Daniel 
Lubking,  Peter 
Luibold,  Martin 
Maurer,  Jacob 
Meyer,  Hy. 
Meyer,  John 
Moes,  Jos. 
Obrecht,  Valentin 
Offenhaeuser,  John 
Paul!,  Wm. 


Pestrup,  Hy. 
Ploen,  Marcus 
Rader,  Bernard 
Raum,  Louis 
Riebel,  Andrew 
Rollberg,  John 
Rudolf,  Ferdinand 
Sachse,  Chas. 
Sand,  George 
Scheuerman,  Vollrath 
Schleider,  Alfred 
Schleifarth,  Paul 
Schmidt,  Gottfried 
Schnatz,  Adam 
Schuchardt,  Wm. 
Schwab,  Hy. 
Seager,  Wm. 
Seymour,  Jos. 
Speiser,  Jacob 
Spohn,  Aug. 
Surubert,  John 
Ulrich,  Hy. 
Valter,  John 
Wehrfritz,  Hugo 
Weibert,  John  Chas. 
Weigel,  Andreas 
Weiger,  Joseph 
Weiss,  Gottfried 
Werborn,  Fred 
Zoll,  John 


378 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  I. 


Benedict  Schultz,  Captain 
Hy.  Klurek,  1st  Lieutenant 
Christian  Burkhard,  2d  Lieutenant 
Adolph  Meyer,  1st  Sergeant 
Leopold  Arndt,  Sergeant 


Wm.   Meier,    Sergeant 
Aug.  Schuler,  Sergeant 
John  Bencel,  Corporal 
Martin  Eberle,  Corporal 
Jacob  Wagner,  Corporal 


Fred  Wetzel,  Corporal 


Bassinsky,  Hy. 
Benneke,  Theo. 
Benz,  Wm. 
Bichler,  Alex 
Blum,  Geo. 
Bolding,    John 
Brandler,  Chas. 
Brunkhaus,  Hy. 
De  Werf,  Hy. 
Doran,  Patrick 
Eb,  Frank 
Fehrenbach,  John 
Felix,  John 
Fischer,  John 
Fischer,  Wm. 
Fricker,  Christ. 
Frombach,  John 
Gositer,  Herman 
Graf,  Stephan 
Grotz,  Stephan 
Gurius,  Fritz 
Haffner,   Christ. 
Heim,  Aug. 
Hertzog,  Paul 


Privates. 

Hirsch,  Anton 
Hirdt,  Valentin 
Huhn,  John 
Humpke,  Leopold 
Jung,  Peter 
Junger,  Wm. 
Kadel,  Nicolas 
Klaeges,  Hy. 
Kracker,  Andrew 
Kracker,  Anton 
Lohrum,  John 
Luhban,  Christian 
Malter,  John  B. 
Mischler,  Peter 
Moritz,  Peter 
Mueller,  Christian 
Ochs,   Anton 
Oberle,  John 
Rau,  Nicolas 
Reed,  Wm. 
Reinagel,  Martin 
Reinhard,  Hy. 
Riedel,  Phil. 
Roos,  Jacob 


Roteck,  Ferdinand 
Schaefer,  Aug. 
Schaerer,  Andrew 
Schlaf,  Peter 
Schmalz,  Geo. 
Schmidt,   Chas.   I. 
Schmidt,  Chas.  II. 
Schmidt,  Chas.  III. 
Schoen,  Chas. 
Schonewoll,  Wm. 
Schrodt,  Adam 
Schweitzer.  Martin 
Sommers,  Valentin 
Sommers,  Wm. 
Sorber,  Fred 
Stein,  Bernhard 
Strobel,  Chas. 
Ulmer,  Gottlieb 
Walter,  Fred 
Walter,  John 
Wetzel,    Theo. 
Wittenberg,  Hy. 
Wittmer,  Hy. 


Second  Regiment  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers. 


370 


COMPANY  K. 


Otto  Stelzleny,  Captain 
Erich   Hoppe,   1st  Lieutenant 
Nicholas  Krone,  2d  Lieutenant 
Walter  Hoppe,  1st  Sergeant 
Adolph  Faber,  Sergeant 
John  Hartman,  Sergeant 
Louis  Inertel,  Sergeant 


Gottlieb  Rose,  Sergeant 
Edm.  Falkenstein,  Corporal 
Hy.  Gieseker,    Corporal 
Aug.  Kirchner,  Corporal 
Fred  Seebach,  Corporal 
Andreas  Schnell,  Musician 
Chas.  Keller,  Musician 


Abeln,   Bernard 
Althoff,  Casper 
Aselage,  Wm. 
Beckhardt,   Edw. 
Boeke,  Aug. 
Brandenburg,  Ant. 
Brenning,  Hy. 
Brockmeyer,  Wm. 
Buchholz,  Hy. 
Caspary,  Wm. 
Denkert,  Christ. 
Dettmering,  Fred 
Dungelt,  John 
Ebeling,  i^ouis 
Ehninger,  Aug. 
Ehninger,  Aug. 
Eikmann,  Wm. 
Eilers,  Adam 
Fessler,  Benedict 
Fiegemeyer,  Anton 
Fisher,  Geo. 
Flapp,  Fred 
Freistein,  Hy. 
Frey,  Geo. 
Froehlich,  John 
Fuller,  Chas. 
Gall,  Chas. 
Garrells,  Hy. 


Privates. 

Griffith,   Wm. 
Haehling,  Chas. 
Halzenberg,  Fred 
Hans,  Peter 
Hans,  Wm. 
Heberle,  John 
Heisser,  John 
Heitzmann,   Wendelin 
Henn,  Ernest 
Hirner,  Fred 
Hoefer,  Paul 
Hoelzke,  Hy. 
Huter,  Geo. 
Jasper,  Hy. 
Kell,  Chas. 
Kirst,  Aug. 
Koch,  Friederich 
Kraemer,  Chas. 
Krome,  Louis 
Krumwiede,   Wm. 
Leber,  Jacob 
Link,  Hy. 
Linkeman,  Anton 
Loehr,  Adolph 
Loehr,  Hy. 
Lunghausen,  Peter 
Meyer,  Bernhard 
Meyer,  Henry 


Meyer,  John 
Mohrman,  John 
Morse,  John 
Mueller,  Hy. 
Priece,   Louis 
Rabenek,  Aug. 
Rader,  Christian 
Roepke,  Christian 
Roth,  Chas. 
Samm,  Phil 
Samm,  Wm. 
Schoenstoke,  Christ. 
Schulz,  Casper 
Sellerhoff,  Hy. 
Sohler,  Jos. 
Steininger,  John 
Stroke,   Chas. 
Struwe,   Fred 
Stuewe,  Fred 
Suttmann,  Casper 
Trampenau,  Theo. 
Waltbillig,  Nic. 
Waters,  Geo. 
Weishardt,  Frank 
Weyland,  Anton 
Wieck,  Joseph 
Willin,  Wm.' 


THIRD  REGIMENT  INFANTRY,  MISSOURI 
VOLUNTEERS, 

was  completed  towards  the  end  of  April  by  electing  Francis  Sigel 
Colonel.  It  took  part  in  the  capture  of  Camp  Jackson,  protected 
the  Pacific  &  Southwest  Branch  (present  Frisco)  Railroads,  and 
took  up,  June  12,  the  expedition  to  the  Southwest,  via  Holla, 
Lebanon,  Springfield,  Neosho;  turning  thence  northward,  to  join 
Lyon,  its  rear  guard  of  two  Companies  was  surrounded  and  cap- 
tured. The  Third  and  Fifth  Regiments,  under  command  of  Colonel 
Sigel,  met  a  large  force  of  the  enemy  ten  miles  north  of  Carthage, 
and,  after  a  spirited  engagement,  made  a  successful  retreat,  via 
Carthage,  Sarcoxie  and  Mount  Vernon,  to  Springfield.  From  here 
a  portion  of  the  Regiment  returned  to  St.  Louis  on  the  25th  of 
July,  under  command  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Bischoff,  to  be  mus- 
tered out  on  account  of  expiration  of  term  of  service.  The  other 
portion  of  the  Regiment  took  part  in  the  scouts  and  skirmishes  to  the 
Southwest  and  formed,  with  other  troops,  Sigel's  Column  in  the 
battle  of  Wilson's  Creek.  The  Regiment  returned  to  St.  Louis 
August  25.  Some  Companies  reorganized  immediately,  and  were, 
on  January  8,  1862,  consolidated  for  the  three  years'  service  under 
Colonel  Isaac  F.  Shepard. 

The  three  months'  Regiment  had  twelve  Companies,  two  of  which 
hailed  chiefly  from  Belleville,  111. 

The  Third  Missouri  Volunteers  was  almost  completely  German.  It 
listed  1,455  men. 

FIELD  AND  STAFF. 

Francis  Sigel,  Colonel  Ferdinand  Haeussler,  Surgeon 

Francis  Hassendeubel,  Lt.-Colonel  Charles  Ludwig,  Asst.  Surgeon 

Albert  Anselm,  Lt.-Colonel  John  Woss,  Sergeant  Major 

Henry  Bischoff,  Major  Hauck,    Lieutenant,    Special    Aide    de 

Gustave  Heinrich,  Adjutant  Camp 

Sebastian    Engert,  Quartermaster 


380 


Third  Regiment  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers.  381 


COMPANY  A. 


John  Fred  Cramer,  Captain 
XV m.  Osterhorn,  1st  Lieutenant 
Chas.  Wustney,  2d  Lieutenant 
Chas.  Schweizer,  1st  Sergeant 
Chas.  G.  Hausman,  Sergeant 
John  Deckelman,  Sergeant 
Gustav  Cramer,  Sergeant 


John  Schweig,  Corporal 
James  Haevens,  Corporal 
Hy.  Siepp,  Corporal 
Fred  Kossmann.  Drummer 
Albert  Weber,  Drummer 
Hy.  Mueller,  Fifer 
Adolph  Koster,  Fifer 


Ahles,  Louis  • 
Armbruster,  Wm. 
Baielke,  Frederick 
Bamberger,   Phillip 
Bartels,  August 
Bauer,  Alexander 
Behlke,  Gottlieb 
Behncy,  Charles 
Beiser,  Anton 
Bender,  Rudolph 
Berger,   Frank  Paul 
Bints,  Jacob 
Bissenger,  Stephan 
Bock,  Theodor 
Boedelbraun,  Fred 
Brandt,  William 
Brede,  Jacob 
Bremer,  Frederick 
Bugel,  John 
Buhrman,  Chas. 
Bunginer,  Christ. 
Cole,  Frank 
Collinner,  Chas. 
Diehl,  Conrad 
Dreifuss,  Fred 
Drialyn,  Adolphus 
Ellersick,  Charles 
Faeger,  William 
Farber,  John 
Farber,  Philip 
Glaser,  August 
Clock,  Daniel  1st 
Clock,  Daniel  2d 
Clock,  Joseph 
Gossen,  John 


Privates. 

Grether,  John 
Gronenger,  George 
Gunthly,  John 
Guthes,  August 
Guthman,  Charles 
Gutjahr,  John 
Hanz,  Joseph 
Harloff,  Charles 
Hassenbehler,  Nic. 
Hausserman,  Nic. 
HaverstocK,  John 
Heick,  Glaus 
Hemgmann,   Hy. 
Henkel,    Fred 
Herzog,   Bernard 
Hodston,    McCauly 
Hoffmann,  Christ. 
Hoffmann,  John 
Hofle,  Michael 
Honer,  Hy. 
Hoppe,  Ernst 
Huebner,  Edward 
.leffley,  Joseph 
Kadisch,    Christ. 
Kallmeier,  Gotthold 
Kans,  Macholas 
Kloth,  Joseph 
Koch,  Anton 
Kreiter,  Wm. 
Laschigk,  Aug. 
Lath,  Stephen 
Lehmann,  Ernst  Simon 
Leithold,  Gebhardt 
Lilly,  Andreas 
Loeffler,  Henry 


Lorenz,  Jacob 
Lucker,  Jacob 
Lugenbothe,  Wm. 
Mass,  John 
Meyer,  Christ 
Michael,  Frederick 
Michl,  Adam 
Miesche,  Fred 
Miller,  Ernst 
Mueller,  August 
Neumann,  Fred 
Noll,  Jacob 
Olbert,  Jacob 
Oriane,  Fred 
Petus,  Fred 
Quillisch,  Wm. 
Reichard,  Chas. 
Roecklein,  Hy. 
Roedgin,  Fred 
Roeffel,   Adam 
Rohman,  Phil 
Roth,  John 
Rumpf,   Daniel 
Rumpf,  Hy. 
Schaffer,  Peter 
Schick,  Wrendelin 
Schlegel,  Trista  M. 
Schmidt,  Chas. 
Schmidt,  Jacob 
Schnieder,  Geo.  Peter 
Schocht,  Fred 
Schoerl,  Christian 
Schumacher,  Geo. 
Schwarz,  Theodor 
Schwenk,  Nicolas 


382 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


Simons,  Fred. 
Sligo,  Hy. 

Spohr,  Herman  Hy. 
Stautem,  Fred 
Steinenger,  Frank 
Stereiner,  Caspar 
Strobel,  Caspar 


COMPANY  A.— Con't. 

Sturzenberg,  Gustav 
Tacke,  John 
Tacke,  Joseph 
Trostorff,  Fred. 
Uellmer,  John 
Ullrich,  August 
Vorholz,  Fred. 


Wartha,  George 
Weber,  Peter 
Wigand,  Jacob 
Wellers,  Nicolas 
Williams,  Chas. 
Woell,  Peter 
Zer-wes,  John 


RIFLE  COMPANY  A. 


Joseph  Indest,  Captain 
Leopold  Helmle,  1st  Lieutenant 
William  Roemer,  2d  Lieutenant 
Fred  Wolf,  1st  Sergeant 
August  Neufang,  Sergeant 
Anton  Blanke,  Sergeant 


John  Steiger,  Sergeant 
Geo.   Schills,  Corporal 
Wm.   Stark,   Corporal 
John  Kaiser,  Corporal 
F"red  Benkerk,  Corporal 
Gustav  Hug,  Drummer 


Hy.  Dietrich,  Bugler 


Albitz,  Fritz 
Albrecht,  Henry 
Arensmann,  Geo. 
Arensmann,  Wm. 
Badena,  Anton 
Batterman,  Gustav 
Bede,  John 
Bieclebe,  Theodor 
Bieland,  Samuel 
Bieleck,  Adam 
Bierwirth,  August 
Bleish,  Christian 
Blickensdorfer,  Hy. 
Borocsi,  Hy. 
Burger,  David 
Burger,  John 
Burri,  Jacob 
Bussow,  Chas. 
Dahlmann,  Jacob 
Danner,   Chas. 
Diffany,  Lorenz 
Diprebris,  John 
Dreibus,  Jacob 
Ealer,  Adam 
Ebert,  Fred 


Privates. 

Eissele,  Louis 
Engasser,  Herman 
Engert,  Sebastian 
Federle,  Gustav 
Federle,  Moss 
Ferman,  John 
Fuhrmann,  Andreas 
Gerner,  Geo. 
Geschwend,  Albert 
Gramb,   Hy. 
Greber,  Michael 
Gresehbach,  Aug. 
Grelter,  Geo. 
Guenzius,  Christ. 
Guhlner,  Wm. 
Hammel,  Martin 
Hanisch,  Christ 
Hartmann,  Fred. 
Hauck,  Louis 
Hebeler,  Henry 
Heder,  Phillip 
Heine,  Henry 
Henning,  H.  K. 
Hennings,  Otto 
Herke,  Paul 


Herzig,   Charles 
Herzog,  Jacob 
Herzog,  John 
Heyer,  Joseph 
Jehle,  Leopold 
Jericho,  Louis 
Johler,  Louis 
Joos,  Jacob 
Kaiser,  Peter 
Karsch,  August 
Kassamer,  Mainhold 
Keller,  Rudolph 
Kessler,  John 
Kellerer,  George 
Knoblauch,   Gustav 
Kribs,  John 
Kuehner,  Alexander 
Kurtz,  Stephan 
Leefeld,  Henry 
Maes,  Robert 
May,  John 
Meier,  Fred. 
Mueller,  Frank 
Mueller,  John 
Nebel,  John 


Third  Regiment  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers.  383 


RIFLE  COMPANY  A.— Con't. 


Nehung,    Fred. 
Neucomme,  Wm. 
Oelfken,  Wilhelm 
Pauly,  Joseph 
Reckenbach,  John 
Reckenbach,  M. 
Reichenroth,   Ferd. 
Retz,  Chas. 
Regemueller,  Fred. 
Ritter,  Henry 
Roemer,  Henry 
Rose,  Henry 
Rosenbach,  Peter 
Salzman,  Fred. 
Schaper,  Hy. 
Schaub,  Conrad 
Schreiner,  Fred. 


Schmaiden,  John 
Schmidt,   Louis 
Schmidt,  W.  H. 
Schultz,  John 
Schwarz,  John 
Schwenkner,  Julius 
Segely,  Mathias 
Stefany,  Julius 
Sellenstein,  Adolph 
Sengenberger,  Geo. 
Steitz,  Louis 
Soil,  Henry 
Spengler,  Fred. 
Spengler,  Gottfried 
Springeman,  Hy. 
Stockes,  Barthold 
Tannhaeuser,  Hy. 


Tailleur,  Christ. 
Thill,  Martin 
Thon,  Henry 
Uphof,  Hy. 
Vogel,  Fred. 
Walkenfoldt,  John 
Walz,  Joseph 
Weber,  Otto 
Weisshaupt,  Chas. 
Wender,   Christoph 
Weren,  Samuel 
\Vittemberg,   Chas. 
Wollshagen,  Louis 
Worth,  Jacob 
Woyder,  John 
Zumsteg,  Jacob 


COMPANY  B. 


Joseph  Conrad,  Captain 
Wm.  Mettman,  1st  Lieutenant 
Geo.  Dambde,  2d  Lieutenant 
John  A.  Fischer,  1st  Sergeant 
John  Mueller,  Sergeant 
Fred  Manker,  Sergeant 
John  G.  Brossmer,  Sergeant 
Wm.  M.  Harper,  Sergeant 


Phillip  Biermann,  Corporal 
Herman  Flock,  Corporal 
August  Keepart,  Corporal 
Fr.  August  Schmidt,  Corporal 
August  Kurris,  Corporal 
Chas.  Winkler,  Drummer 
Chas.  Grad,  Fifer 
Andreas  Trulleib,  Fifer 


Ackermann,  Peter 
Anheuser,  Adolph 
Arneker,  Jacob 
Baumeier,  Hy. 
Bayer,  John 
Betz,   Albert 
Blank,  Louis 
Boehmer,  Heinrich 
Brandson,  Theodor 
Braun,  Leopold 
Brown,  Ludwig 
Brunswerman,  Geo. 
Dauer,  Geo. 


Privates. 

Delos,   Charles 
Ellsasser,  Conrad 
Engal,  Stephan 
Fiege,  Edward 
Fischer,  Jacob 
Frei,  Carl 
Fuss,  Ludwig 
Ganter,  Hugo 
Geier,  Martin 
Gent,  Henry 
Gerhardt,  John 
Geske,  Gottfried 
Glaser,  Wm. 


Glente,  Hyacinth 
Godehart,  Moritz 
Gotze,  Edward 
Grad,    Charles 
Haefle,  Adolph 
Hammerstadt,  Val. 
Hansgen,   Hy. 
Hardigar,    Adrian 
Heldmann,  Wm. 
Heifer,  Herman 
Hoesde,  Carl 
Hoffarth,  Franz 
Hoffman,  August 


384 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


Hoffman,  Peter 
Hoffmann,  Phil. 
Holyworth,  Rudolph 
Hoppeler,  James 
Hubold,  George 
Jenger,  John 
Kaeppe,  August 
Kafner,  Caspar 
Keistner,   Hyeronim 
Kemb,  Fred 

Kintorp,    John 
Kleine,  Fred. 
Kleinschmidt,  Wm. 
Klen,   Fred.   1 
Klen,  Fred.  2 
Klentz,  Wm.   1 
Klentz,  Wm.  2 
Koch,   John   1 
Koch,  John  2 
Kress,  Nicolaus 
Kromer,  Michael 
Kruse,  Jacoo 
Kurrus,   Herman 
Kulten,  John 
Kuttler,   Herman 
Lang,  George 
Lange,  Conrad 
Lange,  Fritz  A. 

Langewieschke,    Jul. 
Law,  Gottfried 
Maesch,   Fred. 
Mahr,  Markins 


COMPANY  B.— Cvn't. 

Mathias,  Henry 
May,  Jacob 
Meyer,  Fred. 
Meyer,  Henry 
Meyer,  Thomas 
Michel,  Charles 
Mische,  Fred. 
Moi,  Nicolas 
Mueller,  Adolph 
Mueller,   Carl 
Mueller,  Ernst 
Mueller,  Rudolph 
Neubert,  Hy. 
Nickels,  Wm. 
Niemann,  Geo. 
Otto,    John 
Paffman,   Geo. 
Pfeiffer,  Gottlieb 
Phillip,  Edw. 
Rapp,  Carl 
Reuter,  Charles 
Rickert,  John 
Riegel,  John 
Rodemeier,  Peter 
Rotermund,  Fred. 
Runnemeln,  Jos. 
Rust,    Herman 
Schalick,  August 
Schlefke,  Gustav 
Schlitzberger,  Louis 
Schmidt,  Hy.  1 
Schmidt,  Hy.  2 


Schmidt,   Hy.  W. 
Schmidt,  John 
SchofEer,  Peter 
Schuetzel,  Andreas 
Schultz,  Wm.  Jos. 
Schulze,  Robert 
Seewald,  John 
Sellinter,  Andreas 
Soil,  Henry 
Speck,  Jacob 
Stabler,  Peter 
Stern,  Joseph 
Stoffler,  John 
Stricke,  Hy. 
Studer,  Jos. 
Thene,  Geo. 
Thomas,  Fred. 
Tischer,  Herman 
Trandrupp,  Hy. 
Volk,   Conrad 
Wallback,  Albert 
Waldweiler,  John 
Walkenfordt,  Herman 
Wasthus,  Theodor 
Weber,  Henry 
Wernse,  Albert 
Welts,  John 
Wetzel,  August 
Wetzel,  Wm. 
Winkler,  Jos. 
Wittenberg,  Chas. 
Zindel,   Franz 


RIFLE  COMPANY  B. 


Henry  Zeis,  Captain 
Joseph  Fries,  1st  Lieutenant 
Peter  Stever,  2d  Lieutenant 
Gustav  Vohlman,  1st  Sergeant 
John  Meyer,  Sergeant 
Phillip   Kemp,   Sergeant 


Henry  Schwarnaider,  Sergeant 
Joseph  Hell,  Corporal 
Henry  Hartman,  Corporal 
Gustav  Ulrich,  Corporal 
Frederick  Beck,  Corporal 
Michael  Beschel,  Musician 


Ernest  Hokel,  Musician 


Third  Regiment  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers.  385 


RIFLE  COMPANY  B.-  Can't. 


Ackermann,  John 
Altschuh,   Phil 
Bangar,  Jos. 
Bangen,  Ambrose 
Bauer,  Louis 
Baumann,  John 
Beir,   Henry 
Berneck,  John 
Bertz,   Hy. 
Birkenholtz,  Franz 
Bohne,  Martin 
Borgemann,  Martin 
Brasch,  Henry   1 
Brasch,   Henry  2 
Breitbeil,  Caspar 
Brynn,  August 
Bugler,  Jacob 
Busche,  Fer. 
Damot,  Herman 
Diedrich,  Caspar 
Dieterman,  Jacob 
Dietrich,  Phillip 
Drevis,  Casimir 
Dritschler,  Phil. 
Dude,  Moritz 
Eisenberger,  Caspar 
Fess,  John 
Fischer,  August 
Fischer,  Henry 
Fischer,  Frederick 
Flitsch,    Jacob 
Flitsch,  John 
Franke,  Herman 
Feuerstein,  Geo. 
Frey,  Joseph 
Friederich,  Paul 
Fuchs,  Adam 
Gatz,  Francis 
Geiger,  Jean 
Geisgen,  Fred. 
Goeher,  Jacob 
Grebe,  Adam 
Haack,  Edward 
Haas,  Max 
Haemerle,  Caspar 
Haeser,  Lorenz 


Privates. 

Hammer,  Anton 
Hammer,    Nicolas 
Hardalein,  Hy. 
Harr,  Jacob 
Hensler,  Michael 
Herter,  Jacob 
Hoffarth,  George 
Hoffmann,  Francis 
Hoffman,  Jacob 
Hohn,  Phillip 
Hoof,  Phillip 
Hubrecht,  Jean 
Huck,  Ferd. 
Infeld,  Christ. 
Kahn,  Wm. 
Kehle,  Christ. 
Kelle,  Caspar 
Kempf,  John 
Kleine,  Adam 
Klung,  Daniel 
Knaupper,  Geo. 
Knopp,  William 
Koch,  Frederick 
Koch,  Henry 
Koch,  Kelom 
Krein,  Peter 
Kuettler,  Herman 
Laib,  John 
Lamperman,  B. 
Lang,  Louis 
Lohrenzen,  Xavier 
Lorane,  Jean 
Lortz,  John 
Ludwig,  Francis 
McCabe,  Patrick 
Manger,  Jacob 
Marks,  John 
Marks,  Levi 
Markwart,  Herman 
May,  Charles 
Mayer,  Francis 
Mayer,  Joseph 
Miller,  Wm. 
Mueller,  Conrad 
Nebb,  Phillip 
Neisen,  John 


Redman,  Wm. 
Reimer,  August 
Reinschmidt,  Chas. 
Reiter,  John 
Remmert,  Albert 
Reppich,  Christ. 
Roos,  Lorenz 
Roth,  George 
Salfeld,  Louis 
Sander,  Emanuel 
Santo,  Otto 
Schaefler,  Francis 
Scheppert,  Aug. 
Schiller,  Julius 
Schilling,  John  1 
Schilling,  John  2 
Schlusselez,  Elmo 
Schmidt,  John 
Schmidt,  Julius 
Schmidt,  Valentin 
Schmidt,  Wm. 
Schneider,  Samuel 
Schreiber,  Henry 
Seifert,  Moritz 
Sickenzen,    John 
Simon,  Bernhardt 
Stork,    Henry 
Stengele,  Marcy 
Streits,  Thomas 
Surmann,  Henry 
Templer,  Jacob 
Thomas,  Henry 
Vochel,  Conrad 
Wachtel,  John 
Wachter,  John 
Wagener,  Louis 
Walter,  Conrad 
Walter,  John 
Walton,  Theodor 
Weir,  Adolph 
Woehrle,  Henry 
Wolf,  George 
Wullupp,  Jacob 
Zerbach,  Joseph 


386 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  C. 

Jacob  Hartmann,  Captain  Frank  Hedjergott,  Corporal 

Henry  Bischoff,  1st  Lieutenant  Hy.  Heidermayer,    Corporal 

Zacharias  Heckenlauer,  2d  Lieutenant  Andreas  Wachter,  Corporal 
Christopher  Mayer,  1st  Sergeant  Henry  Busching,  Corporal 

George  Buschman,  Sergeant  John  Engelhardt,  Musician 

Henry    Dietrich,  Sergeant  Carl  Weil,  Musician 


Anschuetz,  Aug. 
Backhaus,  Caspar 
Baronovsky,  Frank 
Barth,  Robert 
Baumgartner,  Theo. 
Baumeyer,  Henry 
Beck,  John 
Beckman,  Henry 
Berger,  Charles 
Bernal,  Michael 
Beumer,  Caspar 
Bischoff,  Louis 
Blank,  Joseph 
Blank,  Louis 
Brandt,  Hy. 
Brasse,  Hy. 
Brinker,  Louis 
Brinkman,  Hy. 
Butler,  John 
Denkler,  Wm. 
Doepke,  Wm. 
Dressier,  Fred. 
Ebeler,  Albert 
Engel,  Fred. 
Engelbrecht,  Wm. 
Engelman,  .Chas. 
Frein,  John 
Gizizky,  Fred.  Wm. 
Glaser,  Frederick 
Goelpke,  George 
Greenekl,  Louis 
Hagenbach,  Fred 
Hansgen,  Hy. 
Hartung,  John 
Hartzig,  Franz 
Hasselbrink,  John 
Hartman,  Albert 
Heiligendorf,  John 
Heilmann,  Hy. 


Privates. 

Heinrich,   Wm. 
Heitz,  Jacob 
Hoppe,  Henry 
Hucknerkoff,  Geo. 
Hudsmann,  Conrad 
Kase,  Henry 
Kaspohl,  Louis 
Kins,  John 
Kipp,  Phillip 
Kliffman,  Hy. 
Knipper,  Edward 
Koener,  Herman 
Koos,  Conrad 
Krause,  John 
Kruger,  Henry 
Kuhl,  William 
Leiber,  Christian 
Leiner,  Samuel 
Lohman,  August 
Lohmeyer,  Chas. 
Ludes,  Nicolas 
Magrath,  Martin 
Maisch,  Hubert 
Mathias,  Fritz 
Matzer,  Peter 
Meltzon,  August 
Meyer,  Henry 
Meyer,  John  Fred 
Mochster,  Henry 
Moritz,  Henry 
Mueller,  August 
Niekomm,  Frank 
Niewassner,  Chas. 
Nonnenkamp,  Hy. 
Obershelp,  Phillip 
Offer,  Henry 
Osemeyer,  Fred. 
Overthelp,  Herman 


Paern,   Christian 
Paulus,  Peter 
Pellmann,  Wm. 
Pepmeyer,    Hy. 
Plegge,  Edward 
Postman,  Caspar 
Rabunz,  John 
Rammers,  Theodor 
Regel,  Hy. 
Regenhard,  Louis 
Reinel,  Fred. 
Riepe,   Fred. 
Roskow,  Fred. 
Salzmann,  Adolph 
Schaeperkotter,  Louis 
Schartelmann,  Hy. 
Schmidt,  Louis 
Schmiz,  John 
Sellmayer,  John 
Spezig,  Wm. 
Strieker,  Hy. 
Tossea,  Rudolph 
Trentrup,  Louis 
Vasterling,  Henry 
Vollrath,   Michael 
Wacker,  Henry 
Wagemann,  Louis 
Wagner,  John 
Waismund,  Chas. 
Wassner,  Henry 
Welpot,  Wm. 
Woestendick,  Louis 
Wetzel,  Louis 
Wiese,  William 
Wiman,  Simon 
Wipking,  John 
Zahn,  William 
Zipp,   Nicolas 


Third  Regiment  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers. 


387 


COMPANY  D. 


August  Hackman,  Captain 
Liberath  Banner,  1st  Lieutenant 
Stephen  Jehle,  2d  Lieutenant 
Charles  Hager,  1st  Sergeant 
Win.  Schneeweis,  Sergeant 


John  Botz,  Sergeant 
Charles  Gieseler,  Corporal 
William  Winkelmayer,  Corporal 
Frederick  Simon,  Corporal 
Herman  Flock,  Corporal 


Leopold  Borger,  Fifer 


Antony,  Jacob 
Baethke,  Fred. 
Eager,  Benno 
Berg,  Ernst 
Bohle,  Hy.  \Vm. 
Braun,  Hy. 
Brillhauer,  Chas. 
Conrath,  Wm. 
Depenbrock,  Aug. 
Diehl,  Conrad 
Elsasser,  Conrad 
Fischer,  Jacob 
Friedrich,  Adam 
Fruehlingsdorf,  Julius 
Geesler,  Fred. 
Gonser,  Christian 
Gotthard,  Moritz 
Grasse,  Dietrich 
Hager,  Frank 
Hassenflug,  John 
Heck,   Phillip 
Helmerich,  Edw. 
Helmke,  Ludwig 
Holz,  John 
Homan,  Christofer 


Privates. 

Hoppler,  James 
Hubaer,  Edw. 
Kauth,  Nicolas 
Kleeman,  Peter 
Koch,  Jacob 
Koneman,  Frank 
Kremer,  Wm. 
Kufner,  Louis 
Kuhlman,  Edw. 
Lang,  George 
Law,  Gottfried 
Mueller,  Bader 
Olp,  Charles 
Ott,  John 

Ottomayer,  Christian 
Pfaff,  Jacob 
Pulver,  William 
Reckort,  John 
Reichert,  Charles 
Reinschuter,  Ch. 
Rohrman,   Phil. 
Schaetzle,  Martin 
Scharz,  Theodor 
Schmidt,  Herman 
Schmidt,  John 


Schmidt,  Wm. 
Schollmeyer,  Hy. 
Schonek,  John 
Schwertzler,  Geo. 
Seifried,  Chas. 
Seifried,  Wm. 
Spring,  August 
Stadler,  Charles 
Stark,  Louis 
Stern,  Leopold 
Thieden,  Michael 
Thomas,  Fred. 
Tiney,  Thomas  Alb. 
Tischer,  Herman 
Tonnor,  Pierre 
Ulrich,  August 
Wagner,  Fred. 
Wansch,  Max 
Weber,  Geo. 
Weber,  Hy. 
Weidner,  Jacob 
Werkmeister,  Albert 
Zenner,  Martin 
Zens,  Andreas 
Zieres,  Henry 


388 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  E. 


John  E.  Strodtkamp,  Captain 
E.  H.  Poten,  1st  Lieutenant 
Charles  Schaerff,  2d  Lieutenant 
Gottlieb  Schmidt,  1st  Sergeant 
Charles  Stiesmeier,  Sergeant 
William  Kossack,  Sergeant 
Wm.  H.  Godfrey,  Sergeant 
Christian  Koemer,  Sergeant 


Otto  C.  Lademann,  Sergeant 
Frederick  Hansen,  Corporal 
Fred  Moltz,  Corporal 
Wm.  Goetz,  Corporal 
Robert  E.  Fischer,  Corporal 
John   Zeller,   Corporal 
Louis  Hoffner,  Musician 
Andreas  Weitzel,  Musician 


Beier,  Michael 
Bemelberg,  Edw. 
Benecke,  August 
Bender,  Jacob 
Bihrle,  Henry 
Boeringer,  Chas. 
Borg,  Jacob 
Borstel,  Geo.  E. 
Brandle,  Louis 
Brechtel,  Martin 
Burger,  Charles 
Banner,  Anton 
Deppe,  August 
Foerster,  Michael 
Foester,  John 
Fremer,  Jacob 
Gambs,    Hy.    F. 
Gebhard,  Andrew 
Gelzleichter,  Chas. 
Geske,  Gottfried 
Gessner,  John 
Graff,  William 
Granar,  Michael 
Grase,  Fred 
Greb,  Wm. 
Harlman,  Louis 
Heinbach,  Herman 
Hemans,  Henry 


Privates. 

Hensen,  Valentin 
Hetzel,  Chas. 
Hieppert,  Phil. 
Hodepp,  Sebastian 
Hoever,  August 
Hogan,  Edward 
Hovert,  Wm. 
Ittman,  Chas. 
Jacobs,  John 
Jung,  Peter 
Kaegi,  John 
Kampmann,  Chas. 
Keller,  Jacob 
Kirchhoffer,  Mathias 
Klein,  Rudolph 
Knollhoff,  Louis 
Kortmann,  Louis 
Krese,  Nicolas 
Loew,  Fred  George 
Mauer,  Fred  R. 
Meier,  Fred 
Meier,  Henry 
Meier,  Joseph 
Meier,  Martin 
Merrem,  Fred 
M^tzger,  Wm. 
Meur,  George 
Mick,  Charles 


Mick,  Henry 
Miller,  Wm. 
Mueller,  Alex  B. 
Mussing,  Chas. 
Neimer,  Martin 
Pauly,  Wm. 
Preissle,    Frank   P. 
Rake,  John 
Renn,   Ambrose 
Rodgers,  Bernard 
Rohlfing,  Wm. 
Rudolph,  Julius 
Rush,  Thomas  H. 
Scheiner,  Herman 
Schmidt,  Charles 
Schmidt,   John 
Schneider,    Frank 
Schoenderfer,  Christ 
Schulte,  Bernard 
Schwertfeger,  Wm. 
Seibert,   Phillip 
Spanholz,   Chas. 
Starke,  Rudolph 
Strelow,  Fred  Wm. 
Tomacz,   Kieweiz 
Westphal,  Hy. 
Zeerburg,  Hy. 


Third  Regiment  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers. 


389 


COMPANY  F. 


Constantin  Blandovski,  Captain 

Hugo  Gollmer,  Captain 

August  Wm.  Busche,  1st  Lieutenant 

John  Fred  Hohlfeld,  2d  Lieutenant 

Fred  Hartenstein,  1st  Sergeant 

Ernst  Hohlfeld,  Sergeant 

John  Henning,  Sergeant 


Henry  Sontag,  Sergeant 
Henry  Lambert,  Corporal 
John  Woelfert,  Corporal 
Adolph  Baumann,  Corporal 
Geo.  Elwerth,  Corporal 
Dietrich  Fohrbach,  Musician 
Remigens  Leber,  Musician 


Arnold,  Wm. 
Bachmann,  Gottlieb 
Bauer,  Henry 
Baumeyer,   Charles 
Becker,  Adam 
Becker,  John 
Bender,  George 
Bentrop,  Fred 
Beser,  Jacob 
Betz,  John 
Beumer,  Hy. 
Bohns,  John  F. 
Bolender,  Jos. 
Brawner,   Emanuel 
Brockmann,  Wm. 
Christ,  Valentin 
Cramer,  John 
Eichholtz,  Hy. 
Enderlein,  Ernst 
Engelhard,  Martin 
Festge,  Herman 
Feuerhalin,  Valentin 
Florch,  Jacob 
Florke,  David 
Fritz,  Jacob 
Gardee,  Henry 
Gerlach,  Ferdinand 
Geschwend,  Francis 
Grahl,  Charles 
Gronemeyer,  Wm. 


Privates. 

Gubser,  Charles 
Hauweg,  Bernhard 
Heitzman,  Franz  H. 
Heller,  Ernst 
Hilkebaumer,   Hy. 
Hotches,  John 
Kaseman,  John 
Kastner,  Erasmus 
Kempter,  Joseph 
Koch,  Henry 
Koch,  William 
Kolzenberg,  Wm. 
Kulkebach,  Fred 
Kulkebach,  Hy. 
Kunz,  Hy. 

Lehmann,  Fred.  Chas. 
Loebig,  Michael 
Lunigkorner,  Hy. 
Malmistrom,  Chas. 
Mauch,  Chas. 
Maus,  George 
Mueller,  Herman 
Munsch,  Mathias 
Neunzerling,  Jacob 
Niehaus,  William 
Perez,  William 
Pfeiffer,  Fred 
Pflster,  Peter 
Potthast,  Fred 
Puls,  Christian 


Reinhard,  George 
Ries,  Henry 
Rose,  Adam 
Roterman,  Fred 
Roth,  Charles 
Roth,  Henry 
Roth,  Wm. 
Saum,  Adam 
Schaarschek,  Jas. 
Schlee,  Joseph 
Schlosser,  Henry 
Schmidt,  Jacob 
Silberer,  Lovemore 
Silbermann,  John 
Simon,  John 
Stallmann,  Jacob 
Stange,  Rudolph 
Stangre,  Otto  Franz 
Stumpe,  Dietrich 
Tallhaber,  Jos. 
Trulleib,  Andreas 
Waldweiler,  John 
Weig,  Jacob 
Weiss,  Charles 
Wenz,  Gottfried 
Werder,  John 
Westreider,  Fred 
Wetzel,  August 
Wilbermann,  J.  Hy. 


390 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  G. 


Adolph  Dengler,  Captain 
Charles  Hoeny,  1st  Lieutenant 
Edward  Krebe,  2d  Lieutenant 
John  Lendroth,  1st  Sergeant 
Theodore  Schneider,  Sergeant 
Charles  Doll,  Sergeant 


Charles  Duisenberg,  Sergeant 
Henry  Meier,  Corporal 
Ernst  Scheidig,  Corporal 
Louis  Rauch,  Corporal 
Charles  Zierath,  Corporal 
Fred  Schuchmann,  Drummer 


Wilhelm  Grill,  Fifer 


Abel,  John 
Auer,  Fred 
Bastian,  Joseph 
Beck,  John 
Becker,  John 
Betzer,  Fred 
Bierwirth,  Fred 
Bonneberger,   M. 
Brod,  Julius 
Brimer,  Joseph 
Christen,  Francis 
Diesel,  John 
Esig,  Michael 
Faller,  Lazarus 
Fehrenbach,    Sebastian 
Fidler,  Hy. 
Fischer,   Chas. 
Fischer,  August 
Flug,   Balthazar 
Fricker,  John 
Gebhard,  John 
Geiger,  Mathias 
Gemund,  Anton 
Graff,  Geo.  P. 
Grossmann,  Jacob 
Hahn,   Henry 
Hammer,  Phillip 
Heilig,  John 
Hess,  Louis 
Hockert,  Samuel 
Hoffman,  Peter 
Hofmeister,  Wm. 


Privates. 

Holdener,  Joseph 
Jung,  Wilhelm 
Jxinghaus,  Herman 
Kaiser,  Fred 
Keller,  Hieronymus 
Kesselring,  Conrad 
Kimmerl,  Franz 
Klaus,  Franz 
Klingenpis,  Jonathan 
Koppmann,  Franz 
Kremer,  Hy. 
Krim,  John 
Kuhn,  Andreas 
Kuhnl,  Michael 
Lammert,  Louis 
Leppert,  Geo. 
Lorenz,  John 
Ludescher,  Franz 
Martin,  Geo. 
Meier,  Benjamin 
Meinhardt,  John  B. 
Metzger,  Raimond 
Missbach,  Leopold 
Mueller,   Charles 
Pfeifer,  Peter 
Rake,  Fred 
Rampenthold,  Fred 
Salterbach,  Christian 
Schibert,  Wm. 
Schlohmann,  Fred 
Schmitt,  Carl 
Schmitt,  Carl  Aug. 


Schopp,  Leonhard 
Schroeder,  Henry 
Schuchard,  Hy. 
Schuekel,   Anton 
Seeman,  John 
Sendelbach,  John 
Siegrist,  Charles 
Siering,  Jacob 
Sueger,  Fred 
Sohn,  Michael 
Spatzer,  Francis 
Spiro,  Simon 
Steimel,  Rupert 
Strauss,  Charles 
Strittmatter,  Jacob 
Stutzel,  Henry 
Sutter,  Rudolph 
Tober,  Joseph 
Toepfer,  Fred 
Tritchler,  Theo. 
Waechter,  Jacob 
Wahl,  Henry 
Wallerman,  John 
Wand,  John 
Wangelin,  Gustav 
Wannemacher,  Sebastian 
Weber,  Benjamin 
Wiebel,  Wm. 
Wiegand,  Herman 
Winterwerl,  Phil. 
Wool,  John 
Zaumseil,  Henry 


7'A /'/•</  Ri  ijinicnt  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers. 


391 


COMPANY  H. 


George   D.   Friedlein,   Captain 
Geo.  Marschall,  1st  Lieutenant 
John  Kaegi,  2d  Lieutenant 
Chas  Hayemann,  1st  Sergeant 
Christ.  Trautman,  Sergeant 
Wm.  Eisermann,  Sergeant 


Hugo  Ropiquet,  Sergeant 
Phillip  Scherer,  Corporal 
Wm.  Ollomann,  Corporal 
Edward  Thees,  Corporal 
Wendelin  Burkhardt,  Corporal 
Wm.  Richter,  Fifer 


Chas.  Siebrecht,  Drummer 


Adamski,  Anton 
Amberg,  Michael 
Angermann,  Hy. 
Armbruster,  John 
Auerswald,  Herman 
Bader,  August 
Baners,  John 
Behler,  Franz 
Behringhof,   Max 
Bering,  John 
Bertsch,  Louis 
Becks,  Fred 
Biehler,  John 
Bruder,  Joseph 
Butscher,  Henry 
Carl,  Edward 
Crepen,  Joseph 
Diebel,  Louis 
Ehrhard,  Fred 
Elkner,  Edward 
Emil,  Joseph 
Engelhardt,  Martin 
Faes,  John 
Findies,   Louis 
Funkhouser,  Andrew 
Fuderer,  John 
Furder,  John 
Gebensleben,  Rudolph 
Gemp,  Ely 
Genz,  Friedolin 
Goeschel,  Albert 
Gollez,  John 
Heeger,  Wendelin 
Helm,  Julius 
Hoffman,   Phillip 


Privates. 

Hoppman,  Martin 
Jung,  John 
Kackler,  Emil 
Kaes,  Fred 
Kahn,  Fred 
Kambert,  William 
Kapp,  Phillip 
Kappers,  Valentin 
Kapps,    Rudolph 
Kasten,  Daniel 
Koch,  Bruno 
Koerner,  Herman 
Kohle,  Louis 
Kohlmann,  Fred 
Koser,  Fred 
Kracht,  John 
Krause,  August 
Kunz,  Fred 
Ledermann,  Jacob 
Lempke,  Charles 
Lipps,  Christian 
Loescher,  Jacob 
Lohner,  John 
Lohrer,  Michael 
Loosen,  Gottfried 
Lott,  John 
Lubzeier,  Joseph 
Mathias,  Henry 
Mayforth,  Fred 
Meyer,  Jacob 
Meyer,  Michael 
Meyer,  Stephen 
Molitor,  Jacob 
Mueller,  Andreas 
Mueller,  Anton 


Mueller,  Michael 
Niedringhaus,  Fre.d 
Null,  John 
Nutzener,  Chas. 
Oster,  Theodor 
Pall,  William 
Plotscher,  Frank 
Ratz,  Henry 
Riegel,  John 
Roesch,  Louis 
Rohr,  Robert 
Rose,  Gustav 
Ruedlinger,  Frank 
Schaller,  Valentin 
Schaub,  Jacob  No.  1 
Schaub,  Jacob  No.  2 
Schavang,   Rudolph 
Schitting,   John 
Schoeppe,  George 
Schnitzler,  Martin 
Schutzler,  Sebastian 
Schwarz,  Otto 
Seiler,  Jacob 
Tupple,  Sebastian 
Ulrich,  Albert 
Vogel,  Gottlieb 
Volm,  Wendelin 
Voltz,  Bernhard 
Voss,  Adrian 
Weigmand,  Phil. 
Wenzel,  Rudolph 
Wiedmar,  John 
Wilde,  Rudolph 
Winder,  John 
Ziegler,   Fred 


392 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  I. 


Chas.  H.  Mannhardt,  Captain 
H.  Klostermann,  1st  Lieutenant 
Joseph  Priesner,  2d  Lieutenant 
Julius  Gemmer,  1st  Sergeant 
Louis  Gaurain,  Sergeant 
Wilhelm  Kramer,  Sergeant 


Alexander  Schrader,  Sergeant 
John  Koegg,  Corporal 
Adolph  Mallinkrodt,  Corporal 
Peter  Quickert,  Corporal 
Ferd.  Schrader,  Corporal 
Charles  Derr,  Drummer 


Richard  Schuchmann,  Fifer 


Anike,  Jacob 
Baunneberg,  John 
Blinkensdorfer,  Wm. 
Bonn,  Henry 
Bomm,  Conrad 
Brand,  John 
Brockmann,  Ernst 
Brommelmeyer,   Geo. 
Bunn,  Ludwig 
Buetler,  Andreas 
Dannmann,  Herman 
Dantz,  Peter 
Dickmann,  Herman 
Dietz,  Charles 
Frontrup,  Hy. 
Geier,  Martin 
Clock,  Peter 
Goetz,  Edward 
Hassenritter,  Herman 
Heidemann,  Albert 
Heltmann,  Wm. 
Hensick,  Caspar  H. 
Hensler,  Frantz 
Herman,  Adolph 
Herman,  Charles 
Heydt,  Adolph 
Heydt,  John  G. 
Hoffarth,   Franz 
Hofner,  Caspar 
Just,  Edward 
Jensen,  John  C. 


Privates. 

Kaegg,  John 
Kessler,   Charles 
Kessler,  Herman 
Kirchner,   Albert 
Kissing,  Wm. 
Klein,  Fred 
Koch,  Ernst 
Koch,  Gustav 
Koch,  Otto 
Koch,  Wm. 
Kruse,  Jacob 
Kuntz,  Christian 
Kittner,  Herman 
Lange,  Frank 
Leisler,  Wm. 
Limmert,  Louis 
Lohmann,  Louis 
Louis,  Joseph 
Mathias,  Henry 
Mathias,  Herman 
Maurer,  Charles 
May,  Jacob 
Meyer,  Andreas 
Meyer,  John  M. 
Molitor,  Jacob 
Mueller,  Geo.  E. 
Mukin,  Adolph 
Munch,  Albert 
Munch,  Berthold 
Munch,  Ferdinand 
Munding,  Conrad 


Munk,  Henry 
Otto,  John  C. 
Pappenhauser,  Hy. 
Pfister,  Christian 
Pfund,   Gottfried 
Probst,  Edward 
Ruebling,  Paul 
Rupert,  Wm. 
Rust,  Herman 
Ryan,  Patrick 
Schaebert,  August 
Schaerf,  Joseph 
Schaub,  Jacob 
Schoeder,  Louis 
Schluter,  Henry 
Schmidt,   Leonhardt 
Schraeder,  Adolph 
Schroeder,  Fritz 
Schwarz,  Otto 
Seewald,  Chas. 
Spannaus,  Henry 
Steininger,  Jacob 
Steitz,  Louis 
Stern,  Joseph 
Stopping,   Michael 
Stuebler,  Peter 
Theene,  George 
Thiehlmann,  Hy. 
Thiehlmann,  John  F. 
Wenker,  Henry 
Wetzel,  Wm. 


Third  Regiment  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers. 


393 


Theodor  Meumann,  Captain 
Theodor  Henck,  1st  Lieutenant 
George  Schuster,  2d  Lieutenant 
William  Wolf,  1st  Sergeant 
Charles  Tillenger,  Sergeant 
Henry  Beneke,  Sergeant 


COMPANY  K. 

Louis  Coloman  Lucas,  Corporal 
Fred  Kolwatz,  Corporal 
Gustav  Ritter,  Corporal 
Fred  Krueger,  Corporal 
Christian  R.  Riebel,  Corporal 
Peter  Hartman,  Musician 


Christian  Helmer,  Musician 


Abel,  Geo.  Alex 
Allgier,  Michael 
Andree,  Charles 
Autenrieth,  Herman 
Becherer,  Xavier 
Beka,  Benjamin 
Beman,  Phillip 
Bemis,  Chas.  Aug. 
Benzon,  Andrew 
Block,  Rudolph 
Blume,  Franz 
Bracke,  William 
Bruns,  Henry 
Danvil,  William 
Debusman,  Chas. 
Dietrich,  Caspar 
Dieu,  John 
Dozer,  Edward 
Dreinhoefer,  Edw. 
Dutsch,  John 
Eggus,  Chas.  Aug. 
Eich,  Wm. 
Eiserman,  Hy. 
Elgars,  Herman 
Engfer,  John 
Faist,  William 
Faller,  Edward 
Fassler,  Leopold 
Fassler,  William 
Fencel,  William 
Fischer,  Phillip 
Fischer,  Hugo 


Privates. 

Flack,  Richard 
Frank,  John 
Freble,  Jacob 
Gebelein,  John 
Guedemann,  Bethline 
Hammer,  Isaac 
Happenberg,  Gustav 
Hecker,  Arthur 
Held,  George 
Heller,  John 
Henscheil,  Bernhard 
Herneise,  Gottlieb 
Hipp,  Charles 
Hoffman,  Leonhard 
Holzwarth,  John 
Horstbrink,  Ludwig 
Jobs,  Jacob 
Jungst,  Henry 
Kauffman,  Wm. 
Keelenberg,  Charles 
Kessler,  Charles 
Koch,  Adam 
Koster,  Henry 
Kowalsky,  Theodore 
Krette,  Phillip 
Lenze,  Chas. 
Macbeth,  Jos. 
Mark,  Otto 
May,  Julius 
Mayenberg,  Fred 
Mohr,  Wm. 


Mueller,  Andreas 
Nelgne,  August 
Olfers,  Herman 
Panse,  Herman 
Pretorius,  Wm. 
Pritzel,   John 
Reifurth,  August 
Reuss,   Chas.  Albert 
Roeslein,  Anton 
Schamburger,  Fred 
Schell,  George 
Schlesp,  John 
Schmidt,  Berne 
Schmith,  Louis 
Schroeder,  Anton 
Schurmann,  Fred 
Seidler,  Charles 
Spridler,  Julius 
Stein,  Charles 
Steiner,  Charles 
Tending,  Christopher 
Todt,  Charles 
Twelbeck,  John 
Vielhack,  August  1 
Vielhack,  August  2 
Walter,  Fred 
Walthmann,    Chas. 
Wenze,  Rudolph 
Wuestner,  Edmund 
Zack,  Wenzel 
Zott,  Arnim 


FOURTH  REGIMENT  INFANTRY,  MISSOURI 
VOLUNTEERS. 

The  Fourth  Regiment  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers,  was  or- 
ganized with  twelve  Companies  towards  the  end  of  April,  1861,  by 
electing  Nicolaus  Schuettner  Colonel.  It  was  originally  a  hunting 
society  of  longer  standing  called  "Die  Schwarzen  Jaeger,"  equipped 
with  the  usual  outfit  of  a  hunting  society.  This  and  the  Schuetzen 
Section  of  the  St.  Louis  Turnverein  were  the  first  armed  Union 
volunteer  bodies  in  St.  Louis,  even  before  President  Lincoln's  call 
for  75,000  men. 

The  Regiment  took  part  in  the  capture  of  Camp  Jackson  and 
was  soon  thereafter  sent  down  to  protect  Cairo  and  Birds  Point. 
It  made  a  fortified  camp  at  the  latter  place  and  carried  on  a  success- 
ful scouting  in  Southeast  Missouri.  On  returning  to  St.  Louis  the 
Regiment  was  sent  on  a  larger  expedition  to  Callaway  County,  while 
two  of  its  Companies  were  on  detached  service  guarding  the  Pacific 
Railroad.  The  Regiment  was  mustered  out  at  the  expiration  of  its 
term  of  service  on  July  30,  1861,  and  those  of  its  members  who  re- 
enlisted  joined  different  Regiments  and  Companies,  but  the  original 
organization  was  not  continued.  Of  its  1,037  members,  88  per  cent 
were  Germans,  8  per  cent  Bohemians,  the  balance  Americans. 

FIELD  AND  STAFF. 

Nicholas  Schuettner,  Colonel  Christ.  Grison,  Quartermaster 

Adam  Hammer,  Lt.-Colonel  Chas.  Gus  Louis  Beck,  Surgeon 

Fred  Niegemann,  Major  Adolph  Rosch,  Asst.  Surgeon 

Sigmund  Homburg,  Adjutant  Gus  R.  Spannagel,  Sergt.-Major 

Aug.  Boettcher,  Quartermaster  Sergt. 

Band. 
Ferdinand  Knecht,  Drum  Major  Casper  Herget,  Fife  Major 


394 


Fourth  Regiment  Infant ri/.  Ml 


COMPANY  A. 


Geo.  Dahmer,  Captain 
Jacob     Kiburz,  1st  Lieutenant 
Frank  Guide,  2d  Lieutenant 
Geo.  Mueller,  1st  Sergeant 
Wm.  Hagen,  Sergeant 
Daniel  Kaesten,  Sergeant 


Wm.  Volmar,  Sergeant 

.'  ouis  Chouteau,      Corporal 

Julius  Lachs,  Corporal 

John  Schaub,  Corporal 

Robt.  Venn,  Corporal 

Dietrich  Wehrmann,  Drummer 


Jos.  Dammermuth,  Bugler 


Adam,  August 
Albrecht,  John 
Berg,  Henry 
Bischoff,  Win. 
Brockmann,  Hy. 
Bucker,  John 
Busch,  Jacob 
Carroll,  Louis  Davis 
Dreher,  Henry 
Drinker,  George 
Emmler,  John 
Erdsmannsdorfer,  Chas. 
Gebraetz,  Aug. 
Goetz,  Anton 
Goetz,  John 
Green,   Geo.   M. 
Green,  Hy. 
Hauck,  Alex 
Hauck,  Jacob 
Heier,  George 
Heinze,  Charles 
Heitzmann,  Jos. 
Held,  Christian 
Helwig,  Christian 


Privates. 

Herwig,  Wm. 
Hettler,  Joseph 
Hofer,  Conrad 
Kaester,  Edward 
Keischt,  Conrad 
Koch,  Henry 
Krimenau,  Henry 
Metzerock,  Albert 
Meyer,  Frederick 
Meyer,  John  Rudolph 
Meyer,  Michael 
Meyer,  Phillipp 
Muellerbach,  Cornelius 
Obrecht,  Ferd. 
Obrist,  Rudolph 
Poetting,  Fred 
Pries,  Henry 
Reinhardt,  Fritz 
Richard,  Jacob 
Riedel,  Wm. 
Ruedi,  Wieland 
Ruppol,  Simon 
Sand,  John 
Schaedler,  Wm. 


Schauble.Michael  Jacob 
Schlecht,  Jacob 
Schlumpf,  Wm. 
Schmidt,  Ernst 
Schnell,  Reinhold 
Schuler,  Albert 
Seibel,  Nicolaus 
Spindler,  Andrew 
Stroh,  Ludwig 
Sybolsky,  John 
Tamni,  Henry 
Tuchof,  Friederich 
JUlrich,  Theodore 
Vaulhaber,  Val. 
Voigt,  Bernhardt 
Wagner,  Gottlieb 
Walther,  Henry 
Walther,  Michael 
Weber,  Joseph 
Weigel,  John 
Widmann,  Hy. 
Wittig,  Edward 
Zinglin,  Peter 
Zipf,  John 


396 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  B. 


George  Rieman,  Captain,  April  24 
Ludwig  Hofstedter,  1st  Lieutenant 
Conrad  Grenzebach,  2d  Lieutenant 
Louis  Holland,  1st  Sergeant 
Wm.  Albrecht,  Sergeant 
Ferd.  Halm,  Sergeant 
Carl  Kunst,  Sergeant 


Anton  Thebus,  Sergeant 
Geo.  Anschuetz,   Corporal 
John  Gunther,  Corporal 
Wm.  Ruge,  Corporal 
John  Stemler,  Corporal 
Fred  Weinig,  Musician 
Aug.  Jones,' Musician 


Ackermann,  Paul 
Ascherer,  F.  C. 
Berlach  or  Burbach,E.H. 
Berner,  Louis 
Besse,  Hy. 
Bindbeutel,  Charles 
Bisser,  Conrad 
Bisser,  Rudolph 
Blase,  Wm. 
Bock,  Emil 
Bohly,  Wm. 
Candle,  Mathew 
Christmann,  John 
Dahmer,  Henry 
Dewein,  Michael 
Doyn  H.  Van 
Ebenhok  or  Ebenhaz, 

Louis 

Ellenberger,   Jacob 
Engel,  Jesse 
Engel,  John 
Ernst,  Chas. 
Fahler,  Adolph 
Fahning,  Harry 
Fohrkolb,  John 


Privates. 

Gasche,  Alois 
Ginz,  Louis 
Glunk,  Alois 
Guenther,  Hannibal 
Gruenewald,  Andrew 
Gutting,  Anton 
Halter,  Arnold 
Halter,  John 
Hegeschweiler,  F. 
Hoffling,  Anton 
Kaufman,  Peter 
Kautz,  Peter 
Kellner,  Charley 
Kettelkamp,  Hy. 
Klein,   Mich. 
Kurtzeborn,  Jacob 
Lielig,  Henry 
Letter,   Ad 
Maat,  John  Van 
Marschall,  G.  A. 
Menke,  Frank 
Mueller,  Frank 
Niederer,  Gustar 
Nyhouse,  Wm. 
Otto,  Emil 


Otzinger,  Jacob 
Preis,  Justus 
Raschel,  Wm. 
Reinert,  Jacob 
Reinecke,  Ludwig 
Ried,  Julius 
Rohrbach,  John 
Rotty,  Ignatz 
Rusterholz,  John 
Sauerwein,  Adam 
Schira,  Conrad 
Schoeneberg,   Dan 
Schull,  Sam 
Schulz,  Chas. 
Schwartz,  Wm. 
Stork,  Andrew 
Vander  Maat,  John 
Vogel,  Christoph 
Walter,  Wm. 
Weber,  Wm. 
Weigand,  Hy. 
Weigel,  Aug. 
Wieneck,  Andrew 
Winter,  John 


Fourth  Regiment  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers.  397 


COMPANY  C. 

Fred  Schueddig,  Captain  Gottlieb  Stossberg,  Sergeant 

Ferdinand  Schueddig,  1st  Lieutenant  Jacob  Blatz,  Corporal 

Anton  Wald,  2d  Lieutenant  Julius  Conrades,  Corporal 

Julius  Hertz,  1st  Sergeant  John  Gutgemann,  Corporal 

Ca>l  Court,  Sergeant  John  Hoefeler,  Corporal 

Carl  Luttgens,  Sergeant  Carl  Geldmacher,  Bugler 
Aug.  Bredemeyer,  Drummer 


Adrian,  Ludwig 
Andermadt,  Geo. 
Arns,  Carl 
Arnst,  John 
Bergert,  Engelbert 
Biek,  Bernhardt 
Brockmann,  Hy. 
Buntenbach,  Samuel 
Carle,  Wni. 
Court,  Wm. 
Dernper,  Philip 
Ernzen,  John 
Evertz,  Carl 
Evertz,  Fred 
Falkenrath,  Gottlieb 
Fluegel,  Jacob 
Friederich,  Hy. 
Freiner,  Fred 
Geldmacher,  Fred 
Giebe,  Fred 
Gosker,  Hy. 
Graf.  Carl 
Graf,  Paul 
Gross,  Andrew 
Hack,  John 


Privates. 

Hamm,  Joseph 
Hartkopf,  Julius 
Hillerscheidt,  Carl 
Hinterschitt,  J^ohn  M. 
Hunnius,  Carl 
Jannot,  John 
Jansen,  Henry 
Justus,  Christian 
Kasten,  C.  L. 
Klarenbach,  Gustav 
Klee,  Daniel 
Klein,  Albert 
Kuhn,  Valentin 
Langenohl,  Aug. 
Leindecker,  John 
Lutz,   Edward 
Meier,  Wm. 
Melcher,  Gustav 
Memmler,  Jos. 
Metz,  August 
Mielke,  Emil 
Mueller,  Ernst 
Nack,   Jacob 
Paffrath,  Caspar 


Peter,  Conrad 
Rothenbucher,  Conrad 
Rumler,  Peter 
Sann,  John 
Schmidt,  Gustav 
Schmidt,  Louis 
Schroeder,  Theo. 
Schuddig,  Ferd. 
Siemens,  Aug. 
Simon,  John 
Simon,  Peter 
Sommer,  Carl 
Spohr,  Christian 
Stocker,  Friederich 
Stocker,  Robert 
Stossberg,  Gottlieb 
Teuber,  Aug. 
Tiegel,  Fred. 
Van  Dawen,  Ad. 
Weber,  John 
\Virtz,  Anton 
Wittkorn,  Theo. 
Witzel,  Magnus 
Zepf,  Franz 


398 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  D. 


George  Hassfurther,  Captain 
John  Donertfort,  1st  Lieutenant 
John  Rifer,  2d  Lieutenant 
Julius  Zesch,  1st  Sergeant 
Francis  Unger,  Sergeant 
Christian  Wolf,  Sergeant 


Fred  Arnold,  Corporal 
John  Muckstadt,  Corporal 
August  Obst,  Corporal 
Peter  Spahn,  Corporal 
Blasius  Schatz,  Drummer 
Aug.  Puhlan,  Bugler 


Andrew,  Anton 
Behrens,  Henry 
Bertsch,  John 
Blattner,   Hy. 
Borcherding,  Christ. 
Braun,  Wm. 
Caspary,  Caspar 
Clemens,  Geo. 
Conzelmann,  Chas. 
Doerr,  Henry 
Doersch,  John 
Eichele,  Chas. 
Erg,  Wm. 
Ernst,  George 
Fischbach,  Francis 
Cast,  Andres 
Gehauf,  Christian 
Goerthelman,  Geo.  Phil. 
Gribke,  Hy. 
Grund,  Adam 
Hampe,  Francis 
Hechinger,  Ignatz 
Heil,  Wm. 
Hogarth,  John 
Holtzwarth,  Daniel 
Horcher,  Louis 


Privates. 

Horst,  Charles 
Hugelman,  Bernard 
Kern,  John 
Kornberger,  Rudolph 
Kulli,  Charles 
Kunzmann,  Andreas 
Leiman,  John 
Lieblanger,  Nicolaus 
Lielich,  Conrad 
Luecksfeld,  Jacob 
Muelhaus,  Hy. 
Mahrs,  August 
Matt,   Jacob 
Meier,  Charles 
Meier,  Hermann 
Meirer,  Mathias 
Meirer,  Nicolaus 
Messmer,  Mathias 
Mueller,    Clemens 
Mueller,  Conrad 
Mueller,  Henry 
Nax,  Philip 
Ohl,  Wm. 
Peter,  Gottlieb 
Probst,  Aug. 
Rolli,  Peter 


Rudolph,  Fred. 
Schadt,  Phil. 
Schatz,  Marcus 
Schenk,  Frederich 
Schilling,  John 
Schilling,  Wm. 
Schmidt,  Adam 
Scholl,  Philip 
Schummacher,  Anton 
Soloman,  Hermann 
Stall,  Gustave 
Steer,  Jacob 
Steiner,  Jacob 
Stoeber,  George 
Stoeber,   Hy. 
Stroh,  Frederich 
Ufen,  Albert 
Weiss,  Michael 
Weissbrod,  Peter 
Wetzel,  Sebastian 
Wolf,  John 

Wuertenbecher,  Jacob 
Zellweger,  John 
Zesch,  Maurice 
Zoore,  Herman 
Zuengler,  Geo. 


ft],  I!<  (/inn  nf  Iiifniitri/. 


i  }'»lunteers. 


399 


COMPANY  E. 


Theo.  Fischbach,  Captain 
Ignatz  Hunditzka,  1st  Lieutenant 
John  Wildberger,  2d  Lieutenant 
Casper  Sperber,  1st  Sergeant 
Claus  Voege,  Sergeant 
Charles  Weiss,  Sergeant 


Emanuel  Wessely,  Sergeant 
Gustav  Erhard,  Corporal 
Wenzel  Moschna,  Corporal 
Wenzel  (Henry)  Schery,  Corporal 
Christoph  Schwier,  Corporal 
Chas.  Pelican,  Musician 


Frank  Janot,  Musician 


Andes,  Conrad 
Bruder,  Wenzel 
Bicha,  Jacob 
Buehler,  John 
Buehly,  Lorenz 
Bruner,  Albert 
Doerner,  Hy. 
Doerner,  Jacob 
Dollar,  Frank 
Eisenhuth,  John 
Entschelmeyer,  Herman 
Erchinger,  Simon 
Friedrich,  Win. 
Gubser,  Boniface 
Hahn,  John 
Hayek,  Vincent 
Heilby,  Joseph 
Hildeberger,  John 
Hornbach,  Nic. 
Huhn,  John 
Hurka,  Jacob 
Icha,  John 
Jedicka,  Frank 
Karl,  John 
Kessle,   Frank 


Privates. 

Kletzan,  Wen/el 
Koran,  Jack 
Korel,  Wenzel 
Kram,  Hy. 
Krause,  Aug. 
Kubik,   John 
Kuerr,  Michael 
Kutschera,  Mathias 
Leber,  John 
Macha,  Martin    - 
Merkel,  Andreas 
Meyer,  Wenzel  (Henry) 
Michael,  John 
Mrasik,  Jos. 
Nikola,    Wm. 
-Obermeyer,   Jos. 
Peliowitz,    John 
Poenesch,  Mathias 
Priester,  Michael 
Rak,  John 
Rayek,  Will 
Rlha,  Martin 
Riha,  Mathias 
Rosipal,  Joseph 


Scherny,  John 
Schub,  John 
Schwegla,  Wenzel 
Schymany,  Walter 
Stauh,  Joseph 
Stauh,  Thomas 
Stein,  John 
Stodola,  Jos. 
Stodola,   Wenzel 
Stromberger,  Louis 
Stroslick,  Frank 
Suda,  Wenzel 
Swazina,  Jos. 
Ulman,  Peter 
Viata,  Frank 
Walter,  Andreas 
Wenger,  Christ. 
Wenzlick,    Peter 
Werdich,  John 
Wetzel,  Erhard 
Woita,  Tom 
Worrel,  John 
Zerelin,  Ignatz 
Zingula,  Joseph 


400 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  F. 


George  Berg,  Captain 

John  Mockenhaupt,  1st  Lieutenant 

Edward  Koenig,  2d  Lieutenant 

John  Simon,  1st  Sergeant 

Louis  Eisleben,  Sergeant 

Hy.  Schulte,  Sergeant 


Hy.  Wallman,  Sergeant 
Wm.  Engel,  Corporal 
John  Graf,  Corporal 
John  Helgoth,  Corporal 
Jos.  Vorst,  Corporal 
Leonard  Fasshauer,  Bugler 


John  Berg,  Drummer 


Adam,  Rudolph 
Becherer,  Joseph 
Becker,  Hy. 
Broder,  Conrad 
Brodhack,  Jacob 
Buchle,  Jacob 
Buchlein,  Hy. 
Cahen,  Ferdinand 
Dallmeyer,  Ferdinand 
Deberle,  Gottlieb 
Eberts,  Jacob 
Fehl,   George 
Fluhler,   Michael 
Forster,  Wm. 
Goebe,  John 
Graseck,  Ernest 
Griesecker,  Jos. 
Grosch,  Casper 
Haller,  Julius 
Hercke  or  Herge,  Hy. 
Hoffman,  George 
Hyden,  Louis 
Hyer,  Hy.  I. 
Hyer,  Hy.  II. 


Privates. 

Jaeger,  August 
Kautz,  Charles 
Kuhne,  Ernst 
Lannert,  Phil. 
Laux,  Louis 
Meyer,  John  I. 
Meyer,  John  II. 
Moebus,   Wm. 
Mueller,  Andrew 
Mueller,  Louis 
Mund,  Albert 
Niemeyer,    Wm. 
Nueffer,  Bernhard 
Obermeyer,  Bernhard 
Otto,  George 
Preussgen,    Robt. 
Renn,   Jacob 
Rische,  Aug. 
Sauer,  Edward 
Schellkopf,  Fred. 
Schroeder,   John 
Schroeder,  Robert 
Schnermann,  Wm. 
Seehausen,    Gittlieb 


Siebel,  August 
Smalenberger,  Fred. 
Smith,  Hy. 
Spies,   Hy. 
Spies,  Jacob 
Stahlhut,  Wm. 
Steinberg,   Chas. 
Stocker,   Ferd. 
Templer    Wm. 
Viehring,   Wm. 
V\  eiler,  Wm. 
Woinhagen,  Edw. 
Weinrich,  John 
Weiss,  Conrad 
Wilde,  Jacob 
Witt,   Leonhard 
Wolff,  Valentin 
Wolney,  Rudolph 
Weichner,  John 
Wunsch,  Hy. 
Wurst,  Jos. 
Zerlgett,  Aug 
Zulich,   Hy. 


Fourth  Regiment  Itif<nitri/. 


I'nlanteers. 


401 


COMPANY  G. 


Chas.  Demny,  Captain 
Chas.  Kutischauser,  1st  Lieutenant 
Wm.  Fred  Faust,  2d  Lieutenant 
Herman  Tuerk,  1st  Sergeant 
Hy.  Hagermann,  Sergeant 
Ferd  Hasner,  Sergeant 


Jacob  Metzger,  Sergeant 
Fred  Havendick,  Corporal 
John  Keis,  Corporal 
Christ  Luckfield,  Corporal 
Herman  Schierholz,  Corporal 
Emil  Dosenbach,  Musician 


John  Bear,  Musician 


Ackermann,  Edw. 
Ahrens,  Bernhard 
Altzenz    Chas. 
Andrae,  Aug. 
Angele,  Wm. 
Bauer,   John 
Baumgard,  Gottlieb 
Bender,  John 
Bernst,  John 
Bieckelberg,  Fred. 
Bietlingmeyer,  John 
Boullige,  John 
Bucher,   Jos. 
Diezel,  Adam 
Diezel,  Hermann 
Elbe,  Gottlieb 
Ester,  Christian 
Franke,  Hy. 
Franke,  Wm. 
Freese,  Henry 
Freyte,  Alex. 
Geers,  Herman 
Gerber,  Henry 
Gerdes,  Herman 


Privates. 

Giebel,  Hy. 
Greemann,  Casper 
Hartmann,  Chas. 
Herdt,  Chas. 
Hering,  Peter 
Hirschberger,   Peter 
Kayser,  Chas. 
Koester,  Wm. 
Lahmann,  Wm. 
Lapp,  Louis 
.Meyer,  Wm. 
Mueller,  Leonard 
Nischwitz,  Philip 
Offel,  Joseph 
Pietz,  Herman 
Potthof,  Hy. 
Racky,  Jos. 
Rasmus,  John 
Riegelman,  Conrad 
Rohr,  Casper 
Rotter,  Adolph 
Russ,  Ignatz 
Saltenberger,  John 


Sandhoff,  John 
ochaeffer,  Gottlieb 
Schlenker,  Jacob 
Schmelzer,  Wm. 
Schmidt,   George 
Schmidt,  Fred 
Schneider,  John 
Schneiderwind,  Hy. 
Schott,  Wm. 
Schutz,  Fred 
&eeck,  Glaus 
Speckmann,  Fred 
Spoerl,  Christian 
Stoffregen,  Wm. 
Tanner,  Jos. 
Ulrich,  John 
Weimann,  Hy. 
Wegener,  Chas. 
Wittig,  Alexander 
Wittig,  Edward 
Woehle,  Louis 
Wolf,  Henry 
Zurcher,  Louis 


402 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  H. 


Philip  Frank,  Captain 

John  Jos.  Petri,  1st  Lieutenant 

Francis  Jac  Botz,  2d  Lieutenant 

Fred  Bornefeld,  1st  Sergeant 

Paul  Achenbach,  Sergeant 

T.  Adam  Fink,  Sergeant 


Louis   Schweitzer,  Sergeant 
Chas.  Butzinger,  Corporal 
Francis  Hartmann,  Corporal 
John  Huegerich,  Corporal 
Chas.  Schoetz,  Corporal 
Chas.  Schmidt,  Musician 


John  A.  Maier,  Musician 


Algeier,  Michael 
Arzt,  Win. 
Bauer,  Phil. 
Benshing,  Wm. 
Berkel,  Michael 
Bien,  John 
Bilger,  Mary 
Brandau,  Adam 
Brandau,  Wm. 
Busley,  Fred. 
Demuth,  Wendelin 
Ebel,  Martin 
Egener,  Phil 
Frank,  Hy. 
Frank,  Lorenz 
Freeh,  Hubert 
Frey,  Adam 
Frey,  Fred 
Fridrickson,  Fred 
Gleich,  Jacob 
Gronemeyer,  Dietrich 
Hammer,  John 
Harst,  Peter 
Herzog,  Adolph 
Horn,  Hy. 


Privates. 

Huller,  John 
Jacob,  Peter 
Kaub,  Francis 
Keim,  John 
Kettel,  Hubert 
Kissling,  Michael 
Kilbs,  Peter 
Kloes,  Nicolaus 
Kraehe,  Hy. 
Krueger,  Chas. 
Kuepferle,  Nicolas 
Kuntz,  Michael 
Kutcher,  Ferdinand 
Leindecker,  Michael 
Leu,  Balthazar 
Licht,  Jos. 
Lohman,  Wm. 
Maag,  Philip 
Menzemer,  Christ 
Meuzemer,  Geo. 
Menzemer,  Jacob 
Meyer,  Aug. 
Nast,  Chas. 
Nees,  Peter 


Otte,  George 
Rahtert,  Wm. 
Remmert,  John 
Rinker,  Andreas 
Roffmann,    Frederick 
Scheibel,  John 
Schmahl,   Gottfried 
Schwend,  Alois 
Seiler,  Gregory 
Seitrig,  Hy. 
Siegrist,  Chas. 
Sievers,  Geo. 
Sondermann,  Gottlieb 
Stadler,  Martin 
Stauffer.  Jacob 
Stoll,    Hy. 
Stutz,  Pius 
Uhl,  Michael 
Wagner,  Lorenz 
Weber,  Julius 
Wengender,  Jos. 
Werner,  Basil 
Wunsch,  Max 
Zeiger,  Louis 


Fourth  Regiment  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers. 


403 


COMPANY  I. 


Louis  B.  Hubbel,  Captain 
Chas.  H.  Warrens,  1st  Lieutenant 
\Vm.  P.  Cousley,  2d  Lieutenant 
Jas.  H.  Chancey,  Sergeant 
John  M.  Hays,  Sergeant 
Sam  N.  Sluter,  Sergeant 
Martin  Welfley,  Sergeant 


Frederic  Davis,  Corporal 

Wm.  Cordes,  Corporal 

Chas.  Humpert,  Corporal 

John  Speck,  Corporal 

Wm.  Catts,  or  Cutts,  Drummer 

Nicolas  Ambrose,  Musician 

Peter  Decker,  Bugler 


Alexander,  Motley 
r  Ash,  Wm. 
Ashburn,  Jefferson 
Bear,  Wm. 
Becker,  John 
Beem,  Martin 
Beiser,   Nicolaus 
Bell,  James 
Benzen,  Christian 
Bilger,  John 
Bellinger,  John 
Bonnell,  Wm. 
Borden,  Conrad 
Chamberlain,  Albert 
Connell,  Jefries 
Corra  or  Conrett,  Louis 
Crossman,  Robt. 
Dummeborn,  Frank 
Ebka,  Louis 
Elstrow,  Frederick 
Farrires,  John 
Ferdinand,  Chas. 
Fink,  Aug. 
Gill,  Wm.  W. 


Privates. 

Hahn,  Andrew 
Hassler,  Louis 
Hood,  Andrew 
Horran,  K. 
Huston,  Ben. 
Kaiser,  Robt. 
Kerl,  Silas 
King,  Ernst 
Konnfiig,  Hy. 
Kulber,  Gustav 
Laudenschlaeger,  Ernst 
Leuman,  Sam.  P. 
McCabe,  James 
Merritt,  Peter  H. 
Miller,  Chas. 
Millis,  Michael 
Morlan,  Chas. 
Myers,  Wm. 
Nay,   Peter 
Perrin,  Thomas  H. 
Pearce,  Hy.  P. 
Pfiffner,  Jos. 
Pogue,  Hy. 
Polack,  Louis 


Read,  Chas. 
Reaves,  Aquilla 
Reed,  Chas.  F. 
Reiner,  John 
Rodenburg,  Christ 
Roehrich,  Herman 
Ross,  Conrad 
Routcliffe,  Wm. 
Ruisia,  Alex. 
Rundel,  Horace 
Schriner,  Herman 
Schulte,  Anton  F. 
Slater,  Jas. 
Smith,  Francis 
Stamps,  Jas.  B. 
Stamps,  John  C. 
Stillwell,  John 
Strickler,  John  H. 
Sueter,  John 
Sullivan,  Cornelius 
Thompson,  John 
Vaupel,  Louis 
Wildermuth,  David 


404 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  K. 


Louis  Rohrer,  Captain 
Geo.  Glassner,  1st  Lieutenant 
Emil  Luedecke,  2d  Lieutenant 
Andrew  Wachtel,  1st  Sergeant 
Adolph  Gerisher,  Sergeant 
Philipp  Hohl,  Sergeant 


Aug.  Stiller,  Sergeant 
Wm.  Korsch,  Corporal 
Fred  Meier,  Corporal 
Edw.  Neiske,  Corporal 
Andrew  Welsh,  Corporal 
Chas.  Wagner,  Musician 


Xaver  Hoferer,  Musician 


Albrecht,  Charles 
Bengard,  Prosper 
Benz,   Geo. 
Bergmann,  Hy. 
Bergmann,  Wm. 
Bieger,  Jos. 
Bolchhoefner,    Gustav 
Brockmeyer,  Christian 
Bruening,  Fred. 
Busch,   George 
Dedeck,  Paul 
Dietrichs,  George 
Dreyer,  Jacob 
Dzengolewsky,  Edw. 
Ellersick,  Hermann 
Endler,  Frederick 
Fey,  Justus 
Fielde,  Hy. 
Foesst,  Wm. 
Fluri,  Jacob 
Franz,  Lorenz 
Fries,  Albert 
Firey,  Charles 
Gall,  Anthony 
Gansmann,  Jos. 


Privates. 

Goehns,  Chas. 
Guenther,  Fred. 
Habersaat,  John 
Heiligensetzer,  Frank 
Heim,  Fred 
Hofmeister,  George 
Jacob,  Oswald 
Just,  Christ 
Keck,  John 
Koch,  Frederick 
Koser,  Hy. 
Kratz,  Fred. 
Krebs,  Chas. 
Krey,  Wm. 
Kundinger,   Theo. 
Kurns,  Anthony 
Kurtz,  Chas. 
Lange,  John 
Langhoff,  John 
Lenz,    Simon 
Luhrmann,  Hy. 
McGuire,  Jas. 
McNeil,  Hugh 
Mehler,  Aug. 
Mueller,  Ernst 


Munn,    John 
Obenziske,  Jos. 
Oster,  John 
Prach,  Peter 
Rabien,  Hy. 
Reis,  Adam 
Ribsam,  Gotthardt 
Schillinger,  John 
Schlo,  Wm. 
Schmelzer,  Wm. 
Schmidt,  Christoph 
Schmidt,  Edward 
Schmidt,  Gustav 
Schultze,  Wm. 
Schulz,   Christ. 
Schulz,  John 
Schupp,  Hy. 
Thies,  Hy. 
Vogt,  Anthony 
Wedermeyer,  John 
Weiss,  Hy. 
Willauer,   Peter 
Zick,  Frank 
Zimmermann,    Jos. 


Fourth  Regiment  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers. 


405 


COMPANY  L. 


John  Weber,  Captain 
Frank  Romer,  1st  Lieutenant 
Chas.  Kull,  2d  Lieutenant 
Frank  Jos.  Widmer,  1st  Sergeant 
Frank  Fleischman,  Sergeant 
Ferd.  Hermle,  Sergeant 


Christian  Stieren,  Sergeant 
Nicolas  Kariger,  Corporal 
Jos.  Manhardt,  Corporal 
Stephan  Sutler,  Corporal 
Mathew  Willmann,  Corporal 
Mathew  Strassner,  Musician 


Fridolin  Meier,  Musician 


Adolph,  John 
Ambros,  Nicolas 
Amsler,  Samuel 
Baker,   Christian 
Bakers,  Nicolaus 
Baumann,  Francis 
Baumgartner,  Fred. 
Bendixen,  Jacob 
Benot,  Frederick 
Bieser,  Hy. 
Bikel,  Chas. 
Bleichman,  Jos. 
Borsum,  Hy. 
Christmann,  Jacob 
Cook,  John 
Damermuth,  Jos. 
Dreher,  Engelbert 
Durch,  Frederick 
Durst,  Anton 
Ehrman,  Chas. 
Flamman,  John 
Flittner,  Frederick 
Frey,  Henry 
Gardhofner,  Math. 
Gardner,  Christ. 


Privates. 

Grueny,   Michael 
Gunther,   Xavier 
Hedinger,  John 
Heer,  Jacob 
Hesti,  John 
Hesti,  Leonhardt 
Hinterberger,  Christian 
Holdener,  Melchoir 
Jobs,  Jacob 
Kircher,  Jacob 
Koch,  Leonhard 
Koehler,  Hy. 
Kramer,  Anton 
Lang,  Joseph 
Leich,  Gottlieb 
Marbeth,  Felix 
Massbost,  Jos. 
Massboot 
Mellony,  Jas. 
Meury,  Gregory 
Moes,  Andrew 
Muri,  Casimir 
Nelson,  Hy. 
Nesson,  Vincenz 
Richter,  Gustav 


Ripp,  Charles 
Ruedi,  Frank 
Rupp,  Peter 
Rutz,  Abraham 
Scheele,  Edw. 
Scherrer,  Christian 
Schleter,  Henry 
Schmieder,  Sebastian 
Schweizer,  Henry 
Sendel,  Aug. 
Sik,  Peter 

Spengelman,  Casper 
Troxler,  Justin 
Trutman,  Frank 
Vogtli,  Jos. 
Wagner,  Jacob 
Walter,  Frank 
Waly,  Fred. 
Widmer,  Jos. 
Wuhrman,  John 
Wumersdorf,  Louis 
Ziegler,  John 
Zik,  Wm. 
Zimmerman,  Nic. 
Zumsteg,  John 


406 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  M. 


Robt.  M.  Haney,  Captain 

Ferd.  Wagenfuhr,  1st  Lieutenant 

Fred  von  Bodungen,  2d  Lieutenant 

Anton   Boekling,   1st   Sergeant 

Philip  Franklin,   Sergeant 

Th.  Heiss,  Sergeant 


Chas.  Frentel,  Corporal 
Julius  A.  Harrach,  Corporal 
Charles  Notzel,  Corporal 
Gottlieb  Stossberg,  Corporal 
Wm.  Tell,  Musician 
Jos.  Bucher,  Musician 


Andreas,  Frederick 
Angst,  Gebhardt 
Bauman,  John 
Bender,  Max 
Bergman,  Martin 
Biermann,  Anton 
Block,  Jacob 
Blumeier,  Herman 
Bornler,   Geo. 
Boss,  Caspar 
Brown,  Charles 
Breitsche,  Charles 
Diesel,  Peter 
Eckhardt,  Peter 
Eifler,    Chas. 
Eisenhuth,   John    S. 
Falbush,  Fred.  Hy. 
Fischer,  Christian 
Fuchs,  Andreas 
Fuhrman,  Hy. 
Gautner,  Jacob 
Gardner,  Hy. 
Gieselman,  John 
Harter,  Jacob 


Privates. 

Hartroth,  Louis 
Hattimer,  Bernhard 
Heiss,  Fred. 
Hermann,  John 
Hugger,  Max 
Hulle,  George 
Imboden,  Christian 
Kacherer,  Bernhardt 
Kamleiter,  Fred. 
Kehl,  Christian 
Kleb,  Christian 
Klopp,  Hy. 
Knoche,  George 
Konigung,  Gottlieb 
Kumler,  Fred. 
Kupferschmidt,  Jos. 
Leitmeiler,  Fred. 
Meinhaus,  Bernhard 
Mueller,  Frank 
Nantz,  Hy. 
Niederer,  Otto 
Noll,  Adam 
Orzokowsky,  Jos. 
Osten,  Geo. 


Ott,  Fred.  Wm. 
Price,  Justus 
Ruemler,  Chas. 
Rupertus,  Peter 
Schmidt,  Wm. 
Schmidt,  Herman 
Seiber,  Fred. 
Schiller,   Julius 
Schirmer,  Herman 
Schneider,  Hy. 
Schnider,  John 
Spatz,  Philip 
Stettin,  Wm. 
Strickler,  Victor 
Sassenguth,  Aug. 
Thomas,  Mathias 
Trummer,  Wm. 
Walter,  John 
Weavers,  Bernhardt 
Weber,  John 
Wettstein,  Hy. 
York,  Hy. 
Zwissler,   Theo. 


FIFTH  REGIMENT  INFANTRY,  MISSOURI 
VOLUNTEERS. 

The  quota  of  Missouri  under  President  Lincoln's  call  for  75,000 
men,  had  been  filled  by  the  first  four  Regiments  of  Volunteers,  but, 
in  anticipation  that  more  troops  would  be  accepted,  Companies  of 
the  Fifth  Missouri  Volunteers  were  organized  and  mustered  in,  at 
the  time,  when  the  President's  Order  of  April  30  authorized  enlist- 
ments in  St.  Louis  up  to  10,000  men.  The  Regiment  was  com- 
pleted May  18  by  electing  C.  E.  Solomon  Colonel.  Companies  of 
the  Fifth  Volunteers  garrisoned  the  Arsenal  on  Camp  Jackson  Day. 

The  Regiment  left  St.  Louis  June  16  and  marched  Southwest,  via 
Rolla,  leaving  one  Company  at  Lebanon  and  two  at  Springfield.  It 
reached  Dry  Forks,  ten  miles  north  of  Carthage,  took  part  in  that 
engagement  and  creditably  held  its  ground  in  the  battle  of  Wilson's 
Creek,  although  the  time  of  the  men  had  expired. 

Returning  to  St.  Louis  August  18,  the  Regiment  was  mustered  out 
August  26.  most  of  its  members  joining  different  organizations  for 
the  three  years'  service. 

The  Missouri  Adjutant  General's  Report  for  1863  states  relative 
the  Fifth  Volunteer  Regiment:  "'A'  no  company."  Another 
office  record  states:  "Company  'A,'  Fifth  Missouri  Volunteers, 
went,  under  Captain  Nelson  Cole,  with  Companies  A  and  B  Rifles 
of  the  First  Missouri  Volunteers,  to  the  southeast  of  the  State,"  and 
in  the  Adjutant  General's  Office  of  Missouri  are  recorded  transfers, 
amounting  to  nearly  a  full  Company,  from  Company  A,  Fifth  Vol- 
unteers, to  Captain  Cole's  Company  E,  First  Regiment  Volunteers, 
three  years'  service.  To  avoid  duplication,  the  names  are  only  re- 
ported in  the  latter  list. 

In  the  United  States  Records  of  the  Civil  War  the  report  appears 
from  St.  Louis  Arsenal,  May  16,  1861,  that  Captain  Nelson  Cole, 
Company  A,  Fifth  Regiment,  Missouri  Infantry,  and  Company  A, 
Rifle  Battalion,  First  Regiment  Missouri  Volunteers,  went  to  Potosi, 
captured  lead  and  some  prisoners,  and  returned  to  St.  Louis,  leav- 
ing Lieutenant  Murphy  with  30  men  at  De  Soto. 

The  Fifth  Regiment  had  only  775  men,  being  reduced  by  Com- 

407 


408 


The  Union  Cause,  in  St.  Louis  in  18ft  1. 


pany  "A"  detachment.    The  nationality  of  its  members  was  65  per 
cent  German,  the  balance  American,  Bohemian  and  Irish. 


FIELD  AND  STAFF. 


Chas.   E.   Solomon,  Colonel 
Christ  D.  Wolff,  Lt.-Colonel 
Fred  W.  Cronenbold,  Major 
Edward  C.  Franklin,  Surgeon 
Samuel  H.  Melcher,  Asst.  Surgeon 


Bernard  Meissner,  Quartermaster 
Wm.  Gerlach,  Adjutant 
Joseph  Nemeth,  1st  Lieut.,  ext.  duty 
Fred  Cassel,  Quartermaster  Sergt. 
John  A.  Pranger,  Drum  Major 


George  Beck,  Corporal 
NO  COMPANY  A. 


COMPANY  B. 


Louis  Gottschalk,  Captain 
Emil  Wachter,  1st  Lieutenant 
Wm.  Bang,  2d  Lieutenant 
John  C.  Castelhuhn,  1st  Sergeant 
Henry  Bedecker,  Sergeant 
Wm.  Goetz,  Sergeant 


Conrad  Hahn,  Sergeant 
Wm.  Buchmer,  Corporal 
John  Machin,  Corporal 
Peter  Wirz,  Corporal 
George  Beck,  Corporal 
Chas.   Welker,   Musician 


Alt,   Charles 
Anslinger,  John 
Baumhoeffner,   Aug. 
Beckerle,  Valentin 
Bergfeld,  Frank 
Bernhardt,  David 
Braun,  Fred 
Broham,  John 
Brown,  Wm.  F. 
Burckhardt,  Robt. 
De  Haas,  Hy.  Caspar 
Firx,  Fred 
Frielingsdorf,  Ewald 
Gallagher,  John 
Gates,  Hy. 
Geimer,  Fred. 
Glatz,  George 
Grau,  Rudolph 
Griffin,  Michael 
Guenshoner,  Anton 
Guth,  Geo.  John 
Halbrank,  Hy. 
Hankes,  Frank 
Hipp,  Jacob 
Hirschmann,  Wm. 
Hirzlin,  Geo. 
Hoffman,  Adam 
Horn,  John 


Privates. 
Jenter,  Michael 
Kaufman,  John 
Kehler,  Louis 
Klinge,  Hy. 
Kull,  Fred. 
Kunold,  Hy. 
Kunst,  Hy. 
Linnewirt,   Christ. 
Lynnot,  Thomas 
Markert,  Chas. 
Marquart,  Joachim 
Mayer,  And. 
Merkel,  Chas. 
Merz,  John  B. 
Meschke,  Hy. 
Mueller,  Jacob 
Nestel,  Jos. 
Olte,  Chas. 
Paetz,   Peter 
Obrecht,  Michael 
Paul,    Jacob 
Paul,  Louis 
Praegizer,  John 
Reeg,  Wm. 
Regg,  Louis 
Reiter,  Peter 
Richter,  Ernst 


Rothfusz.  John 
Saul,  Adam 
Schauerte,  Jos. 
Schlingemann,  Wm. 
Schlosser,  Jacob 
Schmidt,  Chas. 
Schuller,  Gustav 
Schwab,  Anton 
Schweigler,  Andrew 
Spikermann,  Jacob 
Stadelmann,  Geo. 
Stelling,  Wm. 
Stohr,  Louis 
Strassner,  Leonhardt 
Trahant,  Hy. 
Voelpel,  Ad.  Phil. 
Voelpel,  Wm. 
Vogt,  Chas. 
Vogt,  Theodor 
Wagner,  Peter 
Webers,  Hy. 
Wendel,  Conrad 
Wieners,  Louis 
Wolff,  Hy. 
Zeller,  Hy. 
Ziegler,  Fred. 
Zimmermann,  Fred. 


Fifth  Regiment  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers. 


409 


Fred  Solomon,  Captain 
Wm.  Kossack,  1st  Lieutenant 
Otto  Venn,  2d  Lieutenant 
Julius  Uhlenhut,  1st  Sergeant 
Victor  Dehlinger,  Sergeant 
E.  A.  Stephan,  Sergeant 

Louis 


COMPANY  C. 

Paul  Andres,  Sergeant 
Fred  Hohmann,  Corporal 
Otto  Groeger,  Corporal 
Hy.  Held,  Corporal 
Ferdinand  Poettgen,  Corporal 
Hy.  Phillips,  Musician 
S.  Phillips,  Musician 


Abel,  John 
Anders,  Chas. 
Anselm,  David 
Babureck,  Jos. 
Berghofer,  John 
Blaha,  Martin 
Bollmann,  Hy. 
Brinkop,  Hy. 
Bruder,  Nicolaus 
Dain,  John 

.       Dierberger,  John 
Drescelius,  Adam 
Dewitz,  Chas. 
Eckerle,  Lorenz 
Ellerbeck,  Fr.  W. 
Fialla,  Wenzel 
Gerwiner,  Arnold 
Goetz,  Jacob 
Grumm,  Mathias 

/       Haake,  Wm. 
Harsch,  Phillip 
Hlawatzek,  Wendel 
John,  Frederick 


Privates. 

Jost,  August 
Kristufest,  Jacob 
Krug,  Edward 
Kuhut,  Herman 
Leonhart,  Sam. 
Linhard,  Ferd. 
Lohrum,  Jacob 
Long,  John 
Ludy,  Andrew 
Mannwell,  Aug. 
Mueller,  Ignatz 
Nemetz,  Wenzel 
Niematz,  Jos. 
Nock,  Nicolaus 
Pfister,  Victor  A. 
Punger,  John 
Rappensecker,   L. 
Rannowsky,  John 
Rauck,  Jno.  Nic. 
Regiaz,  Francis 
Rehberg,  John 
Rice,  Adam 
Rotermund,  Fred. 


Rubi,  John 
Rudolph,  Chas. 
Rueckert,  Phil. 
Rupel,  Andreas 
Salatz,  Anton 
Sandau,  Martin 
Schmidt,  Geo. 
Seider,  Felix 
Siedler,   Christ 
Skalla,  Adolph 
Stuck,  John 
Stuck,  Wenzel 
Stevens,  Theodor 
Sushank,  Wenzel 
Tessary,  Jos. 
Waechter,  Louis 
Waterloo,  Balthasar 
Welch,  Mathias 
Welck,  Francis 
Will,  Hy. 
Wimer,  Chas. 
Wurster,  Fred 
Zauf,  Joseph 


410 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  D. 


Charles  Mehl,  Captain 
Gustav  Seetoold,  1st  Lieutenant 
Christopher    Stork,   2d   Lieutenant 
Wm.  Kuhl,  1st  Sergeant 
Moritz  Schilling,  Sergeant 


Peter  Hufschmidt,  Sergeant 
Charles  Betz,  Sergeant 
Valentin  Knell,  Corporal 
George  Stier,  Corporal 
Joseph  Griener,  Corporal 


August  Hinterthier,  Corporal 


Aulbach,  Adam 
Bauer,   Jos. 
Bergemann,  Aug. 
Binder,  Anton 
Brauer,  Conrad 
Brauns,  Aug. 
Brendle,    Rud. 
Broring,   Ferd. 
Damm,  Michael 
Day,  Friedrich 
Eckhoff,   Fred. 
Ehing,  Sebastian 
Emig,  Louis 
Engelmann,  Anton 
Fischer,  Chas.  Fred. 
Foeger,  Johann 
Foekle,  Henry 
Franke,  Carl 
Freier,  Gottiried 
Fuchs,  Joseph 
Geilsdorf,  Carl 
Greib,  Andreas 
Greim,  Hy. 
Greiner,  Xavier 


Privates. 

Grieser,   Franz 
Grundrich,  Jos. 
Grundamer,  Andr. 
Hambloch,  Theo. 
Henzieck,  Hy. 
Hesberg,  Jacob 
Hoffmann,  John 
Jost,  Christoph 
Keanter,  Fritz 
Kellikohl,  Oswald 
Klappinger,  Peter 
Kleibstein,  Adolph 
Kling,  Jacob 
Lammers,  Hy. 
Lamert,  Valentin 
List,  Geo. 

Lochbuehler,  Michel 
Meyer,   Louis 
Mick,  Jackes 
Mick,  Jean 
Mohle,  Charles 
Mohle,  Wm. 
Mueller,  Fritz 
Poppmeier,   Mathias 


Rauer,  Hy. 
Ravonsky,  Adolph 
Reming,  Jean 
Rosemeier,  Jos. 
Rothenbucher,  Jac. 
Rothfuss,  David 
Schaefer,  Thos. 
Schaller,   Jacob 
Schaller,  Michael 
Schlinger,  Franz 
Schmidt,  Franz 
Scholz,  Louis 
Schulz,  Anton 
Schulz,  Carl 
Spehn,  Jacob 
Stadtmann,  Bernhard 
Strobel,  John 
Weidemueller,  Hy. 
Wieland,  Christ 
Woldung,  Fritz 
Wonefahrt,  John 
Zapf,  Jean 
Zoller,  Adolph 
Zumsteg,  Jos. 


Fifth  Regiment  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers. 


411 


COMPANY  E. 


Carl  Stephany,  Captain 
Jos.   Ballhaus,   1st  Lieutenant 
Julius  Xehrig,  2d  Lieutenant 
John  Martin,  1st  Sergeant 
John  Meurer,  Sergeant 
Dietrich  Meyer,  Sergeant 


Christian  Clement,  Sergeant 
Guttman  Conrad,  Sergeant 
Phil  Breiheuser,  Corporal 
Charles  Dietz,  Corporal 
Franz  Scbifferle,  Corporal 
Louis  Bergthold,  Corporal 


Christ  Leimonstahl,  Musician 


Adam,  Hy. 
Bassmann,  John 
Bechtler,  Christ 
Bergmann,  Hy. 
Bomes,  Phillip 
Bock,  John 
Bock,  Ludwig 
Bornnosky,  Christ 
Breitenbach,  Gustav 
Burkhard,  Phillip 
Burns,  John 
Dankert,  John 
Dolle,  Wm. 
Edler,  Charles 
Eisenlohr,  Rudolph 
Farren,  James 
Fleischhut,  Fred. 
Frenk,   Hy. 


Privates. 

Geier,  Louis 
Geiser,  James 
Grase,  Christ 
Grunkemeyer,  Chas. 
Guntensperger,  Robt. 
Haffner,  Ludwig 
Herr,  Ferdinand 
Hoffner,  John 
Holzapfel,  Gottfried 
Jicha,  John 
Koester,   Fred. 
Rrapf,  Valentin 
Kuhl,  Andreas 
Langenthal,  Edw. 
Luhrs,  Chas. 
Magers,  Hy. 
Mansur,  Carl 
Mersch,  Chas. 


Meyer,  George 
Munnig,  Urban 
Oberbeck,  Hy. 
Papenhagen,  Fred. 
Peck,  Charles 
Poekler,  Wm. 
Saeger,  Hy. 
Schaefer,  Mathias 
Schanz,  Christian 
Schinner,  Edw. 
Schulte,  Chas. 
Schwade,  Adolph 
Sewing,  Fred. 
Stark,  Balthasar 
Temsch,  Alois 
Volz,  Alexander 
Wenzel,  Adam 


412 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  F. 


Alfred  Arnaud,  Captain 
Rudolph  Schneider,  1st  Lieutenant 
Emil  Thomas,  2d  Lieutenant 
John  Etling,   1st  Sergeant 
Alex  Lamouroux,  Sergeant 
Jacob  Peters,  Sergeant 
Caspar  Zimmermann,  Sergeant 


Andrew  Hoffmann,  Sergeant 
Henry  Erbe,   Corporal 
Anton  Constant,  Corporal 
Peter  Kerth,  Corporal 
John  Vinchard,  Corporal 
Edw.  Curtois,  Corporal 
Michael  Meyer,  Musician 


Beckman,  John  G. 
Behrley,  Fred. 
Bloomer,  John 
Boncher,  Ambrose 
Boncher,  Joseph 
Bonnet,  Pierre 
Briard,  David  O. 
Brothers,  Nicolas 
Coats,  John 
Collerant,   Aug. 
Dehler,  Anthony 
Dihner,  Adolph 
Dorn,  Emil 
Drost,  G.  H. 
Eckerly,  Lorenz 
Enge,  Joseph 
Erdman,  John 
Forman,  Jacob 
Gehner,  Philip 
Geis,  Francis 
Geisthing,  Fred. 
German,  John  P. 
Grasse,  Michael 
Gye,  Joseph 
Harding,  Gottlieb 


Privates. 

Hayet,  Jno. 
Herzog,  Wm. 
Hoesly,  Hy. 
Hook,  Louis 
Hossman,  A. 
Joseph,  Andre 
Kastens,  Harvey 
Klingler,  Chas. 
Koch,  Gottfried 
Lamotte,  John  P. 
Laternicht,  John 
Lavandesky 
Lanvert,  Hy. 
Lauday,  John 
Lenhard,  Ferd. 
Leonhard,  Melchoir 
Mattern,  George 
Matthieu,  Jos. 
Meyer,  Chas. 
Miller,  John 
Opel,  Edward 
Park,  Dan  A. 
Pastor,  Michael 
Prack,  Jno. 
Prevot,  Louis 


Raisch,   Jos. 
Renaud,  John 
Robade,  Jos. 
Rothenberger,  Robert 
Rothenthaler,  Fred. 
Rudolph,  B. 
Schaad,  Jno. 
Schoenstein,  Bert 
Schoen,  Henry 
Sihonette,  Wm. 
Schulz,  John 
Schwalby,  Fred. 
Seliere,  Victor 
Sip,  Gideon 
Sweeney,  Martin 
Sweeney,  Wm. 
Thieling,  Pierre 
Thily,  Phillip 
Ushers,  Robert 
Verlay,  Christ. 
Vinchard,  Chas. 
Weigly,  Jacob 
Wohloch,  John  Jac. 
Zimmerman,  Frank 


Fifth  Reyl  iii<-iit  /iif<nifri/.  .17 /'xxo ///•/'   i'olunteers. 


413 


COMPANY  G. 


Chas.  E.   Stark,  Captain 
Nicolaus  Fuester,  1st  Lieutenant 
Charles  Weiss,  2d  Lieutenant 
Geo.  Niebauer,  1st  Sergeant 
Conrad  Beck,  Sergeant 
Peter  Hellmuth,  Sergeant 


Frank  Paschen,  Sergeant 
Henry  Neuer,  Sergeant 
Chas.  Critzmann,  Corporal 
Leopold    Kingelbach,  Corpora^ 
Win.  Braun,  Corporal 
Edward  Kroll,  Corporal 


Hy.  Egbers,  Musician 


Adolph,  Henry 
Barthel,  Mathias 
Bauer,  .Michael 
Baumann,  Jno. 
Brerkle,  Phil 
Breuninger,  Leonhard 
Brey,  Julius 
Buermann,  Win. 
Chase,  Henry 
Drenz,  A. 
Fischer,  August 
Flemm,  Chas. 
Fasmer,  Wni. 
Ganter,  Wendelin 
Gerber,  Henry 
Grimm,  Jacob 
Grundreich,  Christ 
Heimberger,  Chas. 
Heinz,  Jno. 
Hemp,  Hy. 
Huber,  Aloys 
Humbrecht,  Aloys 


Privates. 

Junger,  Adam 
Kaemerer,  Anton 
Kallhof,  Theodor 
Kleeberg,  Rudolph 
Knopp,  Martin  B. 
Koch,  John 
Koch,  Victor 
Koeb,  Frank 
Lamp,  Henry 
Lang,  Nicolas 
Leingang,  Peter 
Loesch,  August 
Lohman,  Jac. 
Mavinger,  Peter 
Michelen,  Mathias 
Moor,  Henry 
Neubert,  Caspar 
Neumann,  Louis 
Olbert,  Jacob 
Pott,  Michel 
Purte,  John 
Reuter,  Nicolas 


Raesch,   Frank 
Saarsmann,  Wm. 
Schlatler,  Jac. 
Schmidt,  Chas.   1 
Schmidt,  Chas.  2 
Schmidt,  George 
Schmidt,  John 
Schmitz,  Hermann 
Schneider,  Fred. 
Schulenburg,   Fred. 
Steinle,  Rudolph 
Stock,   Benedict 
Sudbeck,   Franz  H. 
Wehrle,  Xavier 
Weidner,  Chas. 
Weisbeck,  Michael 
Wildhaber,  Meinrad 
Wirth,  John 
Witte,  Gerhard 
Wolff,  Anton 
Zobelei,   Stephan 
Zoeller,  Andrew 


414 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  H. 


Wm.  J.  Chester,  Captain 
John  Coleman,  1st  Lieutenant 
Samuel  Morris,  2d  Lieutenant 
John  L.  Eager,  1st  Sergeant 
Wm.  Boker,  Sergeant 


Wyman  Vonbeck,  Sergeant 
Jos.  B.  Ashton,   Sergeant 
Mathew  Grover,  Corporal 
Jas.  Healey,  Corporal 
Sam  I.  Brown,  Corporal 


Timothy  Kinney,  Corporal 


Armbrust,  Bernard 
Anderson,  Brestby 
Barber,  Chas.  E. 
Bauer,  Stephan 
Becker,  Fred. 
Brenard,  Henry 
Bridgeford,  Prank 
Brogan,  Patrick 
Burner,  Patrick 
Burow,  John 
Bushby,  Josiah 
Carter,  John 
Clarkson,  Jas. 
Clas,  Andreas 
Cody,  William 
Connors,  Daniel 
Cosmelia,  Robert 
Curtis,  John 
Davis,  W.  W. 
Dempsey,  Andrew 
Develin,  Chas. 
Dickson,  Ison 
Dorman,  John 
Douglas,  Jos.  W. 
Feaney,  John 
Flatron,  Louis  J. 


Privates. 

Gallagher,  Mike 
George,  Mathew 
Gimbel,  Chas. 
Goday,  Chas. 
Gracey,  John  E. 
Gremtz,  Louis 
Griffin,  John 
Grimes,  Richard 
Harbinson,  Edward 
Handlen,  Larry 
Harrison,   Edward 
Hayeck,   John 
Heinzelman,  Valentin 
Irwine,  Chas. 
Kelley,  Daniel 
Kelley,   Wm. 
Kerner,   Leonard 
Kimbel,  Chas. 
Kirea,  Patrick 
Knowlan,  John 
Laren,  Hy.  H. 
Lynch,  Thomas 
McCartney,  John 
McGrath,  Wm. 
McKinney,   Martin  L. 
Matheson,  Jas. 


Moog,  Hy. 
Mueller,  Fred. 
Murphy,  Thomas 
Oliver,  Chas.  R. 
Owen,  O.  H. 
Pierce,   John 
Preston,  Wm.  H. 
Raule,  Frank  W. 
Reid,  Andrew  J. 
Renard,  Eugene 
Riley,  Jos.  J. 
Runyon,  Fred 
Ruper,  John 
Ryan,  Andrew 
Ryan,  Benjamin 
Ryan,  John 
Shipley,  Chaa 
Sniff,  Jos. 
Vosse,  Peter 
Walker,  Edw. 
Weedon,  John 
Wegler,  Chas. 
Whiteside,  Jas. 
Woods,  Jas. 
Yoring,  Jas. 


Fifth  Regiment  Infantry,  Missouri  Volunteers.  415 

I 

COMPANY  H.  MARKED  FOR  TRANSFER  TO  SEVENTH  MISSOURI 

VOLUNTEERS. 

Wm.  J.  Hawkins,  Captain  James  Butler,  Sergeant 

Monroe   Harrison,   2d  Lieutenant  Jas.  McGoffin,  Corporal 

Phil  D.  Foomer,  1st  Sergeant  Geo.  Fairbanks,  Corporal 

Barton  Dear,  Sergeant  John  R.  Taylor,  Musician 

Privates. 

Bowman,  J.  A.  Can,  Alex.  Reams,  Barthel 

Campbell,   Thos.  J.  Gilet,  Martin  L.  Roberts,  W. 

Conners,  Patrick  Harper,   Wm.  H.  Rollins,  Jos. 

Cowley,  Cornelius  Harris,  James  Scott,  John 

Cussick,  Mike  Hogan,  James  Smith,  John 

Fairbanks,  Hy.  Kinney,  Henry  Sullivan,  Mike 

Fairbanks,  Wm.  Knopp,  Alvina  E.  Terry,  George 

Filbert,  Sebastian  Lesser,  Byron  White,  Patrick 

Flinn,  Ben  F.  McDonald,    John  Wills,  Geo.  N. 

Flynn,  Daniel  Mclntyre,  Thos.  Winchell,  Daniel 

Frail,  Francis  McNamara,  Jas.  Wymer,  Fred. 

COMPANY  I. 

Chas.  P.  Meissner,  Captain  John  Rossart,  Sergeant 

(J.  Adam  Bauer,  1st  Lieutenant  August    Gottschalk,    Sergeant 

Joseph  Spiegelhalter,  2d  Lieutenant  Bernard  Breitenbach,  Corporal 

Anton  Michaelis,  1st  Sergeant  Herman  Schafer,  Corporal 

Franz  Reichard,  Sergeant  Andreas  Neimer,  Corporal 

Privates. 

Bachmann,  Louis  Flassack,    Jos.  Mueller,  Fred. 

Backlein,  Hy.  Fortkamp,  Hy.  Neuman,  Fred. 

Bangert,  Louis  Foss,  Charles  Oberkamp,  John 

Becker,  Franz  Frank,   Jac.  Ratz,  Gustav 

Becker,  Joseph  Geister,  Valentin  Renner,  Albert 

Behland,  Adam  Geneke,  Ernst  Roth,  Fred 

Bender,  Rudolph  Hauberick,  Jacob  Sachse,  Chas. 

Bertram,  Mathias  Heinrich,  Gottlieb  Schafer,  Chas. 

Besler,  August  Hoeberle,  Adam  Schaub,  Joseph 

Biermann,  Frank  Hoffman,  Fred.  Schawinsky,  Anton 

Butz,  Peter  Huber,  Jos.  Schmitz,  Chas. 

Dan,  John  Jaeger,  Wm.  Schwarzwalder,  Hy. 

Derbofen,  Fred  Johnson,  George  Stengel,  Andreas 

Dessienso,  Louis  Kaus,  David  Stoll,  Mathias 

Dieke,  Lorenz  Koenemann,   Hy.  Topper,  Wm. 

Dulle,  Henry  Kurzeborn,   Wm.  Wahl,  Hy. 

Eckert,  Otto  Lueders,  Henry  Wessels,  Bern. 

Eilman,  Herman  Meier,  Chas.  F.  Wingmann,  Geo. 

Finke,  Fred.  Mikers,  Theo.  Woerner,  John 

Fish,  Math.  Mueller,  Francis  Zittzmang,  Emil 


416 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  K. 


Samuel  A.  Flagg,  Captain 
Wm.  S.  Boyd,  1st  Lieutenant 
Wm.  H.  Thompson,  2d  Lieutenant 
Christ  A.  Whitmer,  1st  Sergeant 
Geo.  Cleghorn,  Sergeant 
John  W.  Fisk,  Sergeant 


Comfort  E.  Rutherford,  Sergeant 
John  F.  White,  Corporal 
John  C.  Tuch,  Corporal 
Daniel  Brady,  Corporal 
Hy.  C.  Thompson,  Corporal 
Wm.  Sulivan,  Musician 


Babler,  John 
Beach,  Louis 
Bell,  Wm. 
Belling,  Wm. 
Berman,  Jno. 
Bickford,  Chas. 
Boker,  Chas. 
Calef,  Dan  R. 
Campbell,  Jno.  A. 
Cane,  James 
Cane,  John 
Coniar,  Jas. 
Crade,  Chas. 
Crude,  Wm. 
Curtis,  Jos. 
Driscoll,  John 
Dulan,  John 
Eno,  John 
Fenlaron,  Wm.  H. 
Fitzgerald,  John 


Privates. 

Gallagher,  Thomas 
Green,  Phillip 
Haack,  John 
Hench,  Samuel 
Hunter,  Benj.  R. 
Karbs,  Fred. 
Lanfra,  Wm.,  Jr. 
Linn,  Chas. 
Long,  Anthony 
Lynch,  Dan 
Lynch,   John 
McAlister,   Wm. 
McFilly,  Jas. 
McKenzie,  Hy. 
McKnight,  Wm. 
Maher,  John 
Marrow,  John  H. 
Miller,  Fred. 
Nelson,  Andrew 
Outerbridge,  M.  C. 


Peterson,  Martin 
Petraw,  Chas. 
Roach,  John 
Ronte,  Wm. 
Rupple,  Fritz 
Rupple,  Jos. 
Ruzers,  Andreas 
Ryan,  John 
Schwarze,  Aug. 
Shannon,  Frank 
Shofe,  Thomas 
Siecke,  Louis 
Simpson,  David  F. 
Sneider,  Frank 
Speckelburg,  Sam. 
Striegle,    August 
Syme,  Thomas 
Transfiel,  John 
Tuttle,  Eugene 


FIRST  REGIMENT,  UNITED  STATES  RESERVE 
CORPS,  MISSOURI  VOLUNTEERS, 

was  organized  in  the  First  Ward  of  St.  Louis,  south  of  Soulard 
street,  under  President  Lincoln's  Order  of  April  30,  1861,  and 
mustered  in  for  home  service  at  the  St.  Louis  Arsenal  under  Colonel 
Henry  Almstedt  on  May  7.  It  had  1,200  men  in  12  Companies. 
Its  Armory  was  Jaeger's  Garden  on  Sidney  and  Tenth  streets.  On 
May  10  six  Companies  marched  to  Camp  Jackson  and  six  were 
posted  on  Sidney  street,  guarding  the  avenues  to  the  Arsenal.  On 
May  18  a  Cavalry  Company  from  the  same  Ward  joined,  which  did 
valuable  scouting  service.  When  the  Volunteers  moved  from  St. 
Louis  part  of  the  Regiment  held  the  Arsenal,  protected  the  railroad 
to  Holla,  and  garrisoned,  for  a  short  time,  Jefferson  City.  Four 
Companies  occupied  Turner  Hall  during  the  absence  of  the  Third 
Reserve,  and  six  Companies  followed  Fremont  to  Birds  Point  until 
ordered  to  St.  Louis  to  be  mustered  out  on  August  20.  With  the 
exception  of  6  per  cent  Bohemians,  the  Regiment  was  almost  en- 
tirely German. 

The  Three  Months'  Regiment  consisted  of  12  Infantry  and  1 
Cavalry  Company,  numbering  1,269  men.  It  reorganized  for  a 
Three- Year  Reserve  Regiment  by  September  12  under  Colonel  Rob- 
ert J.  Rombauer. 

FIRST  REGIMENT  U.  S.  RESERVE  CORPS,  MISSOURI  VOLUNTEERS, 
MUSTERED  FOR  THREE  MONTHS'  SERVICE,  ST.  LOUIS  ARSENAL, 
MAY  7,  1861. 

Henry  Almstedt,  Colonel  Emil  Seeman,  Surgeon 

Robert  J.  Rombauer,  Lt.  Colonel  John  Heimbach,  Ass't  Surgeon 

Philip  J.  Brimmer,  Major  Wm.  Waldschmidt,  Adjutant 

August  Leussler,  Quartermaster 

^ 


417 


418 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  A. 


Jacob  Horn,  Captain 
Emil  Mark,  1st  Lieutenant 
Wm.  Waldschmidt,  2d  Lieutenant 
Michael  Best,  1st  Sergeant 
Peter  M.  Dangler,  Sergeant 
Anton  Herzog,  Sergeant 


Andreas  Goetz,  Sergeant 
Valentine  Schaaf,  Corporal 
Franz  Doll,  Corporal 
Jacob  Berberich,  Corporal 
Anton  Unger,  Corporal 
Martin  Neuhaus,  Musician 


Joseph  Marx,  Musician 


Bahr,  Joseph 
Berns,  Fred. 
Bitsch,  George 
Botts,  John 
Bressel,  John 
Brohammer,  John 
Bush,   Fred. 
Ehiet,  Fred. 
Decock,  John 
Ditzler,  George 
Doerr,  Conrad 
Dumet,  Francis 
Dusalt,  Michael 
Eck,  P. 
Eisner,  Fred. 
Eckerich,  Martin 
Findel,  Henry 
Firmbach,  Philip 
Flachmeyer,  Gasp. 
Foester,  Michael 
Foetz,  George 
Freck,  John 
Freitiaut,  Hy. 
Funk,  Andreas 
Gab,  Jacob 
Gack,  George. 
Geiger,  Francis 
Gruber,  Michael 
Gruber,  Silvester 
Haffner,  Anton 
Hahl,  Michael 


Privates. 

Hanser,  Anselm 
Hanser,  George 
Heins,   Andreas 
Heller,  Daniel 
Hinkel,  John 
Hofman,   Christoph 
Holstein,   Christian 
Holzford,  Edmund 
Huckshold,  Gottlieb 
Jacob,  John 
Kern,  Daniel  1st 
Kern,  Daniel,  2d 
Kescher,  Lorenz 
Killi,  Isidor 
Klein,  Marx 
Kling,    Daniel 
Koch,   Jacob. 
Kochler,  George 
Koeling,  George 
Kornelius,  Jacob 
Krueger,  Julius 
Lang,  John 
Langendorf,  Mathias 
Lehmert,  John 
Lenther,  P.  Jos. 
Lind,  John 
Machmeyer,  John 
Mangel,  Hy. 
Mayer,  Conrad 
Muencke,   Geo. 
Muencke,  Isaac 


Noll,  John 
Offermann,  Geo. 
Rehman,  Emil 
Rothermel,  Wm. 
Roessler,  Gabriel 
Schaaf,  Andreas 
Schaper,  Daniel 
Schaper,  Fred 
Scharbonier,  John 
Schilling,  Anton 
Schlichting,  Aug. 
Schlund,  John 
Schmidt,  Xavier 
Schmidt,  Fred. 
Schreiber,  Fred. 
Schultz,  Christopli 
Siess,  Jacob 
Sievers,  William 
Streif,   Fred. 
Supiner,  Anton 
Tanka,  Hy. 
Thomas,  John  J 
UJius,  Hy. 
Yanberi,  Hy. 
Vollmer,  Hy. 
Wieland,  George 
,Wilhelm,  Jacob 
Winkler,   Lorenz 
Winkler,  Wm. 
Winkler,  Edmund 


First  Regiment,  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Mo.  Vol.          !419 


COMPANY  B. 


Roderick  E.  Rombauer,  Captain 
Theobald  Eckerle,  1st  Lieutenant 
Isaac  Baer,  2nd  Lieutenant 
Leo  Rassieur,  1st  Sergeant 
Lorenz  Engelhorn,  Sergeant 
I.  N.  Heintz,  Sergeant 
Albert   Beller,    Sergeant 


Wendelin  Meyer,  Sergeant 
Frank  Gitsen,  Corporal 
John  Stadler,  Corporal 
Fred  Schragg,  Corporal 
Ignatz  Heuer,  Corporal 
N.  John  Eddelman,  Musician 
Alois  Lieman,  Musician 


Aschner,  Nathan 
Ast,  John 
Baer,  Xavier 
Bastian,  Jacob 
Biddermann,  George 
Bockius,  Nicholaus 
Bockewitz,  Geo.  C. 
Bonifer,  Martin 
Bolte,  Henry 
Buettner,  George 
Decker,  Chas. 
Decker,  Geo. 
Dermeyer,  Hy. 
Ditmar,  Henry 
Doerr,  Caspar 
Dueven,  Francis 
Durban,  Andrew 
Elsasser,  Geo. 
Fenner,  Wm. 
Fischer,  Geo. 
Fleischman,    Pancratius 
Foerstel,  Nic 
Frabks,  Wm. 
Giesen,  Jacob 
Goebel,  John 
Graeff,  Baltasar 
Grunder,  Aug. 
Haas,  Baltazar 
Haentges,  John 
Herder,  Adam 
Hillsdorf,  Hy. 


Privates. 

Hof,  Martin 
Jaeschke,  Robert 
Kalert,   Wm. 
Keller,  Theo. 
Kleibolt,  Theo. 
Klopper,  Jos. 
Kolb,  Albert 
Kolb,  Charles 
Kremer,  John 
Krauss,  John 
Lambert,  Geo. 
Landfried,  Geo. 
Landfried,  Jacob 
Landwehrmann,  Peter 
Langemann,  Ernst 
Langloth,  Dan 
Laschope,  Michael 
Laux,  John 
Leimgreber,  John 
Lepert,  Hy. 
Machmer,  Jacob 
Meyer,  Charles 
Meyer,  Louis 
Nolte,  Anton 
Ottenad,  John  P. 
Paulus,  John 
Pfenninger,  Jacob 
Reis,  Michael 
Reith,  George 
Reith,  Joseph 


Roeder,  Wm. 
Sauerwein,  Frank 
Scheed,  John 
Schmitz,  Ignatz 
Schneider,  John 
Schobe,  Geo. 
Schoener,  Norbert 
Schwening,   Xavier 
Sexauer,  Geo. 
Segelke,  Dietrich 
Sicking,   Wm.   B. 
Sipieser,  John 
Spengman,  Hy. 
Spuhle,  Phillip 
Stadel,  Francis 
Stahl,  John 
Stark,  Geo. 
Steinmeyer,  Fred. 
Streib,  Geo. 
Strittmatter,"  Chas. 
Uhri,  Andrew 
Voelker,  Christ. 
Voester,  Nicholas 
Vogel,  Hy. 
Vollmer,  Christoph 
Weidburg,  Edward 
Wesseling,  Bernhard 
Weiss,  Francis 
Wettig,  Fred. 
Woehrle,   John 


420 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  C. 


Theodore  Hildenbrandt,  Captain 
James  F.  Wodwarka,  1st  Lieutenant 
George  Ost,  2d  Lieutenant 
Franz  Howarka,  1st  Sergeant 
Fred  Nischwitz,  Sergeant 
John  Brosch,  Sergeant 


Wm.  Reuss,  Sergeant 
Joseph  Wuch,   Corporal 
Henry  Kail,  Corporal 
Mathias  Lohr,  Corporal 
Conrad    Greff,    Corporal 
Wenzel  Pfeiffer,  Musician 


Chas.  Gebhardt,  Musician 


Banhardt,  Hy. 
Becke,  George 
Bertram,  John 
Bileck,  Joseph 
Blaha,  Frank  1st 
Blaha,  Frank  2d 
Borecky,  John 
Deis,  Jacob 
Deitz,  Hy. 
Dirkes,  Clemens 
Drescher,  Frank 
Droschak,  Frank 
Ebert,  Geo. 
Erhardt,  Friedrich 
Fink,  Louis 
Fischer,  Mehand 
Forst,  Anton 
Frabks,  Wm. 
Frauenholzer,  Christ 
Gicha,  Frank 
Grahr,  John 
Halblaut,  Hy. 
Haneschek,  Wenzel 
Hauser,  John 
Hegela,  Joseph 
Hoff,  Jacob 
Hofmann,  Henry 
Holzer,  Meinradt 
Horst,  John 
Huffner,  Peter 
Huttler,  Christian 


Privates. 

Icha,  Wenzel 
Jobst,  Alois 
Jonas,    John 
Jung,  Abraham 
Jungel,  Martin 
Kadletz,  Thomas 
Kalinovsky,  Jonas 
Kiesela,  John 
Kiesela,   John 
Kiesle,  Rudolph 
Kirkawa,  Martin 
Koell,  Frank 
Koels,  John 
Koza,   Mathias 
Kurwitch,  Anton 
Kutina,  Joseph 
Lang,  Andreas 
Maag,  John 
Marecek,  Jos. 
Mathias,  John 
Miller,  Egidius 
Moser,  Frederick 
Opperman,  Jacob 
Paner,  Solomon 
Panuschka,  Wenzel 
Patz,  Justus 
Pelikan,  Joseph 
Peschek,  Francis 
Pohn,  August 
Pollack,  Francis 


Rank,  Gottfried 
Ritter,  Nicholaus 
Roth,  Charles 
Saba,  Joseph 
Samiel,  Joseph 
Schiepek,  Joseph 
Schlichter,  Anton 
Scholl,   John 
Schurr,  John 
Schwarz,  Frank 
Schwarz,  John 
Schwarz,  Joseph 
Schwarz,  Wenzel 
Stack,  Otto 
Stankowsky,  Joseph 
Trefung,  John 
Underhaten,  Frank 
Vollmer,  Joseph 
Waecht,  Adam 
Walovsky,  Jacob 
Wander,  George 
Weinheimer,  Mathias 
Westhausen,  Aug. 
Wickman,  Frederick 
Wirthel,  John 
Zerny,  Wenzel 
Ziegler,  Andreas 
Ziegler,  Rochus 
Zimraczek,  Francis 
Zournan,  Richard 


First  Regiment,  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Mo.   Vol.  421 


COMPANY  D. 


Leonhard  Weindel,  Captain 
Fred.  W.  Henkels,  1st  Lieutenant 
Peter  Schardin,  2d  Lieutenant 
Max  Saettele,  1st  Sergeant 
Robert  Mandel,  Sergeant 
August  Hammerstein,  Sergeant 


John  Lebbing,  Corporal 
Gustav  Hammerstein,  Corporal 
Jacob  Weindel,  Corporal 
Balthazar  Lorch,  Corporal 
Frederick  Volz,  Musician 
Robert  Zumbo,   Musician 


Albert,  John 
Bornscheid,   Bernhardt 
Buhler,  Leopold 
Byer,  Francis 
Dahl,  Nicholaus 
Davis,  Henry 
Depenhauer,  Christian 
Eberhardt,  John  Geo. 
Ehnert,  Frederick 
Fath,  Jacob 
Fehl,  Henry 
Fedke,  John 
Gent,  Frederick 
Graff,  Vincent 
Gruenewald,  John 
Guethe,   Henry 
Harstick,  Christian 
Hauberich,  Peter 
Hertlinger,  Michael 
Hesch,  Phillip 
Hugegeb,  Jacob 
Jacob,  Nicholas 
Jacob,  Philip 
Junger,  Geo. 
Kauffman,  Wm. 


Privates. 

Klein,  Hy. 
Kraemer,  Hy. 
Krenzer,  Louis 
Krus,  Andreas 
Lecker,  Wm. 
Lieb,  Andreas 
Lorenz,  Fred 
Ludwig,  Gustav 
Maiberg,  Hy. 
Martin,  Francis 
Menches,  John 
Meyer,   Bernhardt 
Moeller,  Henry 
Moser,  Jacob 
Moskopf,  Lorenz 
Mutz,  Ephraim 
Nagel,  Jacob 
Nager,  Charles 
Nester,  Christian 
Netzer,  Peter 
Neustaedter,  Fred. 
Pappert,  Eusebius 
Pein,  Wm. 
Remmers,  Christian 


Roche,  Wm. 
Roehl,  Lorenz 
Roemer,  Peter 
Schittenhelm,  Louis 
Schlitter,  Jacob 
Schmeikel,  John 
Schroeder,  Conrad 
Schwartz,  J. 
Senti,  Christopher 
Siegmund,  Andreas 
Taussig,  Morrtz 
Taylor,  Fred. 
Trauer,  Samuel 
Tschudi,  Jacob 
Wagner,  Peter 
Walzer,  Jacob 
Weidner,  Wm. 
Weiss,  George 
Welte,  Wm. 
Wirsz,  Francis 
Wirsz,  George 
Wolff,  Christian 
Zimmermann,  Andreas 
Zimmermann,  Theodor 


422 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  E. 


George  Rothweiler,  Captain 
Lorenz  Liebermann,  1st  Lieutenant 
Gustav  Garrell,  2d  Lieutenant 
Frederich  Tieman,  1st  Sergeant 
Valentin  Fath,  Sergeant 
William  Griselman,  Sergeant . 


Hy.  Scharringhausen,  Sergeant 
Henry  Roth,  Corporal 
Henry  Kohlman,  Corporal 
Wm.  H.  Taylor,  Corporal 
Hy.    Bischoff,    Corporal 
Anton  Heyer,  Musician 


John  Schaefer,  Musician 


Bauer,  Charles 
Bauer,  John 
Baumgarten,  Benedict 
Belz,  John 
Besch,  Christian 
Besch,  Peter 
Bierman,  Wm. 
Boll,  Mathias 
Burkadt,  Leonhart 
Buckler,  Henry 
Casper,  Christopher 
Dicker,  Adam 
Diehl,  August 
Disch,  Xavier 
Ens,  August 
Eisner,  Frederick 
Fessel,  Adam 
Foell,   Christopher 
Frank,  Francis 
Frank,  Christopher 
Freitag,  Hy. 
Fuchs,  Joseph 
Gerdes,  Theobald 
Gieselmann,  Gottlieb 
Grave,  Wm. 
Guth,  Wm. 
Hahn,  John 
Hahne,  Hy. 
Haller,  Hy. 
Hampe,  Charles 
Hampe,  Wm. 
Harding,  Conrad 
Hettler,  Chas. 


Privates. 

Heyer,  John 
Hindeman,  John 
Hoge,  Frederick 
Kahlenbeck,  Hy. 
Kasten,  Wm. 
Keltner,  Emanuel 
Kirchhaus,  Geo. 
Klaas,  Henry 
Koehler,  Basilius 
Kramer,  Adam 
Krausnick,  Edward 
Krautsch,  Aug. 
Leue,  Henry 
Levy,  Fred. 
Luth,  Louis 
Meyer,  Hermann 
Miller,  Fred.  1 
Miller,  Fred.  2 
Moeller,  George 
Moller,  Wm. 
Nieman,  Rudolph 
Reems,  Gerhard 
Risse,  Nicholaus 
Roef,  Conrad 
Roth,  John 
Rothe,  Henry 
Rudolph,  Henry 
Rudolph,  Wm. 
Ruggs,  John 
Russler,  Hy. 
Schaefer,  J. 
Scharringhausen, 
Dietrich 


Scharringhausen,  Fred 
Schaumberg,  Phil. 
Scherer,  Xavier 
Schlichter,  Peter 
Schmidt,  Hy. 
Schmidt,   John 
Schnier,  Henry 
Schramm,   Friederich 
Schuerman,  Herman 
Schulz,  Hy. 
Spieswiger,  Frank 
Staehle,  Jacob 
Staehlin,  Christ. 
Standt,  J. 
Stickler,  David 
Stuckenberg,  Hermann 
Stuckenberg,  John 
Stucker,  August 
Stutz,  Anton  H. 
Toma,    Gallas 
Unverdorben,  Louis 
Vorenbach,  Charles 
Wacker,  John 
Weilmunster,  Conrad 
Wehmuller,  Fred. 
Wendt,  Fred. 
Wetteroth,  Louis 
Werder,  Jacob 
Wirthlin,  Louis 
Woldt,  Fred. 
Wuchlhausen,  John 
Zeus,  Charles 
Zimmermann,  Joseph 


First  Regiment,  U-..S-.  Reserve  Corps,  Mo.   Vol. 


423 


COMPANY  F. 


Wiliam  Balz,  Captain 
Geo.  Reinhardt,  1st  Lieutenant 
Jacob  Reinhardt,  2d  Lieutenant 
Stephan  Freckmann,  1st  Sergeant 
Conrad  Breitenbach,  Sergeant 
Chas.  Schumann,  Sergeant 


Moritz  Bauer,  Corporal 
Bernhardt  Bolzenthal,  Corporal 
Frederick  Basch,  Corporal 
Peter  Kriegsbaum,  Corporal 
Win.  Hassenpflug,  Musician 
Henry  Hedrich,  Musician 


Anschuetz,  Aug. 
Appuhn,  Wm. 
Arras,  Peter 
Bloecher,  Christ. 
Boemler,  Hy. 
Boerger,  Balthasar 
Boschoff,  Martin 
Brenchel,  Henry 
Brobst,  Fidel 
Brockmeyer,  Christian 
Bungdorf,  Christian 
Dauber,  Phillip 
Dauber,  Wm. 
Ditgen,  Jacob 
Dutte,  Wm. 
Dunkel,  Louis 
Eberle,  Charles 
Eckerle,  Charles 
Eckert,  Hy. 
Eichhorn,  Christian 
Elsperman,  John 
Enghauser,  Anton 
Enzinger,  P.  H.  M. 
Eubler,  Francis 
Evers,  Fred. 
Fey,  Anton 
Fey,  Michael 
Florg,  Edward 
Francis,  David 
Freyse,  Fred 
Fritzshe,  August 


Privates. 

Gatting,  John 
Geitmar,  Martin 
Giesecke,  Christ 
Goetz,  Martin 
Grunow,  Fred. 
Hanewinkel,  John 
Held,  Henry 
Helmbacher,  Michael 
Hummel,  John 
Kehrer,  William 
Kick,  Charles 
Korber,  Phillip 
Krach,  Henry 
Krusius,  Jacob 
Lander,  Geo. 
Limburg,  Christian 
Loehr,  Phillip 
Manterfeld,  Henry 
Mauver,  Michael 
Meisbach,  Conrad 
Meyer,  Ludwig 
Mollenpage,  Conrad 
Mueller,   Francis 
Niehaus,   Henry 
Nussbaum,  Levy 
Ochs,  Henry 
Getting,  Ferdinand 
Pannert,  John 
Pausback,  Phillip 
Pohnert,  Ludwig 


Quenyen,  Christian 
Ragenaw,  Phillip 
Reid,  John 
Rohlfing,  Hy.  1st 
Rohlfing,  Hy.  2d 
Roll,  Hy. 
Sartorius,  Martin 
Sauerwine,  Charles 
Saum,  Nicolaus 
Schaaf,  Phillip 
Schall,  Michael 
Schallmeyer,  Ludwig 
Schepp,  Peter 
Schettler,  Adolph 
Schleifstein,  John 
Schindler,  Valentin 
Seele,  Christ. 
Soldmann,  John 
Stengel,  John 
Steigewald,  Adam 
Steuber,  Francis 
Strele,  George 
Strele,  Wm 
Voelker,  Hy. 
Wagner,  Phillip 
Wald,  Fred. 
Warneke,  John 
Winfeld,  Wm. 
Wolf,  Ludwig 
Wolff,  Joseph 


424 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  G. 


Charles  Hartlg,  Captain 
Arnold  P,  Roetter,  1st  Lieutenant 
George  Clemens,  2d  Lieutenant 
Henry  Wand,  1st  Sergeant 
Louis  Bonlin,  Sergeant 
Chas.  Bechtlieft,  Sergeant 
Henry  Buehler,  Sergeant 


Louis  Suesdorf,  Sergeant 
Fred   Lohman,  Corporal 
Fred  Bertram,  Corporal 
Jacob  Stemler,  Corporal 
Tobias  Grewe,  Corporal 
John  Staelski,  Musician 
Emil  Balinger,  Musician 


Almerodt,  Adam 
Aulback,  Peter 
Berblinger,  Hy. 
Bielefeld,  Louis 
Bleicher,  Chas. 
Blatz,  Jacob 
Bobe,  Felix 
Bobe,  Peter 
Boechur,  Frank 
Brandt,  Charles 
Brichoux,  Peter 
Broadhack,  Wm. 
Buehler,  Conrad 
Deffen,  Louis 
Diehl,  Phillip 
Fisher,  Joseph 
Fleish,  Joseph 
Frank,  Nicolaus 
Franz,  Andreas 
Franz,  Ephraim 
Fritsch,  Fred. 
Gebhard,  Fred 
Geis,  John 
Gerau,  Andreas 
Grampp,  George 
Greitler,  August 
Happel,    Hartmann 
Heidenthal,  Egidius 
Heinbach,  Peter 
Herurch,  Henry 
Hildebrandt,   Stephen 
Hoeveke,  Gerard 


Privates. 

Hohenschild,  Fred. 
Hupp,  John 
Huppmann,  John 
Huppner,  John 
Koehler,  John 
Kuehne,  Albert 
Kuehne,  Edward 
Kuepper,  John 
Kunz,  Joseph 
Laux,  Michael 
Leingruber,  Hermann 
Loider,  Albert 
Loos,  Henry 
Loux,    Martin 
Menges,  Peter  Ph. 
Meyer,  Hy. 
Michaelis,  Andreas 
Mueth,  August 
Muth,  Lorenz 
Neckermann,  Louis 
Nuss,  Christ 
Orth,  Peter 
Ottenmeyer,  Fred. 
Padberg,  August 
Padberg,  Lorenz 
Picker,  Charles 
Reifeis,  Fred. 
Reis,  John 
Rohre,  George 
Rothaermel,  Jacob 
Schaab,  Henry 


Schill,  Martin 
Schill,  Michael 
Schilling,  Robert 
Schlingmann,  Chas. 
Schob,  Ernst 
Schopper,  Fred. 
Schweiss,  Anton 
Seibold,  Hermann 
Sinn,  Leonhardt 
Smidtiel,  Sigmund 
Still,  Wendel 
Straub,  Xavier 
Stubb,  John 
Thaler,  John 
Versen,  Joseph 
Vetter,  John 
Vollman,  George 
Wack,  Wm. 
Wagner,  Fred. 
Wagner,  Phillip 
Wald  schmidt,  Fred. 
Waterla,  Leopold 
Weber,  Gottfried 
Wehling,  John 
Weiss,  Fravens 
Wille,  John 
Wintler,  Henry 
Winniger,  John 
Zeimere,  Martin 
Zimmer,  John 
Zimmermann,  Jacob 


First  Regiment,  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Mo.   Vol. 


425 


COMPANY  H. 


Joseph  Schubert,  Captain 
Casper  Koehler,  1st  Lieutenant 
George  Damner,  2d  Lieutenant 
August  Etling,  1st  Sergeant 
Francis  Stutz,  Sergeant 
Paul  Holzscheiter,  Sergeant 
Ernst  Kiesewetter,  Sergeant 


John  Rinkle,  Sergeant 
Henry  Perty,  Corporal 
John  Blank,  Corporal 
Charles  Hauck,  Corporal 
Anton   Schminke,   Corporal 
Valentine  Stocke,  Corporal 
Okel  Conrad,  Musician 


Altfeld,  Hy. 
Bauer,  Adam 
Beckemeier,  Wm. 
Becker,  George 
Beismann,  Hy. 
Boesch,  Jacob 
Boesch,  Phillip 
Bellinger,  Valentine 
Bollmann,  Joseph 
Bollwerk,  Harvy 
Breidenbach,  Henry 
Bruns,  Charles 
Bruns,  Henry 
Bugg,  Jacob 
Burgdorf,  Chas. 
Bush,  Michael 
Christopher,  Fred. 
Christopher,  Wm. 
Cornelius,  Anton 
Crone,  Charles 
Ducker,  Fred. 
Ehrler,  John  Geo. 
Engelbrecht,  Christoph. 
Enger,  George 
Engau,  Chas. 
Etling,  Chas. 
Fansen,  William 
Flink,  Hy. 
Frank,  Christoph. 
Frey,  Jacob 
Frey,  Nicolaus 
Gartner,  Caspar 
Glassner,  Geo. 
Goesser,  Aug. 


Privates. 

Gubser,  Frank 
Hartmann,  Lorenz 
Hebel,  Louis 
Heck,  Ignatz 
Heinsrith,  Chas. 
Henke,  Frederick 
Hoffmann,  Louis 
Holls,  Charles 
Homer,  Theobald 
Horsche,  Friederich 
Huber,  Ignatz 
Ittel,  Alexander 
Jacobs,  Phillip 
Kartmann,  Hermann 
Kirchhof,  Ludwig 
Koch,  Albert 
Kohlebruck,  Louis 
Leitner,  Joseph 
Lennert,  Conrad 
Linnenfelser,  Fred. 
Lipphardt,  Hy. 
Loewenstein,  Chas. 
Mayer,  Franz 
Meier,  John  H. 
Missemeier,  John 
Muegge,  Wm. 
Mueller,  Henry 
Peter,  Jacob 
Pfirman,  Valentine 
Rather,  Christian 
Rausch,  Emil 
Reifs,  Adolpn 
Reifeis,  Wm. 


Reisse,  Charles 
Reisse,  Wm. 
Renneberg,  Geo. 
Rinnert,  Charles 
Rolfing,  Conrad 
Rolflng,  Hy. 
Roselin,  Chas. 
Rosner,  Henry 
Sandmann,  Hermann 
Schadler,  John 
Schafer,   Chas. 
Schauer,  Adam 
Schildhelm,  John 
Schoenning,  Mathias 
Schrink,  Gustavus 
Schrot,  John 
Schweigler,  Geo. 
Settmeier,  Fred. 
Sommer,  Jacob 
Stephan,  Michael 
Stoll,  Charles 
Vich,  John 
Vogel,  Anton 
Volliner,  Gottlieb 
Wagner,  Fried. 
Wagner,  Phillip 
Walter,  Carl  H. 
Weber,  Chas.  Fried. 
Wehking,  Chas. 
Wiegand,  Adam 
Wiese,  Christian 
Wischt,  Michael 
Wisemann,  John 


420 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  I. 


Hermann  T.  Hesse,  Captain 
Clemens  Gutgesell,  1st  Lieutenant 
Frederick  Krenning,  2d  Lieutenant 
Ferd  Schuchart,  1st  Sergeant 
Fred  Pommer,  Sergeant 
Chas.   Baer,   Sergeant 


August   Feeder,    Sergeant 
Thomas  Beyer,  Corporal 
Peter  Bausback,  Corporal 
Albert  Sanders,  Corporal 
Phillip  Lauter,  Corporal 
Conrad  Oppermann,  Musician 


Christian  Mevisor,  Musician 


Ameling,  Wm. 
Asshauer,  Christ. 
Auping,  Hy. 
Barthels,  Aug. 
Beyer,  Charles 
Beyer,   Charles 
Bindbeutel,  Fred. 
Breggmann,  Herm. 
Briesinger,  John 
Brindbeutel 
Brinkschulte,  Phil. 
Brockmeyer,  Hy. 
Brustken,  Mathias 
Bucher,  John 
Buol,  John 
Dane,   Ferdinand 
Dienstbier,  Hy. 
Diren,  John 
Dobler,  John 
Dose,  Henry 
Douglass,  Alex. 
Essler,  Geo. 
Fedder,  Wm. 
Fritzinger,  Chas.  W. 
Fritzinger,  Hy. 
Gis,  John 
Guensche,  Chas. 
Halblaut,  Phillip 
Hanks,  John 
Hanses,  Peter 


Privates. 

Harre,  Fried. 
Hartmann,  John 
Heim,  John 
Heim,  Michael 
Heitlauf,  Jacob 
Hellmann,  John 
Henne,  Christian 
Horst,  Joseph 
Jokel,  Casper 
Kasbari,  Frank 
Kayser,   Fred. 
Koenig,  John 
Koronan,  Lorenz 
Kraemer,  Adam 
Kraemer,  John 
Kuehnrich,  Fred. 
Kunz,    Florian 
Kustenreuter,  John 
Lempke,  Chas. 
Link,  Jacob 
Luettolf,  Chas. 
Lutz,    Anton 
Meyer,  John 
Meyer,  John  A. 
Muehrle,  Geo. 
Nauman,  Hy. 
Nolte,  Fred. 
Nunn,  Joseph 
Paul,  Fred. 
Pflantz,  Adam 


Reisner,  Geo. 
Richard,  Conrad 
Roedel,  Fred. 
Roeth,  Fred. 
Roesch,  Michael 
Rohmann,   Hermann 
Rotterman,  Frank 
Schaper,  Ernst 
Schaper,  Jacob 
Schaper,  George 
Schiffmann,  John 
Schneider,  John 
Schwarzkopf,  Andreas 
Seim,  Charles 
Sommer,  Jacob 
Spahn,  Hy. 
Stockamp,  Wm. 
Stonmeier,  Wm. 
Stuber,  John 
Them,  Fred. 
Temme,  Ernst 
Traber,  Edward 
Traubel,  Nicolaus 
Trautmann,  Andreas 
Ude,  August 
Williamson,  Francis 
Wind,  John 
Winter,  Bernard 
Wollenweber,   Christian 
Zwick,  Gottlieb 


First  Regiment,  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Mo.-  Vol. 


427 


COMPANY  K. 


William  Hahn,  Captain 
Henry  Debus,  1st  Lieutenant 
Joseph  Witzel,  2d  Lieutenant 
George  Lung,  1st  Sergeant 
Hy.  Batterrnann,  Sergeant 
John   Pelletier,   Sergeant 


Chas.  Fichtemeier,  Corporal 
Hy.  Fath,  Corporal 
Ignatz  Reich,  Corporal 
Henry  Wicking,  Corporal 
John  Gubrie,  Musician 
John  Kiburz,  Musician 


Arnold,   Michael 
Barmatius,  John 
Baumgartner,  J. 
Baumann,  Joseph 
Beckmeyer,  Fred. 
Behrle,  Protas 
Beschner,  John 
Blege,  Jacob 
Boothe,  Michael 
Christen,  Michael 
Corcoran,  William 
Dreyer,  Wm. 
Ehred,  Fred. 
Elmer,  Joseph 
Faude,  Jacob 
Firmbach,  Stanislaus 
Frey,  George 
Frey,  Patrick 
Gall,  Jacob 
Gautner,  Casper 
Goss,  Jacob 
Harting,  Henry 
Haupt,  Frank 
Heb,  FraiiK 
Heinicke,  Henry 
Heitz,  George 
Heitz,  Michael 
Hermans,  John 
Hertz,  Joseph 


Privates. 

Hinkes,  Theodore 
Hof,  Phillip 
Hurlemann,  Christ. 
Jost,  Wendelin 
Kellerman,  Wm. 
Klein,  Rudolph 
Kleinhus,  Franz 
Koehler,  Chas. 
Kraft,  John 
Kreig,  Michael 
Kuper,  Michael 
Lachtrop,  Christ. 
Lamb,  Michael 
Leumenstahl,  And.  W. 
Lorey,  Tobias 
Lungstrass,   Rudolph 
Mais,  John 
Maurer,  Xavier 
Meser,  Christian 
Meyer,  Christian 
Michael,  Christian 
Michael,  Fred. 
Mueller,  Peter 
Mueller,  Bernhard 
Muninger,  Andr. 
Ockel,  Conrad 
Pagel,  Fred. 
Pressler,  Valentine 
Remers,  Henry 


Redmeyer,  Henry 
Reinhard,  Phillip 
Rohlfing,  Hy. 
Rolfmeyer,  Hy. 
Sack,  Peter 
Schabacker,  Bernard 
Schaffner,  Geo. 
Schaper,  Ernst 
Schaper,  Win. 
Schepp,  Henry  Nic. 
Schmidgen,  John 
Schmidt,  Adam 
Seegar,  John 
Siedentopf,  Wm. 
Sellhofer,  Hy. 
Sohnlein,  Wm. 
Spitzfaden,  M.  W. 
Steitz,  Reinhardt 
Stephan,  Geo. 
Stindker,  Fred. 
Sturm,  Andreas 
Tapp,  Fred. 
Teurer,  Nicolaus 
Vollmer,   Fred. 
Walter,  Rudolph 
Warbinsky,  Theo. 
Warings,  Bernard 
Wiegand,  Adam 
Zepp,  Adam 


428 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  L. 


William  Rottermann,  Captain 
Jacob  Bischoff,  1st  Lieutenant 
August  Leussler,  2d  Lieutenant 
Dietrich  Cordes,  1st  Sergeant 
Fred  Kunst,  Sergeant 
John  Toepper,  Sergeant 


Michael  Obenauer,  Sergeant 
John  Leimehuegel,  Corporal 
John  Petow,  Corporal 
Geo.  Kessler,  Corporal 
And.  Eberhardt,  Corporal 
Phil  M.  Enzinger,  Musician 


William  Zimmermann,  Musician 


Abeln,  T.  Joseph 
Barthold,  Geo. 
Batz,  Eckhardt 
Berghofer,  Henry 
Bohnmann,  Fred 
Brockschmidt,   Herm. 
Bruer,  Fred 
Conrad,  George 
Dennert,  Anton 
Dippel,  Herman 
Ellersick,  Hy. 
Ellrich,  Christ. 
Fischer,  Charles 
Fries,  George 
Frost,  Sebastian 
Geuthe,  John 
Gick,  Henry 
Gieselmann,  Hy. 
Gildehaus,  John 
Gilve,  Paulus 
Groesch,  Sebastian 
Haas,  George 
Habicht,  Oswald 
Hammersen,  John 
Heine,  Jacob 
Henning,  Adam 


Privates. 

Hensel,  George 
Kaldeway,  Fred 
Kasselbaum,  Emerich 
Keil,  Leonhardt 
Klink,  Gottlieb 
Koenneke,  Fred 
Krapp,  Geo. 
Kuberich,  Ferdinand 
Kubrick,  Charles 
Kunst,  Wm. 
Lennert,  Sebastian 
Lohrum,  Peter 
Mankel,  Daniel 
Metzger,  Bernard 
Moehle,  Fred 
Mueller,  Joseph 
Mueller,  Martin 
Nanert,  Joseph 
Nieman,  Henry 
Rieber,   Sebastian 
Ries,  George 
Roemer,   Louis 
Roseof,  Wm. 
Ruewe,  Hermann 
Salterbach,   Pnillip 


Sauerwein,   Fred 
Schatz,  William 
Schatzel,  Geo. 
Schlicker,   Ohnst 
Schmieder,  Conrad 
Schmidt,  Gottlieb 
Schoo,  John  Jacob 
Schrieber,  Christoph 
Schroeder,  Gottfried 
Schubert,  John 
Schwimm,  John 
Sintel,  Fred 
Staus,  Nicolaus 
Steck,  Bernard 
Strebel,  Andreas 
Sutor,  Andreas 
Thurmel,  John 
Thomas,  .Frank 
Vogth,  Ignatz 
Volger,  Ignatz 
Voth,  Hermann 
Walter,  Jac.  Fred 
Weithner,  Moritz 
Zumkeller,   John 
Zumsteg,   Joseph 


First  Regiment,  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Mo.  Vol.  429 


COMPANY  M. 


Augustus  Eichele,  Captain 
Chas.  B.  Gutjahr,  1st  Lieutenant 
Hermann  Lautenschlaeger,  2d 

Lieutenant 

Edward  Herzog,  1st  Sergeant 
Peter  Schmidt,  Sergeant 
Theo.  Oppermann,  Sergeant 


Fred  Frank,  Sergeant 

Christ  Cornelius,  Corporal 

Peter  Malig,  Corporal 

Ferd  Spiekermann,  Corporal 

Ferd  Heger,  Corporal 

Ludwig  C.  B.  Schnell,  Musician 

Fred  Kamueller,  Musician 


Arandt,  Pnillip 
Alsheimer,  Peter 
Bather,   Nicolaus 
Berners,  Frank 
Boele,  Henry 
Boeser,  Henry 
Bohle,  Henry 
Dietz,  Andreas 
Dietz,  Henry 
Dillman,  Joseph 
Dingier,  Phillip 
Doersch,  Jacob 
Dritsch,  Chas. 
Ecker,  Wm. 
Erhard,  Jos. 
Fahner,  Tobias 
Fischer,  Henry 
Foerstel,  Michael 
Foerster,  Frank 
Frickert,   John 
Gamier,  Max. 
Goeger,  Joseph 
Hambelson,  Mathias 
Hambelson.  Peter 
Hartmann,  Geo. 


Privates. 

Heher,  Gottlieb 
Herbst,  Christian 
Herbster,  Jacob 
Hertling,  Henry 
Hess,  John 
Heuer,  Henry 
Himmer,  Chas. 
Hoffman,  Fred 
Holseback,  Peter 
Holz,  John 
Jacob,  Phillip 
Jung,  Mathias 
Katie,  Jacob 
Keil,  Nicolaus 
Koch,   Peter 
Kroth,  Casper 
Lackmann,  George 
Langguth,  Adam 
Leonhard,  Adam 
Liebel,  Geo.  P. 
Litzenroth,  Hy. 
Meinhard,  John 
Momberger,  Casper 
Nauroth,  Christian 


Nieman,  Christian 
Peffle,  Jacob 
Pelod,  Frank 
Pfister,  Frank 
Preiser,  Geo. 
Redel,  John 
Reiser,  Christoph 
Roth,  Geo. 
Scherer,  Jacob 
Schifferle,  John  E. 
Schmidt,  Adam 
Schott,  Christian 
Schott,  George 
Schwarz,  Fritz 
Schwarzkoph,  Christ 
Seither,  Theodor 
Severan,  John 
Simon,   Ferdinand 
Suess,  Geo. 
Suess,  Jacob 
Thomas,  Jacob 
Vogel,  Ernst 
Walter,  Jacob 
Zimmer,  Philip 


430  The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  "A,"  CAVALRY,  TH&EE  MONTHS  SERVICE. 

Jacob  Melter,  Captain  Bernard  Weber,  Sergeant 

John  Traber,  1st  Lieutenant  Thomas  Garney,  Corporal 

Anthony  Jaeger,  2d  Lieutenant  Henry  Lohmann,  Corporal 

Louis  Ost,  1st  Sergeant  Charles  Forstel,  Corporal 

Charles  Veiling,  Sergeant  John  Weisertz,  Corporal 

Henry  Stolle,  Sergeant  Sebastian  Weik,  Musician 

George  Clock,   Musician 


Privates. 

Ameliing,  Wm.  Koch,  Henry  Schaefer,  George 

Balz,  Xaver  Koehler,  Conrad  Schneider,  Chas. 

Berger,  Balthasar  Koehler,  Ferdinand  Schneider,  Michael 

Brokate,  Philip  Koenig,  Henry  Schrader,  Gustav 

Emeling,  Theobald  Krebs,  George  Schroeder,  Henry 

Eisick,  Leopold  Kuhl,  Adolph  Schulde,  Jno. 

Fath,  Jacob  Langenecker,  John  Seibert,  John 

Floriz,  Edward  Leisenring,  Edward  Siegmund,  Caspar 

Gerhardt,  Peter  Linnes,    Fritz  Wodicka,  John 

Gieser,  August  Lupfer,  August  Wodicka,  Joseph 

Groffmann,  Chas.  May,  Gottlieb  Zadek,  Frank 

Gutting,  John  Mink,  Wm.  Zeigler,  Frederick 

Hoffmeister,  A.  Reifeis,  Wm.  Zepp,  John 

Huttling,  Wm.  Rindskopf,  Isaac  Zink,  Valentine 

Keller,  John  Rose,  Edward 


SECOND  REGIMENT,  UNITED  STATES  RESERVE 
CORPS,  MISSOURI  VOLUNTEERS, 

was  organized  for  home  service  May  7,  with  nine  Companies  under 
President  Lincoln's  order  of  April  30,  by  citizens  of  the  Second 
Ward  living  between  Soulard  and  Chouteau  avenue,  by  electing 
Herman  Kallman  Colonel  and  establishing  Soulard  Market  their 
Headquarters  and  Armory..  On  May  10  one  Battalion  marched  to 
Camp  Jackson  and  the  balance  guarded  the  avenues  leading  to  the 
Arsenal.  In  June  the  Regiment  guarded  the  North  Missouri  Rail- 
road, and  on  its  homeward  march  was  fired  upon  from  a  fire  engine- 
house  in  the  center  of  St.  Louis.  Later  on  portions  guarded  the  Iron 
Mountain  Railroad,  while  six  Companies  went  with  Fremont's  Ex- 
pedition to  Bird's  Point.  On  returning  the  Regiment  was  mustered 
out  in  August  and  reorganized  early  in  September  for  three  -ears' 
service  in  the  State  of  Missouri,  electing  Hermann  Kallmann 
Colonel. 

With  the  exception  of  8  per  cent  Bohemians,  the  Regiment  was 
almost  entirely  German.  The  number  of  men  on  the  Three  Months' 
Lists  were  785. 

FIELD  AND  STAFF. 

Herman  Kallmann,.  Colonel  F.  C.  Castlehun,  Surgeon 

John  T.  Fiala,  Lt.  Colonel  Charles  Spinzig,  Asst.   Surgeon 

Julius  Rapp,  Major  Henry  L.  Rathjen,  Sergt.  Major 

Anthony  Zeitinger,  Adjutant  George  Geholz,  Q.  M.  Sergeant 

Charles  Gottschalk,  Quartermaster         Jacob  Kost,   Drum   Major 
Ferd  Herwig,  Musician 


431 


432 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  A. 


Bernard   Essroger,  Captain 
Herman   Bleeck,    1st   Lieutenant 
Leonhard  Zwanziger,  2d  Lieutenant 
Fred  Zaehrich,  1st  Sergeant 
Hy.  Wm.  Volkers,  Sergeant 
Nicholas  Doering,  Sergeant 


Otto  Stickel,  Corporal 
Michael  Puhl,  Corporal 
Fred  Hunricks,  Corporal 
Bmil  Ulrici,  Corporal 
H.  E.  Suschizki,  Musician 
Jac.  Bauer,  Musician 


Aschner,  Adolph 
Bastian,  Joseph 
Becherer,  Lambrecht 
Becherle,  John 
Berman,  Carl 
Berneker,  Fred 
Bidur,  Francis 
Biebinger,  Fred 
Blanc,   Larment 
Blum,  Peter 
Blumenberg,  Hy. 
Brunner,  Franz 
Buerger,  Bernhard 
Bunzenthal,  Carl 
Butterniek,  Fred 
Cassen,  Schoon 
Doering,  Benjamin 
Dormitzer,  Joseph 
Eckhardt,  Otto 
Eicke,  Wm. 
Fehl,  Hy. 
Flick,  Louis 
Fluegel,  H. 
Gabare,  Louis 
Geiger,  Henry 
Geiss,  Jacob 
Giestemeyer,  John 
Goetz,  Fred 
Graff,  John 


Privates. 

Groschell,  Michael 
Gutjahr,  Peter 
Haas,  Peter 
Haentges,  John 
Heckwolff,  Fred 
Helmer,  Wm. 
Hertel,  Wolfgang 
Hildebrand,  Aug. 
Hocherl,  James 
Hoge,  Henry 
Holderle,  Casper 
Hunold,  Carl 
Juppier,  James 
Kern,  Xaver 
Kirchner,  David 
Koelling,  Chas. 
Koelling,  Fred 
Koerchel,  Anton 
Kosser,  John 
Kress,  Joseph 
Krug,  Michael 
Lauffert,  John 
Lindecker,  Mathias 
Lindwig,  Anton 
Masse,  George 
Matter,  John 
Maurath,  Dennis 
Menden,  Wm. 


Meyer,  A.  F. 
Meyer,  Chas. 
Mueller,  John 
Nitz,  Phil. 
Osterkamp,  Hy. 
Ranquet,  Chas.  Louis 
Rothenhagen,   Louis 
Scherer,  Christ 
Schinitsschnieder,  Geo. 
Schmidt,  Joseph 
Schneider,    Christ. 
.Schnerr,  Const. 
Schortten,    Chas. 
Schroer,  Henry 
Schroer,  Wm. 
Schultheis,  Peter 
Schwartz,  John 
Setzer,  August 
Spindler,  Leonhard 
Tice,  Henry 
Ulrici,  Rudolph 
Wacherle,  Fred 
Walkenhorst,  Fred 
Weithopp,  Henry 
Wincent,  Henry 
Yarpun,  Benjamin 
Zahn,  Franz 
Zorrus, 


Second  Regiment,  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Mo.  Vol. 


433 


COMPANY  B. 


Edmund  Wuerpel,  Captain 
Joseph  Gerwiner,  1st  Lieutenant 
Franz  Schindler,  2d  Lieutenant 
Fred   Brueggerhoff,   1st  Sergeant 
Phillip  Diekenhoff,  Sergeant 
Mathias  Gerner,  Sergeant 


Henry  Rauschenplatt,  Sergeant 
Henry  Stumpf,  Corporal 
Fred  Cassel,  Corporal 
John  Reihn,  Corporal 
Henry  Breystedt,  Musician 
Severn  Sauter,  Musician 


Albrecht,  Julius 
Anheuser,  Peter 
Baumann,  John 
Bechmann,  Hy. 
Bender,  Christian 
Bilmeyer,  Joseph 
Brandenburger,  A. 
Breidenbach,  Christ. 
Buckner,  Henry 
Dammert,  Chas. 
Doll,  Gerhard 
Dormitzer,  Joseph 
Fiesellmann,  Henry 
Fischer,  Julius 
Flammger,  John 
Flammger,  Paul 
Freiner,  John 
Frey,  August 
Fritz,  Louis 
Goebel,  Franz 
Gruennagel,  Adam 
Gruennagel,  Geo. 
Gundlach,  Hy. 


Privates. 

Hausmann,  John 
Helbling,  Henry 
Helgoth,  John 
Herget,  Phillip 
Hiemenz,  Jacob 
Hinspeter,  Fred. 
Hoffman,  Henry 
Hoppius,  Wm. 
Huehl,   John 
Kahlbaum,  John 
Kaltwasser,  J.  Phillip 
Klungmann,  Gottfried 
Koerner,  Julius 
Korte,  Herman 
Kriechelt,  Geo. 
Lanz,  John 
Lavin,  Franz 
Lehrn,  August 
Lerchenmissler,  John 
Lindell,  John 
Mellenbeck,  Hermann 
Meyer,  Anton 
Meyer,  Charles 


Morhardt,  George 
Mueller,  John 
Nolte,  Hermann 
Reedlin,  Jeremias 
Rueckert,  Dietrich 
Schmalz,  Michael 
Schmiech,  John 
Schuler,  Hy. 
Siferth,  Joseph 
Stamm,  Fried. 
Stamm,  Wm. 
Stock,  Peter 
Stoll,  Ferdinand 
Stumpf,  John 
Taussig,  Edward 
Tschigner,  Ernst 
Voesterling,  Fried. 
Volz,  Fried. 
Weber,  John 
Woehrle,  John 
Wohlschlager,  B. 
Zauener,  Christian 
Zrueki,   H. 


434 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  C. 


Herman   Schroeders,   Captain 
Fred  Mueller,  1st  Lieutenant 
Fred  Cratz,  2d  Lieutenant 
Christ  Niemann,  1st  Sergeant 
Christ  Klubscheid,  Sergeant 
Herman  Mardorf,  Sergeant 
Christ  Rohlfing,  Sergeant 


Gregor  Lingg,   Corporal 
Geo.  Doerr,  Corporal 
Lorenz  Zeller,  Corporal 
Chas.  Jeremias,  Corporal 
John  Erhardt,  Musician 
August  Kanne,  Musician 


Albrecht,  Wm. 
Armbrust,  John 
Bang,  Adolph 
Bang,  Charles 
Bange,  Henry 
Bauman,  Julius 
Behrens,  Hy. 
Beisch,  Geo. 
Borrell,  Geo. 
Bruder,  John 
Buxot,  Fred. 
Dernbacher,  John 
Epstein,  Heyman 
Erhard,  John  Geo. 
Feuchtenbemer,  Mich. 
Fohr,  Jacob 
Grieshaber,  Adolf 
Haering,  John 
Harbniann,  Conrad 
Hartmann,  Conrad 
Henrichsen,  John 
Hoffmann,  Alex. 
Hoffmann,  Geo. 
Holzscheiter,  Herbert 
Hoppe,  Henry 
Huffnagel,  Henry 


Privates. 


Israel,  S. 
Jehlen,  Geo.  H. 
Johann,  Michael 
Kaltwasser,  John 
Kiefer,  Geo. 
Kissell,  Valentine 
Klemm,  Michael 
Klotz,  John 
Kowancyk,  Franz 
Kraemer,  Christ 
Kraemer,  G.  J. 
Krause,  Geo. 
Kreidenmacher,  John 
Leitner,  Michael 
Leva,   Christ 
Lustig,  Joseph 
Mack,  Friederich 
Manhorst,  Adam 
Maul,  J.  H. 
Mohrardt,  Geo. 
Mueller,  August 
Mueller,  John 
Mueller,  Martin 
Mueller,  Phillip 
Pfund,  L.  F. 
Rasp,  Matthew 


Reisch,  "Geo. 
Reisch,  Joseph 
Rohlflng,  Fred. 
Ruppert,  Franz 
Scheek,  John 
Schmitz,  Alex. 
Schnurmacher,  Elias 
Schulz,  Jacob 
Schuster,  Florian 
Schuster,  Hermann 
Schuster,  Hugo 
Schwarztrouble,  Nic. 
Seiter,  Fred. 
Shupmann,  Aug. 
Sicher,  Wm. 
Spuhler,  Henry 
Uebel,  Henry 
Uhrig,  Joseph 
Vohrwinker,  Jacob 
Weber,  John 
Weinlein,  Joseph 
Welge,  Theodor 
Winkler,  Joseph 
Zeisler,  Stephan 
Zipf,  Sebastian 
Zumsteg,  John 


Second  Regiment,  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Mo.  Vol.  435 


COMPANY  D. 


F.  M.  Wotke,  Captain 
Bernard  Klein,  1st  Lieutenant 
Fred  Gottschalk,  2d  Lieutenant 
H.  H.  Bodemann,  1st  Sergeant 
John  P.  Liphard,  Sergeant 
John    C.   Koerner,    Sergeant 


Christ  Mehl,  Sergeant 
W.  T.  Cronde,  Corporal 
Ferdinand  Heiser,  Corporal 
Aug.  Kriekenbaum,  Corporal 
Hermann  Gelsheuser,  Corporal 
John  Fries,  Musician 


C.  Surborn,  Musician 


Altenberend,  Christ 
Altschul,  Charles 
Amsler,  Casimir 
Auswahl,  Frank 
Bapp,  John 
Bassali,  Wm. 
Becker,  Louis 
Benkler,  Joseph 
Bissner,  Geo. 
Bleidorn,  Frank 
Boldswey,  Hy. 
Borngesser,  Fred. 
Borngesser,  Peter 
Conrad,  Wm. 
Deitz,  Chas.  V. 
Disener,  Wm. 
Emanuel,  David 
Figgo,  Fred. 
Frieseke,  Wm. 
Gahl,  Wm. 
Gaussmann,  John 


Privates. 

Gebhardt,  Gottfried 
Gelsheuser,  Hy. 
Gleidrauff,  Caesar 
Grab,  Henry 
Grad,  Andreas 
Granvelur,  Geo. 
Groeser,  Martin 
Guesbach,  Wm. 
Haeneseh,  Daniel 
Hein,  Conrad 
Heinze,  Henry 
Hiltpold,  John 
Hoffman,  Martin 
Hold,  Robert 
Jehle,  Wm. 
Joss,  Jacob 
Kaltwasser,  Chas. 
Kaltwasser,  Fred. 
Kellner,  Conrad 
Kempe,  Anson 


Keppe,  Henry 
Kley,    Wm. 
Kolb,  Andreas 
Korhammer,  Hy. 
Koerner,  Wm. 
Kraus,  conrad 
Kruser,  Valentine 
Leber,  Joseph 
Leva,  Christian 
Lindeker,  John 
Mees,  Jacob 
Meekbach,  Hy. 
Pucker,  John 
Rail,  Ignatz 
Razoze,  Geo. 
Rosemann,  Frank 
Schluter,  E.  H. 
Schnell,  Caspar 
Schroeder,  Henry 
Zunz,  Joseph 


436 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  18V I, 


COMPANY  E. 


Felix  Laies,  Captain 
Christian  Ploeser,  1st  Lieutenant 
Phillip  Michael,  2d  Lieutenant 
Henry  Quellmalz,   1st   Sergeant 
Conrad  Wetzel,   Sergeant 
George  Drescher,  Sergeant 


Mathias  Metz,  Corporal 
John  Schork,  Corporal 
John  Kree,  Corporal 
Fred  Offenbecker,  Corporal 
Fred  Stagier,  Musician 
Arnold  Porbeck,  Musician 


Amelung,  Hy. 
Andreas,  Louis 
Apel,  Zacharias 
Artmann,  Michael 
Berkerle,  John 
Binder,  August 
Blaick,  Wm. 
Bos,  Geo. 
Both,  Henry 
Boy,  Clemens 
Brugmeier,  Bern. 
Brugner,  Thomas 
Degenhardt,  Jos. 
Diehl,  Henry 
Feitsk,  Ulrich 
Feldman,  John 
Fetter,  Jacob 
Fey,  George 
Frank,  Henry 
Gessner^  Christian 
Gopel,  Adam 
Goth,  Andreas 
Hack,  Franz 
Helm,  John 
Herrel,  David 


Privates. 

Hertchen,  John 
Hoffmann,  Joseph 
Huhn,  Peter 
Kaenter,  Wm. 
Kehr,  Karl 
Kennicker,  Wm. 
Kessler,  Edw. 
Klatt,  Wm. 
Kling,  Peter 
Knopf,  Nicolaus 
Kohl,  John 
Kopf,  Joseph 
Kruger,  Nicolaus 
Kubler,  Louis 
Lambing,  Fred. 
Link,  Hy. 
Lorenz,  Wilhelm 
Meinberg,  Aug. 
Menn,  Wilhelm 
Mueller,  Charles 
Mueller,  Henry 
Mueller,  Jacob 
Noll,  Henry 
Osfing,  Henry 
Peis,  John 


Petz,  Herman 
Quellmalz,  Arthur 
Quitler,  George 
Rau,  Joseph 
Renhard,  Valentine 
Renkel,  Jacob 
Ritter,  Joseph 
Rockenbrod,  Andreas 
Schaaf,  Paul 
Scharding,  Franz 
Schmidt,  John 
Schurmer,  Friederich 
Sehr,  George 
Siebenmeyer,  Ferd. 
Stork,  John 
Stumpf,  Bernhard 
Tieber,  Carl 
Volbers,  Wm. 
Volker,  Franz 
Volkrnar,  Christ. 
Wahl,  Christoff 
Waldemeier,  Christ. 
Waticke,  Ignatz 
Worner,  John 
Worner,  Joseph 


Second  Regiment,  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Mo.  Vol. 


437 


COMPANY  F. 


Theo.  Boethelt,  Captain 
Alex  Windmiller,  1st  Lieutenant 
Anthony  Ochosky,  2d  Lieutenant 
Fred  W.  Plass,  1st  Sergeant 
Chas.  W.  Schickenberg,  Sergeant 
John  Ranft,  Sergeant 


Chas.  Dehaut,  Sergeant 
John  Brink,  Corporal 
Aug.  H.  Meyer,  Corporal 
Fred  Osborg,  Corporal 
Gottfried  Voelkers,  Corporal 
Frank  Bodwein,  Musician 


Benedict  Weitzenecker,  Musician 


Adler,   Gustav 
Arshlimon,  Edw. 
Bauer,  Peter 
Becker,  Peter 
Blumenberg,  Julius 
Bruderlin,  Emil 
Fantt,  Martin 
Grumme.  Wm. 
Hagan,  Chas. 
Haller,  Caspar 
Heidel,  John 
Heinz,  August 
Herflicker,  Jacob 
Hichler,  Geo. 
Holt,  Gustav 
Huhn,  Peter 
Koenig,  Joseph 
Kuehler,  Gottfried 
Lange,  Ferdinand 
Mauch,  August 
Meinhard,  Hy. 
Meissenbach,  Gustave 
Merkel,  Egidius 
Meyer,  Ferdinand 
Meyer,  Fred. 


Privates. 

Meyer,  Henry 
Muehs,  Wm. 
Muhs,  August 
Munslinger,  Peter 
Neff,  John 
Neuhaus,  Jno.  N. 
Novack,  Wm. 
Ockronglowerus,  Louis 
Oestereicher,  Hy. 
Ott,  Henry 
Otto,  Edward 
Petermann,  Valentin 
Pohlmann,  Theo. 
Rattinger,  Ranier 
Reseller,  Chas.  H. 
Rosenhaner,  Edw. 
Rupert,  Wm. 
Ruprecht,  John 
Schlesberger,  S. 
Schrirey,   Geo. 
Schornholz,  Amsler 
Schuelthoefer,  Ph. 
Schuman,  George 
Seibecker,  Chas. 


Slent,  Charles 
Spies,  Ferdinand 
Spilker,  August 
Staats,  Fred 
Strohmeyer,  John 
Stueck,  John  R. 
Stumpf,  Chas. 
Stumpf,  Fred. 
Stumpf,  Hy. 
Taubener,  John 
Thomas,  George 
Tromant,  Nic. 
Volk,  F. 

Vondach,  Fried. 
Wagner,  Phil. 
Wambsgans,  John 
Weber,  Andrew 
Winderworth,  Edw. 
Winkler,  John  A. 
Witzemann,  Geo. 
Wolbert,  Sebastian 
Zeller,  Wm. 
Zimmerer,  Joseph 
Zimmermann,  Fred. 


438 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  G. 


Hermann  Zakrzewski,  Captain 
Gerhard  Bensberg,  1st  Lieutenant 
Herman  Moll,  2d  Lieutenant 
Geo.  Schwerdt,  1st  Sergeant 
Balthazer   Strahli,   Sergeant 
Carl  Borkman,  Sergeant 


Adam  Jost,   Sergeant 
James  Vandeventer,  Corporal 
Franz  Hecker,  Corporal 
Franz  Hoefling,  Corporal 
H.  L.  Vanbel,  Corporal 
Henry  Voght,  Musician 


G.  K.  Emmes,  Musician 


Bebie,  John 
Bennet,  Hy. 
Benz,  Win. 
Berthold,  Jacob 
Bischoff,  John 
Bracht,  Franz 
Burkhardt,  Rudolph 
Day,  Adam 
Degen,  Adam 
Dode,  Wm. 
Egemaan,  Wm. 
Endlich,   Peter 
Frank,  Michael 
Franke,  Hy. 
Frentrop,  Louis 
Fritz,  Max 
Geislet,  Oswald 
Gerhard,  George 
Gernhardt,  Aug. 
Grampner,  Hy. 
Heneklau,  Edw. 
Hermann,  Chas. 
Hoffmann,  Chas. 


Privates. 

Hohmann,  Nicolaus 
Horn,  Michael 
Hufnagel,  Wm. 
Kenne,  Fred 
Kentzer,  Hy. 
Kleintropp,  Adam 
Korbeli,  Henry 
Kozel,  Jacob 
Krass,  John 
Kreichelt,  August 
Kreubohn,  Clemens 
Lendowski,  Michael 
Loeffel,  Wm. 
Lucks,  Wm. 
Michel,  Joseph 
Mueller,  Louis 
Mueller,  Wm. 
Opermann,  John 
Peckmann,  Wm. 
Pfeil,  Geo. 
Ploeser,  Louis 
Ring,  Jacob 
Roehrig,  Nicolaus 


Rung,  Otto 
Sante,  Wm. 
Schaaf,  Paul 
Schneider,  Hy. 
Schroer,  E.  H.  R. 
Schulwig,  Wm. 
Simon,  Joseph 
Specht,  August 
Storch,  Jacob 
Strahli,  Nicclaus 
Suess,  Wm. 
Suschaner,  Jos. 
Taussig,  James 
Vetter,  Alexander 
Volberg,  Wm. 
Wessel,  John 
Weyers,  John 
Winkler,  Hermann 
Wunderlich,  Wm. 
Wurst,  Phillip 
Zeisler,  Adam 


Second  Regiment,  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Mo.  Vol. 


439 


COMPANY  H, 


Chr.  Goerisch,  Captain 
Chas.  Hoppe,  1st  Lieutenant 
John  Hensack,  2d  Lieutenant 
Chas.  H.  Teichmann,  1st  Sergeant 
Ed.  Kienle,  Sergeant 
Franz  Steiger,   Sergeant 


John  L.  Nitzge,  Sergeant 
George  Mogge,  Corporal 
Ad.  Schild,  Corporal 
Franz  Schmidt,  Corporal 
Adam  Held,  Corporal 
Frank  Smith,  Musician 


Wm.  Roleschka,  Musician 


Barbach,  Leo 
Bauer,  John 
Becker,  Casper 
Belz,  John 
Berry,  Chas. 
Bolin,  Wm. 
Bollmann,  Michael 
Borrel,  George 
Brandmeyer,  Geo. 
Brants,  Fr. 
Bravitz,  Jos. 
Bueri,  John 
Burrisch,  Math. 
Dewald,  Peter 
Doehne,  Chas. 
Foellner,  Ernst 
Frank,  Geo. 
Funk,  Ad. 
Gessert,  Chr. 
Gleich,  Nic. 
Goreke,  Geo. 
Goerisch,  Jac. 
Haller,  Albert 
Hartman,  Wm. 


Privates. 

Herschfeld,  A. 
Hoffmann,  John 
Hohlwey,  A. 
Hopes,  Phil. . 
Hubert,  John 
Huhn,  J. 
Jorrus,  Wm. 
Jung,  Christian 
Kaufmann,  Ch. 
Kentzer,  Welsh 
Koepping,  Ed. 
Klier,  Henry 
Kuger,  Ad. 
Laux,  Balthazar 
Lueder,  Ch. 
Meyer,  Anton 
Michel,  B. 
Mueller,  J.  C. 
Mueller,  Wm.  J. 
Nickel,  Anton 
Nossel,  M. 
Pitzer,  John 
Prim,  Jonn 
Reibsam,  John 


Reinhard,  Hy. 
Reis,  Jacob 
Rott,  Geo. 
Sabath,  Hy.  W. 
Sabath,  Chas. 
Scheuerer,  Fritz 
Schilling,  Hermann 
Schirms,  Joseph 
Schmidt,  Conrad 
Schreiber,  David 
Schultz,  Anton 
Seele,  Fritz 
Seele,  Henry 
Seibert,  Jac. 
Steinberg,  Henry 
Stocker,   Andr. 
Steubler,  Valentine 
Voigt,  Joseph 
•  Wachtel,  A. 
Weil,  Robt. 
Wunsch,  Andrew 
Zimmer,  Conrad 
Zuelsh,  J.  H. 


440 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  I. 


Jacob  Riseck,  Captain 
John  Ruedi,  1st  Lieutenant 
August  Frohnhaefer,  2d' Lieutenant 
Joseph  Moser,  1st  Sergeant 
Christ  H.  Wacker,  Sergeant 
Chas.  Wacker,  Sergeant 


Fr.  Winkelmann,  Corporal 
John  Bucheit,  Corporal 
John  Bleitz,  Corporal 
Martin  Meyer,  Corporal 
Hy.  Bloscher,  Musician 
Chas.  Vogel,  Musician 


Amsler,  Lorenz 
Argast,  Edward 
Beck,  Stephan 
Binz,  Jacob 
Birkle,  Balthazar 
Boecke,  Herman 
Brankey,  Christ. 
Buercher,  Andr. 
Burkhardt,  Geo. 
Bushey,  Frank 
Carell,  Phillip 
Dangeisen,  Jacob 
Deinger,  John 
Eggart,  Charles 
Foerster,  Herman 
Frueh,  Mathias 
Fuchs,  Charles 
Gellert,  Fried. 
Grohammer,  Fred. 
Haenschen,  Jobst 
Hapstroetter,  John 
Heit,  Bug 
Heit,  John 
Holzer,  Sigmund 
Hueter,  Jac. 
Humer,  Joseph 


Privates. 

Kelfe,  Fred. 
Kewe,  Chas.  Aug. 
Kleine,  Henry 
Koch,  Peter 
Krause,  Ad. 
Kumpf,  Peter 
Lauter,  Phillip 
Link,  Ernst 
Luther,  Gustave 
Machick,  Wenzel 
Maeler,'Fred 
Many,  John 
Martin,  Henry 
Meurer,  Joseph, 
Meyer,  Louis 
Millinett,  Bernard 
Mueller,  John  W. 
Mungenast,  Bendt 
Myer,  John 
Neckert,  John 
Ochs,  Chas.  M. 
Pflidringer,  F.  R. 
Rapps,  James 
Rendenspacher,  Fr. 
Riemenschneider,  Aug. 


Riemenschneider,    Hy. 
Rolte,  Joseph 
Ruderhauser,  Fred. 
Sambach,  Michael 
Santer,  Tho. 
Schoeppner,  Christ. 
Schuchardt,  Ed. 
Schumacher,  Aug. 
Schwarz,  Gottlieb 
Seekler,  Jacob 
Steiger,  Jacob 
Steiner,  Julius 
Stille,  Werner 
Stroebel,  Jacob 
Sutter,  Simon 
Thibold,  Phillip 
Thorn,  Nic. 
Trapp,  John 
Uhrig,  Fred. 
Wehrle,  Jos. 
Weinrich,  Geo. 
Weizel,  Conrad 
Wenzel,  Hy. 
Wihl,  Carl 
Wunsch,  Adolph 


THIRD  REGIMENT,  UNITED  STATES  RESERVE 
CORPS,  MISSOURI  VOLUNTEERS, 

mustered  for  home  service  May  8,  under  President  Lincoln's  order 
of  April  30,  with  ten  Companies,  by  electing  John  McNeil  Colonel 
and  establishing  Headquarters  and  Armory  at  the  St.  Louis  Turner 
Hall  on  Tenth  and  Walnut  streets,  where  many  of  its  members  had 
been  drilling  before.  Company  "A"  was  formed  of  St.  Louis  Turn- 
ers, who  also  largely  entered  into  the  formation  of  other  Companies, 
as  their  numbers  exceeded  the  original  quota,  which  was  rapidly 
filled  up  by  the  first  four  Volunteer  Regiments.  The  Regiment 
marched  out  to  Camp  Jackson.  It  chiefly  garrisoned  the  city  until 
July  1,  when  three  of  its  Companies  joined  the  Southwest  expe- 
dition, while  on  the  16th  of  July  six  Companies  marched,  via  Jeffer- 
son, into  Callaway  County  and  defeated  a  Secession  troop  under 
Harris,  after  a  short  engagement,  and  took  possession  of  Fulton, 
from  where  the  Companies  returned  to  St.  Louis,  to  be  mustered  out 
at  the  expiration  of  service.  The  Regiment  had  among  its  members 
many  prominent  business  men,  whose  offices  in  the  center  of  town 
made  Turner  Hall  a  convenient  place  of  assembly.  The  Regiment 
held  20  per  cent  Americans,  5  per  cent  other  nationalities  and  75 
per  cent  Germans.  It  reorganized  for  the  Three- Year  Reserve  Corps 
Service,'  under  Colonel  C.  A.  Fritz,  in  September  and  consolidated 
with  other  troops  in  January,  1862,  forming  the  Fourth  Missouri 
Volunteers.  The  Regiment  listed  for  the  Three  Months'  Service 
1,028  men. 

FIELD  AND  STAFF. 

John  McNeil,  Colonel  Geo.  E.  Leighton,  Quartermaster 

Charles  A.  Fritz,  Lt.  Colonel  Wm.  Arthur,  Commissary 

Charles  W.  Marsh,  Major  Elery  P.  Smith,  Surgeon 

Samuel  P.  Simpson,  Adjutant  Edmund  Boemer,  Ass't  Surgeon 

Band. 

Martin  Fryberthyser,  Christopher  Beau  John  Richter 

Leader  Sam  Crawford  Fred  Schmidt 

Conrad  Fryberthyser  James  R.  Gibson  Wm.  D.  Story 

Hy.  Freiberthyser  Adolph  Hoffman  Hy.  Walquit 

John  Freiberthyser  Frederick  Robold  Hy.  Spindler 

441 


442 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Lou'i»  in  J861. 


COMPANY  A. 


Charles  W.  Smith,  Captain 
Hy.  Robert  Serot,  1st  Lieutenant 
Frederick  Lesser,  1st  Lieutenant 
Frederick  Hoist,  1st  Lieutenant 
Geo.  Howard,  Sr.,  1st  Lieutenant 
Hy.  Wiegand,  2d  Lieutenant 
Julius  Friton,  1st  Sergeant 
W.   B.   Oken,   Sergeant 


Hy.  Spaekler,  Sergeant 
Peter  Loersch,   Sergeant 
Wm.  Lenks,  Sergeant 
Hy.  Schaffert,  Corporal 
Adolph  Elbert,  Corporal 
Hy.  Heidsick,  Corporal 
Louis  Gerichten,   Corporal 
Michael  Solomon,  Musician 


Achenbach,  Herman 
Ahrens,  John  H. 
Angermueller,  Herm. 
Anheuser,  Conrad 
Assman,  Charles 
Baesler,  Geo. 
Bakofen,  Gottfried 
Earth,  Fred. 
Becker,  Francis  P. 
Becker,  Geo. 
Benerman,  John 
Brack,  John 
Braner,  Geo. 
Bruder,  Adolph 
Bruder,  Edward 
Bueshing,  Fred. 
Burkholtz,  Wm. 
Chors,  Gustav 
Dickroger,  Heavy 
Diehl,  Louis 
Doebler,  Louis 
Evers,  Adolph 
Falkenheimer,  Hy. 
Feldbusch,  Dietrich 
Fluth/Geo. 
Friedeking,  Hy. 
Glaser,  John  Y. 
Goerke,  Peter 
Gossel,  August 
Greittner,  Emil 
Hahn,  Emil 


Privates. 

Haller,  Fred 
Helgoth,  Lorenz 
Helkenkamp,  Wm. 
Henricks,  Julius 
Heymeier,  John 
Hoffman,  Ernst 
Holtkamp,  Wm. 
Hortmann,  Chas. 
Kaiser,   Louis 
Klein,  Jacob 
Kleinschmidt,  Franz 
Kleinschmidt,  Henry 
Kleinschmidt,  Theo. 
Kloepner,  Hy. 
Koenig,  Hy. 
Kress,  Francis 
Lehman,  Charles 
Leiber,  Charles 
Leiber,  Geo. 
Lenck,  John 
Meiseman,  Herman 
Merkel,  Wm. 
Mestemacher,  Chas. 
Meyer,  Hermann 
Moergel,  Rudolph 
Mohrstedt,  Chas. 
Moll,  Henry 
Moller,  Gustav 
Muff,  Ernst 
Mueller,  Emil 
Naegler,  Wm. 


Nellmar,  John 
Norton,  Henry 
Quellmalz,  Chas. 
Rapsfiner,  Nicolas 
Rehbein,  Adolph 
Reiman,  Gustav 
Remler,  Adolph 
Renz,  Fred. 
Rose,  Leo 

Rottenbrock,  Adolph 
Ruof,  Chas. 
Rupert,  Wm. 
Schenk,  Adolph 
Schenker,  Herman 
Scherer,  John 
Schiffman,  Herman 
Schiller,  Louis 
Schoenthaler,  John 
Schultz,  Jacob 
Sporleder,  Julius 
Sumner,  Chas. 
Tittman,  Edward 
Upmeyer,  Hy. 
Vallet,  Charles 
Vogler,  Julius 
Welgoth,  Francis 
Wolf,  Paul 
Wolferkieler,  Julius 
Wyeges,  Anthony 


Third  Regiment,  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Mo.  Vol. 


443 


COMPANY  B. 


Charles  Albert  Warner,  Captain 
Louis  Fuchs,  1st  Sergeant 
Geo.  Adler,   Sergeant 
Geo.  Miller,  Sergeant 
Paul  Heith,  Sergeant 
Phillip  Ittel,  Sergeant 
Fritz  Otto,  Corporal 


Chas.  Meddler,  Corporal 
John  Krumholz,  Corpora! 
Hugo  Witter,  Corporal 
Anton  Weiss,  Corporal 
William  Spickman,  Corporal 
Xatlinn  Bass,  Musician 
Philifp  Gruber,  Musician 


Arnheirn,  Adam 
Bartman,  Simon 
Bauer,  John 
Bauman,  Jacob 
Beck,  Louis 
Benkler,  Carl 
Bentler,  August 
Benzinger,  Cnas. 
Bert,  Bernhardt 
Beyer,  Albert 
Blattner,  Andreas 
Bock,  Ferdinand 
Boettger,  Fritz 
Bracke,  Theo. 
Braun,  Wm. 
Brickler,  John 
Chartmann,  Wm. 
Dames,  John 
Dann,  Joseph 
Detzel,  John 
Dommemuth,  Charles 
Durek,  Geo. 
Eispenhard,  John 
Enizer,  Frank 
Fluhrer,  Henry 
Franz,  Bernhart 
Fuchs,  Charles 
Gallenbach,  Caspar 
Glicker,  Franz 
Griesmeier,  Herman 
Guerther,  Wm. 
Guttmann,  Herman 
Haas,  Fried. 
Hahn,  John 


Privates. 

Hansmann,  Jos. 
Heder,  Balthazar 
Held,  Joseph 
Hennings,  Fred. 
Hermann,  Geo. 
Hundstock,  Geo. 
Hunkenmiller,  Geo. 
Jaeger,  Phillip 
Kaufmann,  Adam 
Keil,  Lenhardt 
Keppler,  Hermann 
Kupper,  Frank 
Lang,  John 
Leich,  Geo. 
Lerzo,  Adolph 
Linharth,  Chas. 
Linharth,  Jacob 
Lohmann,  Charles 
Lowell,  Wm. 
Metzger,  Engelbrecht 
Metzelfeld,  August 
Meyer,  Joseph 
Michenfelder,  Franz 
Morrell,  Hermann 
Mueller,  Jacob 
Mueller,  Pius 
Mussler,  Charles 
Neumeister,  Fred 
Ockenfuss,  John 
Ofmann,   Peter 
Oppermann,  Louis 
Oppman,  Louis 
Orth,  Henry 


Other,  John 
Ott,  Christian 
Ox,  Martin 
Pulis,  Frank 
Rahm,  George 
Renz,  Fred. 
Reuter,  John 
Ringweld,  Xavier 
Roth,  Adam 
Ruck,  Albert 
Ruprecht,  Louis 
Schaper,  Henry 
Schmidt,  Mark 
Schneider,  Henry 
Schroeder,  Hermann 
Seitz,  A. 
Sorns,  Valentine 
Steibler,  Nicolaus 
Stoehn,  Martin 
Stumph,  Joseph 
Stuyk,  Wm. 
Suchof,  Gerhardt 
Thies,  Theo. 
Uebricht,  John 
Weber,  Henry 
Weber,  Joseph 
Weiss,  Geo. 
Weisshaar,  Joseph 
Westerick,  Henry 
Winter,  Charles 
Zeller,  Charles 
Zimmerer,  John  G. 
Zudderrovest,   Hy. 


444 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  C. 


Tony  Niederwieser,  Captain 
Henry  P.  Fabricius,  1st  Lieutenant 
Wm.  Hirt,  2d  Lieutenant 
Wm.  J.  Lemp,  1st  Sergeant 
Hy.  Kampe,  Sergeant 
Philip  Dauernheim,  Sergeant 


Hy.  Hock,  Sergeant 
Carl  Monelius,  Corporal 
Nicolaus  Mueller,  Corporal 
Oswald  Roessel,  Corporal 
Guido  Kalb,  Corporal 
Louis  Heimbach,  Musician 


E.  R.  Evans,  Musician 


Alles,  Hy.  J. 
Ambs,  Jacob 
Anheuser,  Eberhard 
Baehler,  Carl 
Becker,  Carl  A. 
Behne,  Ernst  J. 
Bender,  Francis 
Bischoff,  Jacob 
Blattner,  Jacob 
Bliesner,  William 
Blind,  Frederick 
Boerker,  Charles 
Borgstede,  Herman 
Bornefeld,  Chas. 
Braut,  Louis 
Buettner,  John  H. 
Caspar,  Geo. 
Chenery,  August 
Daffner,  John  M. 
Debus,  John 
Deschamps,  Guillaume 
Detzel,  Henry 
Diehl,  Conrad 
Dienst,  August 
Dinius,  Michael 
Ehrmann,  Gottfried 
Feuerbacher,  Max 
Foerg,  Henry 
Gaertner,  Xaver 
Griesman,  Valentin 
Grossenheider,  Julius 
Haeusgen,  Fred. 


Privates. 

Handge,  Gustav 
Hartman,  Julius 
Hechler,  Hy. 
Heitmeyer,  Hy. 
Hemmer,  August 
Hennicke,  Henry 
Herrman,  John 
Hertle,  Daniel 
Hiob,  Henry 
Hoefele,  Charles 
Hofer,  Charles 
Jauch,  Lorenz 
Klee,  William 
Kollmeyer,  J.  T. 
Krantz,  Michael 
Krebs,  Hugo 
Krug,  Louis 
Lagemann,  Henry 
Lendy,  Francis 
Lueg,  Henry 
Martini,  August 
Martini,  Charles 
Menne,  Alois 
Merkel,  Ferdinand 
Meyer,  Fred. 
Moehl,  Charles 
Moeller,  Charles 
Mueller,  August 
Mueller,  Christian 
Mueller,  Herman 
Nasse,  August 
Neff,  Alexander 


Oebicke,  William 
Raaf,  George 
Ravenberg,  Michael 
Rechtglaub,  Herman 
Rinne,  Eime 
Ritschy,  Frederick 
Rose,  Charles 
Schiffer,  George 
Schmedel,  Hieronimus 
Schmidt,  Franz 
Schroth,  Peter  A. 
Schuhman,   August 
Schumacher,  Casimir 
Schwaneck,  John 
Schweickhardt,  Bern. 
Schweecke,  Frederick 
Sinner,  George 
Sommer,  Herman 
Spannagel,  Gustav 
Specht,  Henry 
Steck,  Charles 
Steinhaus,  August 
Sutter,  John 
Teuteberg,  Charles 
Theobald,  George 
Vallat,  Ernst 
Verman,  Alex.  J. 
Werkman,  Geo.  C. 
Wezler,  Charles 
Wilken,  William 
Wolf,  Theodore 


Third  Regiment,  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Mo.  Vol. 


445 


COMPANY  D. 


Merritt  W.  Griswold,  Captain 
Wm.  M.  Wherry,  1st  Lieutenant 
Charles  P.  Johnson,  2d  Lieutenant 
Henry  T.  Kroh,  Sergeant 
John  M.  Wherry,  Sergeant 
Joel  Abbott,  Sergeant 


Louis  Miller,  Sergeant 
Calvin  Reed,  Sergeant 
Summ  Haywood,  Corporal 
Henry  Holmes,  Corporal 
Chas.  Steubenaugh,  Corporal 
George  Hessie,  Corporal 


John  Liebig,  Musician 


Abbott,  James 
Ashton,  James 
Bacon,  Oliver  N. 
Beckerman,  Henry 
Bornefeld,  Ch.  B. 
Brindle,  James  L. 
Bright,  Hy.,  Jr. 
Bronson,  Edw.  J. 
Buchanan,  R.  W. 
Burnsides,  James 
Bywater,  John  C. 
Castillo,  Charles 
Congers,  Geo.  P. 
Cuddy,  Wm. 
Ebers,  Louis  B. 
Ellis,  Jas.  R.  W. 
Flaescher,  Bernard 
Flint,  Aggrippa 
Ford,  Alvin 
Grimm,  Henry 
Hanke,  John  F. 


Privates. 

Hannay,  Annal  M. 
Heil,  Jacob 
Hill,  Wm. 
Hilton,  Hy.  A. 
Hollibaugh,  Geo.  W. 
Hunter,  Samuel 
Huss,  Herman 
Jeffs,  Wm.  S. 
Kiebler,  Dan'l.  C. 
Kirker,  John 
Kroeger,  August 
Liebig,  Henry 
Long,  Phillip 
McPherson,  Benj. 
Meyer,  Joseph~ 
Miller,  Joseph  McK. 
Moehl,  Charles 
Moffit,  Hy.  C. 
O'Kelly,  D.  J. 
Otis,  Edw.  R. 
Parsons,  J.  R. 


Pearce,  Daniel  B. 
Peck,  Berwell 
Pool,  Wm. 
Ralston,  John  C. 
Reiley,  Jos.  D. 
Robbins,  Henry 
Robertson,  James  M. 
Ruckel,  Wm. 
Scannel,  Wm. 
Schwartz,  Conrad 
Scott,  John  T. 
Seidell,  Louis  E. 
Smith,  John  C. 
Staeger,  Ernst 
Sterburt,  David 
Van  Bramm,  David 
Van  Bramm,  Francis 
Velde,  Fred. 
Wilson,  W.  H. 
Wirt,  David  B. 


446 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  E. 


Win.  A.  Hequembourg,  Captain 

Felix  Coste,  1st  Lieutenant 

Carl  Rudolph  Fritsch,  2d  Lieutenant 

Win.  Roever,  1st  Sergeant 

Wm.  Heinrichshofen,  Sergeant 

Gustav   Bolms,   Sergeant 


Alvin  Schenker,  Corporal 
John  G.  Burkhard,  Corporal 
Adolphus  Busch,  Corporal 
Geo.  W.  Blood,  Corporal 
John  Ganter,  Musician 
Robert  Lange,  Musician 


Achilles,  Victor 
Berg,  Wm. 
Biggers,  Chas.  A. 
Bittinger,  Nicolas 
Bland,  Richard  D. 
Brann,  Valentin 
Brenner,  Ferd. 
Brocey,  Conrad 
Brocy,  Henry 
Burg,  Louis 
Burg,  Phillip 
Chaman,  Hy. 
Chawshaw,  Edw. 
Coolidge,  John  A. 
Dobyns,  D.  P. 
Doerner,   August 
Eidemann,  John 
Elbrecht,  Hy. 
Engelhardt,  Wm. 
Erhardt,  Valentine 
Ewald,  Moritz 
Follbert,  Jos.  L. 
Forseil,  Neil 
Frank,  Chas.  H. 
Goetting,  Christian 
Harding,  Sam.  W. 


Privates. 

Hart,  Charles 
Herwitz,  August 
Huber,  Michael 
Jennings,  David  H. 
Judd,  Wm.  H. 
Koehl,  Christian 
Krause,  Henry 
Krupple,  Herman 
Leisse,  G.  Augustus 
Louis,  John 
Lowry,  Henry  M. 
Massar,  Walter 
Mussler,  Joseph 
Newman,  Chas. 
Ortt,  John 
Paul,  John 
Pfau,  Theo. 
Reichart,  Chas. 
Remmler,  Chat>. 
Richter,  Henr> 
Richter,  Theo. 
Rodgers,  W.  H. 
Roessler,  August 
Sailer,  Christian 
Scheeper,  Julius 


Schlange,  Clemens 
Schmidt,  Charles 
Schwartz,  Francis 
Scott,  John  C. 
Schackelford,  Jno.  E. 
Sigle,  Andrew 
Snyder,  Joseph 
Spincerly,  John  H. 
Sporleder,  Louis 
Stamm,  Hermann 
They,  John 
Thumann,  Francis 
Tiefenbrunn,  Jas. 
Treaselmann,  Wm. 
Unteimer,  Henry 
Vandemale,  Victor 
Vernitor,  Fred. 
Vormehr,  John 
Wellmann,  Henry 
Wellmann,  Herman 
Wells,  Wm.  J. 
Whetmore,  D.  R. 
Wilson,  Thomas 
Zander,   Fred. 
Zuercher,  Jacob 


Tli ii-d  Regiment,  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Mo.  Vol.  447 


COMPANY  F. 


Philip  F.  Weigel,  Captain 
John   C.   Blech,   1st  Lieutenant 
Max  Koerner,  2d  Lieutenant 
Theodore  Plate,  1st  Sergeant 
Rudolph  Wagner,  Sergeant 
Louis  Heide,  Sergeant 


Henry  Lagemann,  Sergeant 
Wm.  Spangenberg,  Sergeant 
Wm.  Dickriede,  Corporal 
John  G.  Meyer,  Corporal 
Wendelein  Straubinger,  Corporal 
Charles  Killing,  Corporal 


Wm.  Nelson,  Musician 


Adam,  Martin 
Baily,  Edw. 
Berner,  Christian 
Borchert,  Fred. 
Boltinger,  Martin 
Casper,  Johannes 
Claus,  Nicolas 
Donnerberg,  Hy. 
Dortsch,  John 
Dunker,  Caspar  H. 
Faust,  Michael 
Felber,  Jacob 
Fischer,  Adam 
Flad,  Henry 
Forthman,  John  H. 
Frey,  Anton 
Gebhardt,  Franz 
Grimminger,  Martin 
Groninger,  Fred. 
Haag,  Paul 
Hahn,  Louis 
Hansen,  Fred. 
Heilwerk,  Jacob 
Hemminger,  Fred 
Hertel,  Geo. 
Hetlmann,  Wm. 
Hinz,  August 
Hohn,  Geo. 
Hutte,  Lone 
Isler,  Christian 
Isler,  John 
Jacoby,  Adolph 


Privates. 

Jacoby,  Meyer 
Kesselring,  Henry 
Kinderman,  Hy. 
Konemann,  Henry 
Koser,  Fred.  W. 
Kramer,  John  Hy. 
Krecht,  Robert 
Kubler,  Jacob 
Kuder,  Henry 
Kufner,  Geo. 
Limpert,  Albert 
Linstroth,  Hy. 
Loeffler,  August 
Loubach,  Hy. 
Lutz,  Daniel 
Lutz,  Geo. 
Mallinkrodt,  Jas.  T. 
Martin,  Albert 
Maerzweiler,  Adolph 
Meyer,  Fred.  C. 
Meyer,  Gebhardt 
Mueller,  Jacob 
Mueller,  Wm. 
Murdeubel,  Ernst 
Olfe,  Henry 
Osterholt,  Anton 
Petig,  Nicholas 
Pilz,  John 
Predicow,  Herman 
Rammelkamp,  R. 
Rocker,  Henry 


Roehn,  Christin 
Rosche,  Nicolas 
Sandwald,  Fred. 
Schapperkotter,  Hy, 
Schneeberger,  John 
Schwecke,  Theo. 
Sebold,  Sebastian 
Sepler,  Michael 
Statz,  John 
Speith,  Franz 
Squeschka,  Chas. 
Stein,  Peter 
Stender,  Wm. 
Strieker,  Anton 
Strim,  August 
Terre,  Gottlieb 
Thoroman,  Joseph 
Tinime,  Herman 
Ulbert,  Phillip 
Ulrich,  Leopold 
Warneke,  Fred. 
Warneke,  Henry 
Warneke,  Jno.  C. 
Weidehaus,  Peter 
Weideman,  Henry 
Werner,  Wendelin 
Wetekamp,  Aug. 
Wild,  Jacob 
Woestendick,  D. 
Wohlfarth,  Nicolaus 
Zimmerer,  Mathias 


448 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  G. 


Geo.  Dominick,  Captain 
Chas.  Moeller,  1st  Lieutenant 
Samuel  P.  Simpson,  2d  Lieutenant 
Augustus  Tille,  1st  Sergeant 
Charles  Hessell,  Sergeant 
Fr.  A.  Hansteiner,  Sergeant 
Fred  Folenius,  Sergeant 


Chas.  Sampe,  Sergeant 
Geo.  Richardt,  Corporal 
Geo.  Saerber,  Corporal 
John  Eichberger,  Corporal 
Conrad  Leonhardt,  Corporal 
Gottlieb  Seller,  Musician 
Martin  Scherer,  Musician 


Ackerman,  Fred. 
Aschmeyer,  Hy. 
Behrends,  John 
Beiter,  John 
Belzer,  Fred. 
Boekemann,  Jno.  W. 
Boeker,  Fred. 
Berne,  George 
Bertsch,  Geo. 
Bohlinger,  Paul 
Borgstedt,  Hy. 
Brey,  Ernst 
Clay,  John 
Coerber,  Henry 
Dado,  Joseph 
Darks,  Fred. 
Darr,  Christian 
Dennins,  Andreas 
Denz,  Clemens 
Dietrich,  Jacob 
Disterhorst,  Fred. 
Duenewald,  Andreas 
Dueringhoff,  Dan'l. 
Ehlert,  Adolph 
Ernst,  John 
Franz,  Henry 
Ganter,  Lorenz 
Gay,  Louis 
Gramm,  Simon 
Grote,  Adam 
Guilmer,  Claude 
Haendel,  Chas. 
Ham,  Fred. 
Heimberger,  Henry 


Privates. 

Helmich,  Hy. 

Helrig,  Fred. 

Hoster,  John 

Huber,  Joseph 

Huentelman,  Theo. 

Jacobi,  Henry  H. 

Jung,  Mathias 

Keller,  Geo. 

Keyerlebebe,  Chas. 

Kowendewer,  Hy. 

Kowendewer,  John 

Krafft,  Fred. 

Kretschmar,  Jos. 

Kull,  Adolphus 

Lenzen,  Henry 

Long,  Adam 

Lorenz,  Henry 
Luhn,  Gustavus 

Mack,  Wm. 

Marcoli,   Francis 
Mattock,  Fred. 
Meckfessel,  Fred 
Mersenheim,  Christ. 
Milliet,  Francis 
Mittenhauser,  Henry 
Muchlaupt,  John 
Munzlinger,  Jno.  M. 
Murlock,  Geo. 
Muschleisen,  Nicolas 
Petri,  Wm. 
Poetner,  Caspar 
Poetner,  Henry 
Popp,  Christian 


Pringel,  Michael 
Rememam,  Christ. 
Rhein,  Peter 
Rohlfing,   Wm. 
Romelin,  Joseph 
Ruediman,  Michael 
Salzgeber,  John  C. 
Schaeffer,   Christ. 
Scherr,  Geo. 
Schermeier,  Francis 
Schewitz,   Charles 
Schlachter,  Chas. 
Schlatteiler,  Michael 
Schlesinger,  Michael 
Schmidt,  Adam 
Schmidt,  Jacob 
Schmidt,  John 
Schorr,  Adam 
Schowing,  Francis 
Seibert,  Augustus 
Seibert,  John  A. 
Seifert,  Ernst  F. 
Steiger,  Louis 
Tanby,  Geo. 
Thiel,  Wm. 
Wack,  Herman 
Wahl,  Francis 
Wehner,  Chas. 
Werner,  Geo. 
Winkler,  August 
Wolff,  Augustus 
Wolz,  Charles 
Ziegler,  Wm. 


Third  Regiment,  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Mo.   ['<//. 


449 


COMPANY  H. 


Henry  Lischer,  Captain 
Theodore  Kalb,  1st  Lieutenant 
Adolph  Knipper,   2d  Lieutenant 
Wm.   Herz,    1st   Sergeant 
John  Mueller,  Sergeant 
Christ  Santer,  Sergeant 
Louis  Haenisch,  Sergeant 


Andreas  Raub,  Corporal 
Edmund  Giebel,  Corporal 
Bob  Gebhard,  Corporal 
Phillip  Goetz,  Corporal 
John  B.  Pfeffer,  Corporal 
Wm.  Schister,  Corporal 
Phil  Koeppling,  Musician 


Win.  Herz,  Musician 


Aerchlumann,  Fred. 
Alles,  Gottfried 
Argast,  Sebastian 
Backer,  Henry  F. 
Baer,  Jacob 
Barth,  Jacob 
Beele,  August 
Benner,  Caspar 
Bennert,  Henry 
Berker,    Hy. 
Boutzer,  Hermann 
Brening,  Andreas 
Brinkman,  Henry 
Carl,  Jacob 
Croisant,  Fred 
Derenbecker,  Charles 
Diehl,  Daniel 
Dilart,  Frank 
Dutz,  Fred 
Ehrlich,  Hermann 
Eisebraun,  Jacob 
Felber,  Jacob 
Fette,  August 
Foerster,  Fred. 
Gansmeier,  Paul 
Gauss,  Thomas 
Gerber,  Francis 
Gerfinger,  Michael 
Gordon,  Louis 
Goss,  Jacob 


Privates. 

Greder,  Louis 
Grohmanu,  Fred. 
Gruffer,  Charles 
Guerdan,  Francis 
Hartmann,  Wm. 
Herter,  Felix 
Hoffmann,  Adolph 
Hoher,  Joseph 
Hunicke,   Herman 
Kautz.  Joseph 
Kessler,  August 
Knoblauch,  Chas. 
Krauthoff,  Louis 
Kummer,    Phillip 
Leonhardt,  Christ 
Lerdeh,  Wm. 
Lery,  Abraham 
Maer,  August 
Maritetzel,  Wm. 
Martin,  Gottlieb 
Mauer,  Lorenz 
Mehl,  Peter 
Meier,  Henry 
Meier,  Wm. 
Meine,  August 
Miller,  John  M. 
Mueller,  Gustav  F. 
Pander,  Charles 
Pliess,  Jacob 


Roederer,  Phillip 
Rosenthal,  Fred.  W. 
Rossenbach,  John 
Rotty,  Simon 
Ruder,  Chas. 
Rueger,  John 
Sanbery,  Theodor 
Schaaf,  Henry 
Scheip,  Fred 
Schenk,  John 
Schmisser,  Geo. 
Schnell,  John 
Schwarz,  Fred. 
Seckingen,  Mathias 
Seibel,  Charles 
Seibel,  Conrad 
Stein,  John 
Steitz,  William 
Suiter,  Gottfried 
Ulrici,  Bernhardt 
Vogel,  August 
Vogel,  Peter 
Waldschmidt,  Hy. 
Walter,  Jacob 
Welzer,  John 
Werner,  Cuno 
Wettslies,  Caspar 
Wolter,  Louis 
Zumbehi.  Henry 


450 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1801. 


COMPANY  I. 


Robert  Hundhausen,  Captain 
Louis  Duestrow,  1st  Lieutenant 
J.  Conrad  Meyer,  2d  Lieutenant 
Paul  Bush,  1st  Sergeant 
Charles  Bosse,   Sergeant 
Hy.  Gildehaus,  Sergeant 
Wm.  Borgelt,  Sergeant 


Herman  Kahman,  Corporal 
Herman  Schepman,  Corporal 
Louis  Koop,   Corporal 
John  Brauer,  Corporal 
Charles  Koop,  Corporal 
Daniel  Schwenk,  Musician 
Chas.  Brachers,  Musician 


Acker,   Pnillip 
Ahrens,   Chas.  I. 
Ahrens,  Chas.  II. 
Bischop,  Phil.  Hy. 
Boehme,  Hy. 
Bruenn,  John 
Crebs,  Hermann 
Denner,  Paul 
Feustel,  Julius 
Fink,  Jurger 
Flohr,  William 
Floyd,  John 
Frank,  John  A. 
Freimuth,    Fred. 
Fuchs,  Fred. 
Griffhorn,  Peter 
Groesche,    Fred 
Groene,  Louis 
Hagedorn,  John 
Hallbaum,  Chas. 
Heitz,   Charles 
Helmholz,  Henry 
Hesselmeyer,    Herman 
Immer,   Charles 
Klingler,   John 
Kreinheeler,  Henry 


Privates. 

Krug,    Max 
Kuchenbuch,  M. 
Kunz,  Henry 
Kunz,  Joseph 
Landenberger  Peter 
Lindhorst,  Henry 
Margrander,  Adam 
Massman,  Charles 
Meisbach,  Henry 
Meisinger,  Phillip 
Mueller,  Louis 
Pahlman,  Christ. 
Pfeffer,  Charles 
Quartman,  Joseph 
Ribben,   Mathias 
Rickborn,  Theo. 
Ringhoff,  Wm. 
Rolfes,  Henry 
Ruesing,  Fred. 
Ruesing,  John 
Ruf,  Chas. 
Saner,  Wm. 
Schemper,  Jacob 
Schleier,  Adam 
Schmieding,    Fred. 
Schmidt,  Charles 


Schmidt,  Henry 
Schnur,  Otto 
Spahn,  John 
Spaulding,  E.  Paul 
Steinmesch,   John 
Still,   Werner 
Strich,  Peter 
Sutor,  Henry 
Tamm,  Theodor 
Temme",  George 
Tiemann,   Fred. 
Tiemann,  Hy. 
Tiester,  Martin 
Veslage,  G.  Henry     . 
Von  Ahnen,  Nicolas 
Waechter,  Fred. 
Walz,   Jacob 
Weichner,  Henry 
Weider,  Henry 
Wesselrnan,  Bernard 
Wiche,  Max 
Wilhelm,  Fred. 
Witte,  John  F. 
Wulf,  Ernst 
Wulfing,  Fred 


Third  Regiment,  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Mo.  Vol. 


451 


COMPANY  K. 


George  A.   Rowley,   Captain 
Edward  J.  Clark,  1st  Lieutenant 
George  E.  Leighton,  2d  Lieutenant 
Joseph  P.  Taylor,  1st  Sergeant 
James  E.  Clark,  Sergeant 
Lucien  Eaton,   Sergeant 


Jacobs  S.  Wiliams,  Sergeant 
Wm.  Zukoski,  Sergeant 
Wm.  H.  Hayden,  Corporal 
Truman  W.  Post,  Corporal 
Jesmore  H.  Bacon,  Corporal 
John  McGinn,  Corporal 


Max  Volkmann,  Musician 


Armuth,   Jos.   G. 
Arthur,  Wm. 
Ashton,  James 
Beaman,   Geo.   W. 
Behr,  Peter 
Besber,  Hy.  E. 
Biden,  Ed.  S. 
Bigelow,  Geo.  H. 
Brielle,   John   P. 
Buchanan,  Alex.  J. 
Burgh,    Thomas 
Cleveland,  Hy. 
Cohen,  Chas.  M. 
Cohen,  R.  A. 
Cook,  Alfred  H. 
Cottan,  John 
Cottan,  Richard 
Cowdary,  John  W. 
Crane,  Arba  N. 
Crook,  John  B. 
Deimling,  F.  C. 
Delut,  William 
Evans,  John  B. 
Finan,  Thomas 
Fisher,  Calvin  G. 
Fisk,  William 
Fitscher,  Jos.  B. 
Freeman,  Elisha  P. 
Graham,  John 


Privates. 

Greene,  Edw.  R. 
Hargate,  Joseph 
Hase,  Josepn 
Hart,  Henry 
Harting,  Wm. 
Hartwell,  Alfred  S. 
Hayden,  Charles 
Hearsum,  Fred.  H. 
Heath,  Wm.  H. 
Hickey,  James  M. 
Holmes,  Henry 
Holmes,  Jno.  H. 
Hosier,   Jacob 
Howe,  James  F. 
Howland,  Chas.  H. 
Hull,  Win. 
Jacobson,  Augustus 
Jeffs,  Reuben 
Jeffs,  Wm.  S. 
Kehr,  Edward  C. 
Kendall,  Robert  T. 
Knight,  Wm.  K. 
Kushke,  Robert 
Luthmann,  Christ. 
McBride,  Theo. 
McDonough,  Alfred  J. 
McGunn,  James  E. 
Mathews,  Thomas 
Menche,  Ernst 


Miller,  Joseph 
.Mills,  James 
Mosly,  Benjamin 
Nagel,  August 
Parr,   John  A. 
Patrick,  Wm.  K. 
Reed,  David 
Rice,  Edward 
Richards,  John  L. 
Rickford,  William 
Robbins,  Henry 
Rogers,  John 
Sanders,  John 
Scotter,  John 
Smith,  John  C. 
Spencer,  Robert  C. 
Spies,  Fred. 
Stone,  Chas.  H. 
Stone,  Theo.  L. 
Tomlinson,  Alois 
Tucker,  Geo.  W. 
Turner,  Timothy  D. 
Uder,  Henry 
Weichman,  Fred. 
..  Whitmore,  Hy.  R. 
Whitney,  Chas. 
Woods,  John  L. 
Young,  John  W. 


FOURTH  REGIMENT,  UNITED  STATES  RESERVE 
CORPS,  MISSOURI  VOLUNTEERS, 

mustered  May  8,  under  President  Lincoln's  Order  of  April  30,  with 
eleven  Companies,  chiefly  from  the  immediate  neighborhood  of 
Franklin  avenue,  by  electing  B.  Gratz  Brown  Colonel  and  establish- 
ing an  Armory  and  Headquarters  at  Uhrig's  Cave,  southwest  corner 
of  Washington  and  Jefferson  avenues.  On  May  10  it  held  the  north- 
eastern approaches  of  town  to  Camp  Jackson.  In  June  and  July  it 
secured  the  route,  via  Rolla,  to  the  Southwest,  where  transports  had 
to  provision  the  Army  over  120  miles  of  wagon  road.  The  Regiment 
met  Sigel  on  his  retreat  from  Carthage  to  Springfield  at  Mount  Ver- 
non.  Of  the.  11  Companies  of  the  Regiment,  one  was  composed 
almost  entirely  of  Americans,  and  one  of  Frenchmen ;  of  the  entire 
body  75  per  cent  were  Germans. 

Mustered  out  at  the  expiration  of  service  in  August,  six  Companies 
reorganized  for  the  Reserve  Service  in  September,  under  Lieutenant 
Colonel  John  H.  Herder,  but  were  already,  in  January,  1862,  consol- 
idated with  the  Eighteenth  Missouri  Volunteers. 

The  Regiment  mustered  for  the  Three  Months'  Service  1,014  men. 

FIELD  AND  STAFF. 

B.   Gratz  Brown,  Colonel  Wm.  H.  Koch,  Assistant  Surgeon 

Rudolph  Wesseling,  Lt.  Colonel  E.  M.  Joel,  Quartermaster  Sergeant 

Samuel  B.  Shaw,  Major  Edward  Schultz,  Commissary  Sergeant 

George  Kaufbold,  Adjutant  Fred  A.  M.  Maschmeyer,  Sergeant 
John  C.  Vogel,  Quartermaster  Major 

Jacques  Ravold,   Surgeon  John    Schnell,    Musician 
Wm.  F.  Diedrich,  Musician 


452 


Fourth  Regiment,  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Mo.  Vol.  453 


COMPANY  A. 


Charles  E.  Adams,  Captain 
Geo.  Kaufbold,  1st  Lieutenant 
Geo.  Calvert,  2d  Lieutenant 
Frederick  Doering,  1st  Sergeant 
Paul   Rohr,   Sergeant 


E.  B.  Beyer,  Sergeant 
James  Getty,   Sergeant 
Thomas  Wilk,  Corporal 
John  J.  Sutter,  Corporal 
Samuel  H.  Titus,  Corporal 


Conrad  Andreas,  Corporal 


Albertis,  Charles 
Andre,  Geo.   H. 
Bachman,  Win.  L. 
Becker,  Phillip 
Bohe,  Adam 
Bohlman,  August 
Bohlman,    Charles 
Born,  George 
Bope,    Richard 
Borkelsberger,   Herman 
Breltomen,    Stephen 
Brissick,   Henry 
Christman,    Bernard 
Dailey,  John 
Deutelmoser,  Adolph 
Dugan,  Charles 
Ebett,  Joseph 
Eckstein,  George 
Ewig,  Conrad 
Fennerbach,  Jos. 
Fischer,  Frederick 
Fischer,  Henry 
Floreich,   Philip 
Fury,  Michael 
Galvin,  Alexander 
Gartland,  Thomas 
Gelhard,  George 
Gerdelman,  Rudolph 
Gerhardt,  Wm. 


Privates. 

Gerkin,  Clement 
Guth,  Louis 
Halson,  Oliver 
Hartwig,  Gustav 
Hasse,  Wm. 
Hermann,  John 
Herming,  Lorenz 
Herzog,  Edward 
Hoffmann,  Frederick 
Ichtertz,  John 
Jurgen,  Philip 
Kane,  Alexander 
Kinmean,  Robert 
Kritzinger,  Herman 
Krulich,  David 
Kyler,  'George 
Lang,  Peter 
Liepkin,  Louis 
I  udwig,  Conrad 
McArten,  Daniel 
Manheim,  Joel 
Mannewall,  Charles 
Mare,  John 
Merk,  Pius 
Morton,  John 
Morton,  John  J. 
Nink,  Andre 
Norteman,  Louis 


Norton,  Kennedy 
Offenstein,  Adam  M. 
Palmer,  Charles 
Peter,  Phillip  C. 
Plitte,  Gustav 
Ramer,  William 
Reichsteiger,  Henry 
Reihn,  Zepherino 
Renns,  Samuel  J. 
Rick,  Louis 
Riley,  William 
Rumler,  Adam 
Rumler,  Peter 
Runs,  Joseph  B. 
Sauer,  John 
Schaeffer,  Joseph 
Scharp,  Joseph 
Schenk,  Henry 
Schuetz,  Charles 
Schuetz,  Christian 
Serigel,  Wm. 
Smithaus,  John 
Steininger,  John  G. 
Thompson, 
Tower,  Joel  K. 
Voges,  Henry 
Zell,  George 
Ziel,  Wm. 


451 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  B. 


Alex.  G.  Hequembourg,  Captain 
Louis  Schnell,  1st  Lieutenant 
Charles  Schnell,  2d  Lieutenant 
Charles  A.  Meyer,  1st  Sergeant 
Robert   Oliver,   Sergeant 
Wm.  H.  Souerby,  Sergeant 


H.  Scharringhausen,  Sergeant 
Wm.  Drezer,  Sergeant 
August  Overbeck,  Corporal 
Henry  Beckmeier,  Corporal 
Nicolas  Meyer,  Corporal 
Chas.  Osburg,  Corporal 


Privates. 


Ackermann,  John 
Appelbaum,  John 
Balmer,   Charles 
Bauer,  Godfried 
Barding,  Robert 
Begelsacher,  August 
Bergmann,  Herman 
Blanke,  August 
Boiling,  Rudolph 
Brecker,  Frederick 
Bredemeyer,  Chas. 
Brockrick,  Frederick 
Buecher,  Frederick 
Bunnemann,  Charles 
Christen,  Frank 
Christensen,   Christian 
Crawshaw,  Joseph 
Drescher,  Wm. 
Dressier,  Henry 
Dressier,  Wm. 
Egbert,  Charles 
Engler,  Charles 
Fischer,  Andreas 
Geistlich,  Caspar 
Gorden,  Henry 
Gusselman,  Wm. 
Hayesdorf,  Charles 
Hazmack,  Jacob 
Heifers,  Henry 
Hermann,  Edward 
Hermann,  George 


Herr,  } 
Jones,  Reiser  H. 
Kimbermann,  Edw. 
Kleingrus,  Theodor 
Koch,  John 
Kossick,   Wm. 
Kramer,  John 
Kruegar,  Christian 
Kruegar,  Edward 
Langhorst,  Henry 
Lasar,  Hy.  S. 
Lum,  Joseph 
Maguire,  Peter 
Maritz,  Frederick 
Mathieu,  Joseph 
Meise,   John   F. 
Mezer,  Albert 
Mullenfield,  Wm. 
Nenedeck,  Charles 
Oberle,  Conrad 
Osburne,  Moses 
Ottring,  John 
Pfeil,  Jacob 
Reahing,  Charles 
Reck,  George 
Rein,  John 
Reit,  Mathias 
Renner,  Joseph 
Reopen,  Bernhardt 
Rezan,   Michael 
Riecht,  George 


Rumph,  Henry 
Sagerhorn,  Diedrich 
Schaeffer,  Charles 
Schall,  Joseph 
Schatt,  John 
Schmarz,  Ferdinand 
Schmirot,   Godfried 
Schwarz,    Charles 
Schwer,  Wm. 
Sickman,  Henry 
Sieling,   Hermann 
Siglinger,  John 
Siler,  Phillip 
Spechs,  Henry 
Spengler,  John 
Steinkamp,  Wm. 
Steppelwirth,  John 
Stolte,  Henry 
Storch,  John 
Strauberg,  Henry 
Stuckman,   Charles 
Thiekmeyer,   Christ. 
Tunnelle,  John 
Turk,  Bernhardt 
Vanbrock,  Hermann 
Voelker,  Frederick 
Wagman,  Henry 
Welte,  Jacob 
Wilhelm,  Andreas 
Wilson,  Edwin 


Fourth  Regiment,  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Mo.  Vol. 


455 


COMPANY  C. 


John  F.  W.  Gehner,  Captain 
Julius  W.  Koch,  1st  Lieutenant 
Louis  Reicholz,  2d  Lieutenant 
Adolph  Graser,  1st  Sergeant 
Louis  Friedburg,  Sergeant 
August  Zimmer,  Sergeant 


Rudolph  Schmieding,  Sergeant 
Theodore  Wippern,  Corporal 
Henry   Sutemeyer,   Corporal 
Geo.  Trorlicht,  Corporal 
Fred  Schmidt,  Jr.,  Corporal 
Wm.  G.  Diederich,  Musician 


Henry  Foelsing,  Musician 


Ande,  D.  C. 
Arnold,  Chas. 
Earth,  G.  Wm. 
Bauman,   Christof 
Beechtuft,  Alexander 
Bechtufft,  Fred.  W. 
Bieg,  Valentine 
Bird,  Louis 
Bornecker,  Joseph  L. 
Bosh,  Emil 
Brand,    Wm. 
Bresch,  Charles 
Erode,  August 
Bruening,  August 
Budke,  Conrad 
Bull,  John 
Christman,  Julius 
Diedrichs,  Henry 
Druiding,  Henry 
Bunker,  Henry 
Emminghausen,  Theo. 
Fischer,  Herman 
Fleck,  John 
Fresel,  Herman  H. 
Gehner,  John  F.  W.,  Jr. 
Geiss,  Christ. 
Gersel,  Siegfried 
Griesedick,  Frank 
Hahn,  Alexander 


Privates. 

Hapstedt,  John 
Hemm,  Peter 
Hempinger,  Chas. 
Henzing,  Hy. 
Hellmer,  Henry 
Holthaus 
Kellmann,  Otto 
Klaus,  Rudolph 
Klein,  Frederick 
Kniederscheck,  Thomas 
Kortkamp,  Edward 
Maestens,  Herman  G. 
Mathias,  Adolph 
Mauch,  Henry 
Medlar,  Martin 
Merkel,  Ernst 
Meyer,  Fred.  W. 
Meyer,  Henry 
Millenghausen,  Aug. 
Mueller,  Tonger  W. 
Niehaus,  Frank  H. 
Osburg,  Louis 
Persbacher,  Fritz 
Pfeifer,  Theodore 
Peiper,  Leop. 
Roerig,   Fritz 
Rosemann,  Fritz 
Sanders,  Wm. 


Sandewein,   Martin 
Schlag,   Bernhard 
Schlicht,  August 
Schmidt,  Fred. 
Schmidt,  Julius 
Seckler,  John 
Sefert,  Henry 
Sorgenfrey,  Henry 
Stecker,  Joseph 
Steidemann,  Martin 
Steinbrugge,  Conrad 
Steinwender,  Gustav 
Steinwender,  Hermann 
Stoehr,  Louis 
Suhre,  Fred  W. 
Tebbe,  John  H. 
Timken,  Henry 
Trauernicht,   Fred.  C. 
Trorlicht,    Bernard 
Uffman,  Aug.  E. 
Valendy,  Aug. 
Valkened,  John 
Wagner,   Henry 
Wenzel,  Adam 
Wielandy,  John 
Wilcke,  Henry 
Witte,  Fritz  A. 
Woermer,  Louis  W. 


456 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  18<>l . 


COMPANY  D. 


Louis  Schneider,  Captain 
Christopher  Winkle,  1st  Lieutenant 
John  A.  Bremsler,  2d  Lieutenant 
John  Hilmer,  1st  Sergeant 
Gerhart  H.   Stockhoff,   Sergeant 
Robert  Fenstel,  Sergeant 


Phillip  Heick,   Sergeant 
Charles  F.  Schultze,  Corporal 
Fridolin  Neef,  Corporal 
Henry  Kellmer,  Corporal 
Peter  Theis,  Corporal 
John  Treck,  Musician 


Aug.  Essner,  Musician 


Ahlert,  Henry 
Ahrens,  Chas. 
Armbruster,  Jas. 
Beckerle,  Mathew 
Beneke,  Herman 
Bertsch,  Augustus 
Binder,  Henry 
Brueggemann,  Aug. 
Budde,  Herman 
Bushman,  Henry 
Cordes,  Gottiried 
Dickhoener,  Wm.  H. 
Doerr,  Fred. 
Dorn,  Andrew 
Erbe,  Phillip 
Frogge,  Fred. 
Frohard,  H.  C. 
Fiene,  William 
Fishel,  Fred 
Fisher,  Ernst 
Fuene,  Henry 
Germer,  Fred 
Gipperich,  James 
Goldstein,  Robert 
Graefe,  Michael 
Gutman,  Martin 


Privates. 

Hanrath,  Henry  G. 
Hartman,   David 
Hauck,  Julius 
Hild,  James 
Hirsch,   Fred. 
Hock,  Joseph 
Hussman,  Francis,  Sr. 
Hussman,  Francis,  Jr. 
Joachim,  Jacob 
Kemp,  Michael  A. 
Klages,  Gustav  C.  W. 
Kober,   George 
Koenig,  John 
Lahman,  Fred. 
Leyh,  George  H. 
Meier,  Herman  H. 
Montague,  Victor 
Mueller,  Jacob 
Muessler,    Rudolph 
Neimann,    Christopher 
Oberwenter,   Phillip 
Paskilowitz,  Stanislaus 
Past,  Frederick 
Perter,   Chas. 
Peters,  Henry 
Poelting,  Wm. 


Rail,  Christopher 
Raller,  Fred 
Ranch,  George 
Reidel,   Valentine 
Rothgang,   Gottfried 
Rueppel,   Charles 
Saegel,   Louis 
Schale,  John  G. 
Scharnhorst,  Fred 
Schlosser,  James 
Schuchard,  Godfried 
Schumacher,  Hy. 
Seifried,  Jacob 
Siever,  Wm. 
Struebe,  Louis 
Thoene,  Henry 
Troll,  Henry 
Uhlhomm,   Hy.   F. 
Waldman,  Valentine 
Wedig,  Henry 
Wehrman,  Fred 
Wendschil,   George 
Wiesehahn,  Wm.  G. 
Wolff,  Henry  Fred. 
Ziefle,    John 


The 


CIIH*I    in  >7.  Louis  in  1861. 


457 


COMPANY  E. 


Charles  Zirnmer,  Captain 
John  Schenkel,  1st  Lieutenant 
H.  Obermueller,  2d  Lieutenant 
Gustav  Gest,   1st  Sergeant 
Gerhard  Schneider,  Sergeant 
Jacob  Greenewald,  Sergeant 

Chas.  J. 


William  Kelhoff,   Sergeant 
Jacob  Greenewald,  Jr.,  Corporal 
Frederick   Hirsch,    Corporal 
John  Beeknemann,  Corporal 
Fred  Busing,  Corporal 
Louis  Mockel,  Musician 
Rithes,  Musician 


Archenbacker,  Wm. 
Ackermann,  Emanuel 
Baxsold,    Max 
Beekemann,  Fred 
Beekeniann, 
Brand,  Johann 
Brinkman,  Fred 
Brocke,   Henry 
Buhler,  Arnold 
Conzelmann,  John 
Claus,  George 
Dang,  Adam 
Danz,  Joseph 
Droge,    Hermann 
Eiken,  Fred 
Emsichler,    August 
Fideldey,  George 
Fischer,  Casper 
Fischer,  Charles 
Green,  Henry 
Gildehaus,  Henry 
Haag,  William 
Haase,   Fred 
Hacke,  Louis 
Hassebaum,  Fred 
Hasselmann,  Charles 
Henmann,  Herman 
Hensick,  Adam 
Hermann,  Gerhardt 


Privates. 

Hillmann,  Wm. 
Hillsick,  August 
Hirsch,  George 
Hummert,   Hy. 
Jaeger,  Michael 
Joos,  William 
Kessler,  John 
Kicker,  Fred 
Kindermann,   Hermann 
King,   Anton 
Kinke,   John 
Klaus,  Henry 
Kloren,  Fred 
Kramer,  William 
Kreckel,  L,ouis 
Krein,  Francis 
Kriegman,  Rudolph 
Lang,  Joseph 
Lang,  Josepn 
Leimkuehler,  Francis 
Leimkuehler,   Hy. 
Leyler,  George 
Lohman,  Chas. 
Lorsch,  John 
Luffler,  Gebhard 
Mahs,  Peter 
Manken,  John  B. 
Meier,  John 
Meyer,  Henry 


Meyer,  Louis 
Meyer,  Simon 
Moenminges, 
Mueller,  Christian 
Obermueller,  Fred 
Opimus,  Henry 
Papse,  John 
Ratt,  Bernhard 
Rase,  Bernhard 
Rookenbach,  Michael 
Schabe,  Henry 
Schilling,  Fritz 
Schlottman,  Hy. 
Schmidt,  John 
Schmuck,  Ferdinand 
Schneider,  George 
Schott,  George 
Sieber,  Fred 
Spilken,  William 
Stamm,  Balthazar 
Timmermann,  Christ. 
Valliand,  John 
Wasmuth,  Fred. 
Weldemeyer,  Henry 
Wicke,  John 
Wiecke,   William 
Woener,  George 
Woener,  William 


458 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  F. 

Peter  Helle,  Captain  Jacob  Jung,  Sergeant 

Valentine  Merzweiler,  1st  Lieutenant  Nicolas  King,  Corporal 

Charles  F.  Knoll,  2d  Lieutenant  Henry  Hahnmueller,  Corporal 

Louis  Voss,  1st  Sergeant  John  Jung,  Corporal 

George  J.  Weigel,  Sergeant  Carl  Dellerman,  Corporal 

Gustav   Benrig,   Sergeant  John  Schnell,  Musician 
Charles  Schellinger,  Musician 


Albrant,   Steppant 
Beehrdt,  Frank 
Bertenstein,  Louis 
Berwlg,  Geo.  P. 
Broechel,  August 
Christman,   Andreas 
Glaus,  Nicolas 
Demkes,   Lamert 
Dettmann,  Gustave 
Diel,  Christian 
Diel,  John 
Doerr,   George 
Esmus,   Nicolas 
Feuerbach,  John 
Fegbiel,  Henry 
Gillmer,  John 
Glass,    John 
Guede,  Henry 
Hacker,  John 
Hartmann,  Frank 
Hellenbach,  John 
Hess,  Nicolas 
Home,   Joseph 
Kannell,   Peter 


Privates. 

Keth,   Jacob 
Klein,   Louis 
Klemm,    Fred    W. 
Koch,  Charles 
Kraft,  Adolph 
Kuhn,  John 
Meyer,   Peter 
Mueller,  Martin 
Nicolas,  Joseph 
Ohme,  William 
Peters,  Christian 
Portmann,  August 
Raacke,   Ferdinand 
Rachel,  Frederick 
Reelig,  John 
Reinert,  John 
Reinstaedler,  John 
Reitz,  Lorenz 
Ries,  Fritz 
Rolfing,  Fred.  W. 
Ruebel,  Michael 
Ruedemeyer,  Christ. 
Ruloff,  Mathias 
Samner,  Ferdinand 


Satt,  John 
Schaeffer,  Louis 
Scheman,  Herman 
Schmoll,  George 
Scholer,  John 
Schubert,  George 
Schumber,  Peter 
Schwagul,  Jacob 
Sopp,  Andrew 
Steinhoff,  August 
Sumpf,  Frederick 
Triebel,  Henry 
Tuenberg,  Fred 
Voelker,  John 
Weitzel, 
Waltz,  Conrad 
Weltler,  Wm. 
Wessling,  George 
Wiegand,  William 
Wilcke,  Jacob 
Wilde,  Julius 
Witte,  Henry 
Wolfmeyer,  Gerhard 


Fourth  Regiment,  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Mo.  Vol. 


459 


COMPANY  G. 


John  H.  Diecher,  Captain 
Casper  Kopp,  1st  Lieutenant 
Montague  S.  Hasse,  2d  Lieutenant 
F.  W.  Gieselmann,  1st  Sergeant 
Caspar  Ratio,  Sergeant 


Albert  Buescher,  Sergeant 
Charles  Soecker,  Corporal 
Henry  Wolfmeyer,  Corporal 
Henry  Eppmeier,  Corporal 
Christoph  Peters,  Corporal 


Casper  Woerheide,  Musician 


Beckman,  Ed. 
Berbmann,  Aug. 
Bloebaum,  Aug. 
Boese,  Reinhard 
Bohmenkamp,   Gottlieb 
Bohmer,  Charles 
Bokamper,  Fred 
Brockman,  Fred 
Brund,  Henry 
Brunsman,  Ernst 
Budde,  Henry 
Docke,  Charles 
Doepke,  Ernst 
Doepke,  Henry 
Drane,  Henry 
Eggert,  Henry 
Engelmann,  Herman 
Evers,  William 
Evert,  William 
Feuerborn,  Wm. 
Fleischman,  Chas. 
Gehring,  Wm. 
Gruen,  Charles 
Hafmeister,  Chas. 
Hagemeyer,  William 
Hannebaum,  Franz 
Harland,  George 
Hassemeyer,  Adam 
Hatte,  Frederick 


Privates. 

Heid,  Jacob 
Heidbreder,  Fred 
Heidemann,  Henry 
Helmkamp,  Henry 
Hesse,  George 
Hinnenthal,  Henry 
Hinricks,  Frank 
Kaup,  Fred 
Keisker,  Ernst 
Kenning,  Francis 
Klusman,  Ernst 
Knichmeyer,  August 
Knichmeyer,  Charles 
Koenigkraemer,  Henry 
Konnemann,  Henry 
Koke,  Wiliam 
Kraemer,  Charles 
Krumwiele,  Frea 
Kunsemueller,  Fritz 
Lanmann,  Fred 
Linnemeyer,  Rudolph 
Lochmeller,  Fritz 
Luecking,  Fred 
Meyer,  Fred 
Meyer, 

Mueller,  Wm.  H. 
Municke,  Henry 
Nagel,  John 
Xolte,  Christian 


Nordbrock,  John 
Placke,  August 
Plattner,  John 
Puls,  Chas. 
Ralf,  Gottlieb 
Rane,  Christian 
Reinecke,  John 
Rippe,  Charles 
Ritter,  August 
Rodermund,  Henry 
Ruemler,  Christ 
Rummler,  Alexander 
Schneeck,  Hermann 
Schorfheide,  Hermann 
Schubert,  Chas. 
Siekmann,  Wm. 
Stahl,  Joseph 
Upmann,  Chas. 
Vogel,  Christian 
Waldecker,  Christian 
Werz,  Henry 
Westhold,  Henry 
Wetterau,  John 
Wilke,  Frank 
Wilke,  T  William 
Wilken,  Aug. 
Woerheide,  Henry 
Wolfmeyer,  Wiliam 


460 


The  Union  Cause  in  >'/. 


/'//   1861. 


COMPANY  H. 


William  Heyl,  Captain 
Bernhard  Loeblein,  1st  Lieutenant 
John  M.  Render,  2d  Lieutenant 
George  H.  Frank,  1st  Sergeant 
Samuel  Smith,  Sergeant 


Alexander   Schnurr,   Sergeant 
Henry  Meinhardt,  Corporal 
Christian  Wildesen,  Corporal 
Prank  Bohrm,  Corporal 
George  Koecheig,  Corporal 


Apprederis,  Emil 
Bechter,  Casimir 
Beims,  Frederick 
Berger,  Charles 
Beymohr,  John 
Buehler,  William 
Dansch,  Frank 
Dhiemann,  Casper 
Duckstine,  Henry 
Duel,  Henry 
Erdschlag,  Henry 
Frank,  Henry 
Gaubatz,  Fritz 
Grafe,  Herman 
Held,  Henry 
Henge,  Henry 
Herold,  Charles 
Heyd,  Henry 
Huseman,  Herman 
Ihrach,  Frederick 


Privates. 

Kaiser,  Henry 
Kerzinger,  Francis 
Klein,  Sebastian 
Kleinhaus,  Leonhard 
Koehler,  Louis 
Koehnemann,  Fred 
Kollman,  Henry 
Lambert,  Henry 
Lentewith,  Wm. 
Meier,  John  B. 
Menninger,  Chas. 
Mowton,  Louis 
Newkamp,  Edward 
Obernear,  Wm. 
Ockel,  August 
Pabst,  Wm. 
Pale,  Frank 
Reibel,  George 
Reinecke,  Hermann 
Ryder,  James 


Sander,  Jacob 
Schaeffer,  Wm. 
Schilling,  John 
Schrader,  August 
Schrader,  George 
Storbeck,   Chas. 
Strich,  Henry 
Striecher,  Leo 
Trost,  Christoph 
Varnhold,  Fritz 
Vierheller,  Adam 
Volz,  Christian 
Vossick,  Henry 
Walter,  Geo. 
Warters,  Peter 
Woisel,   Frank 
Wischmeier,  Charles 
Wolfers,    Bernhard 


Fourth  Regiment,  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Mo.  Vol. 


461 


COMPANY  I. 


Wm.  C.  Jones,  Captain 

John  H.  Stephens,  1st  Lieutenant 

John  H.  Hohlman,  2d  Lieutenant 

N.  Everett  Horton,  1st  Sergeant 

Isaac   Balmer,   Sergeant 

W.  H.  Stephens,  Sergeant 


James  C.  Jones,   Sergeant 
Geo.  W.  Ellonhead,  Corporal 
Harvey  S.  Page,  Corporal 
John  Mehagan,  Corporal 
James  W.  Pickup,  Corporal 
Wm.  Mathews,  Musician 


James  Mather,  Musician 


Anderson,  George 
Atkinson,  James 
Bassett,  Alfred 
Bird,   Geo.    M. 
Bowman,  Chas.  H. 
Bruce,  Elias  V.  B. 
Burroughs,  John 
Butts,   Win.    A. 
Cahor,  John 
Cannon,  Chas.  P. 
Cheney,  Cyrus  P. 
Compton,  Geo. 
Constable,  Nathaniel 
Crouch,  Geo.  W. 
Crowell,  Benj.  F. 
Delaplain,  Wm.  P. 
Delviny,  John 
Erhardt,    Frederick 
Estel,  Martin 
Fahn,   Hermann 
Ferrest,  Peter 
Feuerborn,  John   H. 
Flynn,   Thomas 
Froecke,  Joseph  C. 
Gissiker,  Fred 
Gleason,  Geo.  F. 
Goode,  W.  I. 
Goss,  John 
Hamilton,    Thomas 
Hartman,  John 


Privates. 

Harvey,  Benjamin 
Hendry,    Edward 
Hendry,  Elihu  E. 
Hendry,  Wm.  J. 
Herman,  Charles 
Himstedt,   Conrad 
Hosicke,  Manuel  M. 
Houston,  Charles 
Hubbel,   Monroe 
Jasper,  John 
Johnson,  Robert  B. 
Kaeshofer,  John 
Kayser,  Cornelius 
Kayser,  Peter  D. 
Kennedy,  Thomas 
Ketraus,  Thomas 
Kilpatrick,  Wm. 
Klegis,  Henry 
Kleine,    Leonard 
Kurz,  Ferdinand 
Kurz,   Henry 
Laurence,  Edward 
Lonergan,    Wm. 
Loyd,   Samuel   W. 
McClusky,  Hy. 
McDonald,   Austin 
McKinley,   Thomas 
McLain,  George 
McManus,   John 
McMillan,  Wm. 


Macke,  Phillip 
Malone,  Edward 
Malone,   Luke 
Marling,  Jacob 
Meinke,   John 
O'Brien,    Patrick 
Pheley,  Isaac 
Pierce,  Wm.  W. 
Roach,  Dan  D. 
Rourke,  Wm. 
Schneider,  Adam 
Schneider,   Peter 
Seymour,  Geo.  W. 
Smith,  Thomas 
Sommers,  Lymon  C. 
Stoddard,  David  W. 
Sweeney,  Martin  R. 
Sweeney,  Wm.  H. 
Talbot,  Jorel  Z. 
Trafton,  Lysander  B. 
Ubrich,  Christian 
Van  Deizer,  Albert  S. 
WTebster,  Joseph  H. 
Wilson,  Samuel  O. 
Wingert,  Joseph  E. 
Whitton,  James 
Wood,  Horatio  D. 
Young,   John 


462 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  K. 


Charles  Osburg,  Captain 
Julius  Glade,  1st  Lieutenant 
Henry  Kleeman,  Lieutenant 
Edward  Schulz,  Lieutenant 
John  D.  Torlina,  1st  Sergeant 
Henry  Schaepperkotter,  Sergeant 


Henry  Brandes,   Sergeant 
John  Wolf,  Sergeant 
Wm.  Noark,  Corporal 
Fred  Kayser,   Corporal 
Fred  Farhold,  Corporal 
Charles  Mueller,  Corporal 


Albermeyer,  Fred 
Ande,  Charles 
Bargstedt,  John  H. 
Behrman,  Martin 
Bendorf,  Hy. 
Blancke,  Hy. 
Bleeckbaum,   Chas. 
Bovemmermann,  Hy. 
Brinckman,   Christ 
Brockman,    John 
Buchartring,   Louis 
Burgdorf,   Christian 
Deckert,  Adam 
Deickles,   Fred 
Demme,  Adam 
Dolde,  John 
Ehlmann,  Dietrich 
Eskmeyer,  Henry 
Funck,  Ernst 
Giesecke,   Chas. 
Hausschild,   Chas. 
Heber,  Francis 
Heber,  Henry 
Heisner,  Fred  B. 
Henning,  Francis 


Privates. 

Hunger,  Hermann 
Imgrund,  Herman 
Kethe,  Henry 
Klett,   Gottlieb 
Kluls,  August 
Koch,  Henry 
Koring,  Wm. 
Kortes,   Nicolas 
Kramer,    Henry 
Krohne,   Fred 
Kumpt,  Peter 
Lammering,  Rud. 
Mail,   Frederick 
Melczer,  Julius 
Merten,  Henry 
Mette,  Aug. 
Meyer,  Henry 
Meyer,  Henry  H. 
Meyer,  John  J. 
Mueller,  Herman  H. 
Nast,   Frederick 
Neff,  John 
Neuberth,  Charles 
Niehoff,  Casper 
Nolte,  Jos.  B. 


Ochtebeck,  Daniel 
Reis,  George 
Reublinger,  Dowie 
Richards,   Charles 
Schmutter,  Henry 
Schnute,  Ernst  L. 
Schorteke,   Henry 
Schultz,  August 
Schwartz,   George 
Sohrkamp,  Christian 
Specht,  Michael 
Steetner,  Peter 
Steinraef,  John 
Steinrauch,    Balsar 
Steinrauch,   Louis 
Strassheim,  Jacob 
Voss,  Fred 
Weideler,   Henry 
Weitkamp,  Fred 
Weiman,  Henry 
Weitz,  Stephen 
Wlchaude,  John 
Wietz,  Caspar 
Wittenkamp,   Jacob 
Wortmann,  Henry 


Fourth  Regiment,  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Mo.  Vol. 


463 


COMPANY  L. 


Louis  Loos,   Captain 
Christian  Heilweck,  1st  Lieutenant 
Charles  Guerine,  2d  Lieutenant 
Roland  Hirsenbach,  1st  Sergeant 
Hermann  Moos,  Sergeant 


John  Wetzstein,  Sergeant 
Louis  Gellett,  Sergeant 
Emil  Bohn,  Corporal 
Charles    Messner,    Corporal 
George  Sauerbei,  Corporal 


Wm.  Belzer,  Corporal 


Banez,  Geo. 
Barbet,  Pierce 
Belschens,  Adam 
Bird,  Wm. 
Blaise,   Gaspard 
Bremer,  Andreas 
Burla,  Pierce 
Caspar,   Nicolas 
Castellon,  Louis 
Cigrand,  Peter 
Clades,  Jules 
Coffe,  Vincent 
Degois,    Nicolas 
Duerch,  Pierce 
Duhammel,   Jean 
Fagins,  Alexander 
Favervian,  Pierre 
Fetle,  Joshua 
Finoh,  Jean 
Foehr,  Johann 
Gelzer,  Johann 


Privates. 

Guillard,   Antoine 
Hook,  Andrew 
Isele,  Thomas 
Kales,  Josepa 
Kreemuth,   Louis 
Kroff,  George 
Kuehre,  Ernst 
Lautstruth,   Wm. 
Lavah,  Jean 
Lecontour,   Hypolite 
Lehoag,  Michael 
Leopold,  Nicolas 
Loble,  August 
Loiseau,  Joseph 
Loiseau,   Marcel 
Luft,  Henry 
Mathias,  Ferdinand 
Meier,   Wendelin 
Mercudier,   Benjamin 
Merringney,  Francis 
Mesnier,  Charles 


Meswand,  Francis 
Meyer,  Louis 
Muschling,   Joachim 
Paste,  Antoine 
Perria,  Jean 
Picard,  Victor 
Poireh,  Alexis 
Ramband,  Louis 
Revoire,   Francis 
Reynard,  Charles 
Reynard,   Paul 
Rertry,  August 
Rock,  George 
Rossbach,  Charles 
Sainton,  Felix 
Salariner,  Noel 
Sauree,  Arsine 
Souping,   Mathieu 
Spach,  Polasius 
Vogt,  Theo. 
Wich,  Paul 


FIFTH  REGIMENT,  UNITED  STATES  RESERVE 
CORPS,  MISSOURI  VOLUNTEERS, 

organized  under  President  Lincoln's  Order  of  April  30,  for  home 
service,  the  men  living  chiefly  in  the  old  Tenth  Ward  of  St.  Louis, 
which  included  the  northwestern  part  of  the  city ;  they  elected  Chas. 
G.  Stifel  Colonel  and  established  their  Armory  and  Headquarters  at 
his  brewery  on  Eighteenth  and  Howard  streets.  The  Regiment 
mustered  into  service  May  11  and  on  returning  from  the  Arsenal 
was  attacked  by  a  mob  on  corner  of  Walnut  and  Broadway;  shots 
were  exchanged  and  a  number  of  men  lost  their  lives.  In  June  three 
Companies  went  to  Jefferson  City  to  guard  the  Penitentiary  and  to 
escort  provisions  to  Lyon's  Army  at  Boonville,  from  where  the  whole 
Regiment  took  up  a  steamboat  scouting  service  up  the  Missouri 
River;  it  helped  to  fortify  Lexington,  organized  Home  Guard  Com- 
panies for  its  defense,  secured  arms  from  Fort  Leavenworth  and 
routed  Secession  bands  along  the  river.  Returning  to  St.  Louis,  the 
Regiment  was  mustered  out  at  the  end  of  August ;  seven  Companies 
of  it  reorganized  for  home  service  in  September,  under  Lieutenant 
Colonel  John  Jacob  Fischer,  were  consolidated  with  other  troops, 
retaining  the  privileges  of  the  Reserve  Service ;  of  the  original  Regi- 
ment 83  per  cent  were  Germans,  14  per  cent  Americans.  The  Three- 
Months'  Regiment  mustered  1,130  men. 

FIELD  AND  STAFF. 

Charles  G.  Stifel,  Colonel  Rudolph  Doehn,  Chaplain 

Robert  White,   Lt.   Colonel  Caspar  Bachner,  Leader  of  Band 

John  J.  Fisher,  Major  Basilius  Ruthard,  Leader  of  Band 

John  K.  Cummings,  Adjutant  John  Kupferle,  Sergeant  Major 

John  B.  Mears,  Quartermaster  James    K.    Hall,    Quartermaster    Ser- 

Adalbert  Gemmer,  Surgeon  geant 

Wm.  Drechsler,  Assistant  Surgeon 

William   Leffmann,  Commissary     Sergeant 


464 


Fifth  Regiment,  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Mo.  Vol.  465 


COMPANY  A. 

Ernst  W.  Steinmann,  Captain  \Vm.  Obenneyer,  Sergeant 

Henry  Wilke   (Wilks),  1st  Lieutenant  Charles  Salamon,  Sergeant 


Otto  Grassmer,  2d  Lieutenant 
Frederick  Siefker,  1st  Sergeant 
John  Holland,  Sergeant 
George  Koch,  Sergeant 
George  Rubelmann,  Sergeant 


Friederich  Kemper,  Corporal 
Valentine   Koenig,   Corporal 
Ernst  Eschmann,  Corporal 
William  Kirby,   Musician 
William  Weinbieth,  Musician 


John  Ackermann,  Artificer 


Alexander,  Jacob 
Aller,  Christian 
Baumann,   Wm. 
Beckmann,   August 
Bergmann,  Wm. 
Binenger,    Henry 
Boeschen,    Herman 
Bohn,  August 
Brocke,  Charles 
Brocke,  Edward 
Broer,  Conrad 
Broemmelsich,   Fred 
Conrades,  Jacob 
Cramer,   Adam 
Denper,  John  A. 
Deppe,   Henry 
Dewein,   George 
Dickmann,   Frederick 
Dillong,  Cornelius 
Donnerberg,    Frederick 
Frahlmann.  Henry 
Frohrmann,  Hy. 
Gauger,  Jacob 
Gespuhl,   Andreas 
Gestring,    Charles 
Greiner,  Moritz 
Grieser,  Xavier 
Hahn,  William 
Heidemann,  Hermann 
Hemen,  Henry 
Hensted,   Conrad 
Hensel,   August 
Hoevel,   Henry 
Hoffmann,  David 


Privates. 

Hospes,    Richard 
Kasten,  Charles 
Kertzel,  Win. 
Kinkmeyer,   Hy. 
Kleeman,  Charles 
Klokenbrink,  Ernst 
Krauss,  Charles 
Kupferle,  John 
Kurfinke,  Wm. 
Ladenberger,  Charles 
Leidner,  Phillip 
Lindhorst,  Henry 
Lucking,  Henry 
Marx,  Frederick 
Mathias,  Wm. 
Alertz,  David 
Meyer,   Bernard 
Meyer,  Charles 
Meyer,  Charles  N. 
Meyer,  William 
Michael,  August 
Michael,   Frederick 
Milgest,  Ernst 
Millage,  Christoph 
Miller,    Charles 
Moeller,   John   F. 
Mudler,  Schwethart 
Mueller,  John 
Neiber,   Frederick 
Pars,   Frederick 
Peter,  Christian 
Plenger,  Adolph  H. 
Plenger,  Wm. 
Poos,  Wm. 


Protzmann,  Wm. 
Rehkamp,  Henry 
Remmelkamp,    Rudolph 
Ringeling,    Charles 
Roehl,  Fred.  W. 
Ruhland,  Wm. 
Schade,    Gottfried 
Schaeffer,  Henry 
Scheele,  Gottlieb 
Schenkfeir,  Louis 
Schlingmann,   Fred 
Schlingmann,  Henry  I. 
Schlingmann,  Henry  II. 
Schlueter,   Charles 
Schmidt,    August 
Schwoepper,  William 
Seeklouberg,   Moritz 
Seidler,  Fred  R. 
Sessinghaus,  Gustav 
Sessinghaus,   Theodore 
Sessinghaus,  William 
Seupberg,  Justus 
Sommerfruechte,  D. 
Steinbruege,  Fred 
Stiffen,  Dietrich 
Stockhaus,  Wm. 
Sulz,   John 
Uhlmeyer,  Wm. 
Vornberg,  George 
Wagner,  John 
Wagner,  Louis 
Wehmeyer,  Henry 
Weiser,  Henry 
Wise,  Christian 


30 


466 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  B. 


Julius  Krusch,  Captain 
George  Dietrich,  1st  Lieutenant 
Fred   Forthman,   2d  Lieutenant 
Hartman  Moeller,  1st  Sergeant 
Henry  Mulfemeier,  Sergeant 
Fred  Baumhoefer,  Sergeant 


Francis  Boeding,  Sergeant 
William  Witthoeft,  Corporal 
John  Lieberau,  Corporal 
Wm.  Thorever,  Corporal 
Christian  Schoenhardt,  Corporal 
Peter  Verhorst,  Musician 


Bernhardt,  Walter,  Musician 


Althorn,  William 
Altmeier,  Herman 
Bartels,    Fred 
Bellerson,  Henry 
Beste,  Gottlieb 
Bockstiegel,   John 
Borgenkamp,  Hy. 
Brandt,  William 
Buckruman,  William 
Buetner,   Henry 
Cordes,  Louis 
Crallman,  Casper 
Culman,  Henry 
Eneke,  Bernhard 
Fleer,   Caspar 
Fueser,  Phillip 
Gerding,    Fred 
Gerspacker,  Mazoe  M. 
Gethardt,  Robert 
Hackman,  Fred 
Hackman,  Henry 
Harding,  Wm. 
Hassebrock,   George 
Hayemann,  Wm. 
Helmkamp,  Wm. 
Henger,  Wm. 
Herdeman,  Henry 
Herdeman,   Herman 
Heuerman,  Henry 
Heuerman,  Wm. 
Heyde,   Herman 
Hoberg,    Fred 
Hoffman,   Andrew 


Privates. 

Kamp,  Fred 
Kassing,  Herman 
Klein,  Christian 
Klingmeier,  Hy. 
Klute,  Rudolph 
Kombrink,  Wm. 
Kralemann,  Wm. 
Kronsbein,  Jacob 
Lange,  Henry 
Latthalm,  Fred 
Liepold,  Wm. 
Lindhorst,   Wm. 
Luderwink,  Rudolph 
Mehrnert,  Hy. 
Meier,   Albert 
Meier,  Ernst 
Meier,  Fred  I. 
Meier,  Fred  II. 
Mertz,  Fred 
Mester,  Fred 
Muckermann,   Hy. 
Niemueller,  Fred 
Papenbrock,   Fred 
Paser,  Wm. 
Passe,   Christian 
Pilgrimm,  Hy. 
Pohlmann,  Caspar 
Rabeneck,   Christ. 
Rake,  Fred 

Rauschenbach,    Christ. 
Roedicker,  Wm. 
Rose,  Henry 
Sandrock,  Gustav 


Schleef,  Hy. 
Schloemermann,  Her. 
Schlueter,  Hy. 
Schlute,  Francis 
Schlueter,  Louis 
Schneider,  Andrew 
Schnellbacher,    Phillip 
Schuepzles,  Herman 
Schwendt,   Joseph 
Soeker,  Bernhardt 
Stochner,  Fred 
Stodeck,   Charles 
Strothman,  Hy. 
Sudhoelter,  Henry 
Thein,  Henry 
Tieman,  Fred 
Tiepel,  Francis 
Tilker,  Zacharias 
Tilling,  Charles 
Van  Steenwygh,  Wm. 
Vogel,  Fred 
Vogelsang,   Henry 
Vogt,  Casper 
Volmer,  Henry 
Vostler,  Michael 
Wellmeier,  John 
Wenz,  John 
Westerheide,   August 
Wetzel,  Conrad 
Whiltcock,  Wm. 
Witthus,  Fred 
Wuekoff,   Adolph 
Zurninhem,  Henry 


Fifth  Regiment,  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Mo.  Vol. 


467 


COMPANY  C. 

Augustus  Thorwald,  Captain  Louis  Brinker,   Sergeant 

Hermann  Schuh,  1st  Lieutenant  Henry  Wiese,  Corporal 

Frank  Lohmann,  1st  Lieutenant  Frederick  Bergman,  Corporal 

Bernhard  Weingaertner,  2d  Lieutenant.Clemence  Schwarzkopf,  Corporal 
Gustavus  Pons,  1st  Sergeant  Peter  Eisenstrauth,  Corporal 

Frederick  Wedel,  Sergeant  Phillip  Koch,  Musician 

John  Helms,  Sergeant  Gustav  Fiedler,  Musician 

Edward  Gotsch,  Musician 


Acmis,  Frederich 
Barkhoefer,  Fred 
Baumann,  Jacob 
Bellmann,  Henry 
Block,  Frederick 
Bollogh,  Hy. 
Boy,  Ludwig 
Bruggemann,   Adolph 
Bucher,  Francis 
Deiken,  Herman 
Dreher,  Charles 
Dunken,    Frederick 
Fangmann,   Dietrich 
Fisher,  Hoppert 
Flasskemper,  Louis 
Frentel,  Henry 
Fromhold,  August 
Gartner,  William 
Gesloff,  William 
Gimicke,  Christian 
Grauber,  Ernest 
Hamepeter,  Fred 
Harsh,   Frank 
Hartmann,  Michel 
Hause,  John 
Henning,  Heinrich 
Hermann,  Fred 
Hermann,  Mathias 
Kallenhaus,  Wm. 
Kirsch,  Frederick 
Kobold,  Frederick 
Koenig,    Jacob 


Privates. 

Kolman,  Peter 
Kraushaar,  Adam 
Krieger,  Frederick 
Krooflenberg,   Dietrich 
Kuhne,  Henry 
Lambrecht,  Anton 
Laueberg,   August 
Laubrecht,  Francis 
Leopold,  Mathias 
Lippelmanns,  John 
Maisch,  Joseph 
May,   Frederick 
Mayer,  Henry 
Mebus,    Charles 
Meinhold,  Frederick 
Middendorf,  Henry 
Miller,   Henry 
Moepps,  Johann 
Morgraff,  Francis 
Mueller,  Bernhard 
Nagel,  Henry 
Neff,  Frangall 
Neupert,  Adam 
Noise,  Henry 
Pleaker,  Louis 
Ruff,  Andreas 
Ruttratter,  Wm. 
Salmon,  Gustav 
Salmon,  Hermann 
Sandherr,   Henry 
Sass,  Augustus 
Schaeffer,  Henry 


Scherrick,   Hy. 
Scherry,  Christian 
Schlewing,  Gottlieb 
Schmid,  Johann 
Schmidt,  August 
Schrieck,  Julius 
Sigmund,   Louis 
Spilker,  Peter 
Stein,  Johann 
Stobur,    Baptist 
Stolle,  Henry 
Striseckel,  William 
Strubel,  Anton 
Thins,  August 
Vass,  Henry 
Vette,  Wm. 
Vogt,  Joseph 
Weidmann,  Henry 
Weingartner,   Bernhard 
Weischaum,  Wm. 
Welp,  Henry 
Werth,  Anton 
Wessel,  Henry 
Wesselkamp,  Joseph 
Windhorst,  Henry 
Windhorst,  Wm. 
Windmeyer,    Frederick 
Winkelmeyer, 
Winkelmeyer,   Henry 
Winter,  Gottlieb 
Winter,  Wm. 
Wittbrodt,  Peter 


468 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1.861. 


COMPANY  D. 


Robert  C.  White,  Captain 
Wm  S.  Herd,  Captain 
Joseph  Tallman,  1st  Lieutenant 
Wm.  S.  Robinson,  2d  Lieutenant 
Richard  Branch,  2d  Lieutenant 
James  E.  Love,  1st  Sergeant 
Edward  M.  Taylor,  Sergeant 
Augustus    W.    Grote,    Sergeant 


William  H.  Ruthoelp,  Sergeant 
John  K.  Cummings,  Sergeant 
Sam   K.   Hall,   Sergeant 
John  Cook,  Corporal 
Michael  Doyle,  Corporal 
John  N.  Rollins,  Corporal 
Augustus  Keyte,  Corporal 
Howard  S.  Harbough,  Musician 


Charles  Pittman,  Musician 


Astor,  William 
Baillie,  James 
Baillie,  John  C. 
Banta,   Albert 
Bocke,  Augustus 
Boerning,  Gerhard 
Boerning,  Michael 
Brazzelton,  Isaac 
Brown,    Richard 
Burnett,  Elisha 
Bussa,  Ignatz 
Carlan,  Hugh 
Carroll,  John 
Cohen,  Robert  P. 
Conroy,  John  H. 
Cousland,  Geo. 
Cross,   Andrew 
Dixon,  Hy. 
Dreese,  Henry 
Druse,  Theodor 
Dunnavant,  James  R. 
Dutro,  Ezekiel  L. 
Eastwood,   Thomas 
Emmich,  Jacob 
Fagg,  Patrick 
Fenlenson,  Perry  W. 
Flint,  Charles 
Flynn,   Daniel 
Friedmayer.,  August 
Friedmayer,    Christian 
Galliner,   James 
Gibson,   Thomas 
Gilbert,  Abraham 
Glantz,  Valentine 
Gloor,  Godfrey 


Privates. 

Gon,  Manon 
Gordon,  Jackson 
Gould,  Samuel 
Graham,  Nic.  H. 
Green,  John 
Groessling,  Charles 
Groessling,  William 
Gulmore,  Nicolas 
Hagamon,  Merrit  H. 
Hagamon,   Wm. 
Hamill,   Charles 
Harte,   Charles 
Helm,  Peter 
Hight,  William 
Howard,  James  M. 
Huetson,  Frederick 
Jennings,  William  H. 
Jones,  Joseph 
Kepferle,  Christian 
Kobolt,  Charles 
Lewis,  John 
Loudough,   Louis 
Lyon,  Edward  F. 
Marschmeyer,  Geo. 
Martin,  Geo. 
Meane,  John  B. 
Meyers,  Benedict 
Milton,  John 
Morgan,  Charles 
Morton,  William 
North,  William 
Obernier,   Frederick 
Oestermann,  Joseph 
Outes,  Henry 
Passegote,  John 


Patterson,  James  M. 
Price,   George 
Reed,  Louis  Van 
Reederer   George 
Reinhardt,  Godfrey 
Revoir,    Mitchel 
Reynolds,  James  W. 
Ruhr,    Frank 
Schellhammer,  Charles 
Schewe,  Ernst 
Schmidt,  Martin 
Schreiner,  Randolph 
Sipple,  Conrad 
Smith,  Jonathan 
Smith,  Samuel  W. 
Southmayd,  Andrew  J. 
Spillman,  Thomas  H. 
Sterritt,  Robt.  J. 
Stohl,  John 
Sudholter,  Henry 
Sweeney,  James 
Taylor,  John 
Tukett,   Charles 
Voss,  John 
Wallace,  W.  G.- 
Wellmeyer,   Francis 
White,  Charles 
White,  John 
White,  Wiliam 
Wiegan,  Casper 
Williams,  Frank 
Wintling,  Jacob 
Wirt,  Geo.  L.  C. 
Zorofeter,  Hermann 


Fifth  Regiment,  L\  S.  Rescn-t    CM/-/M-.  M».    ]'<>[. 


469 


COMPANY  E. 


Frederick  Wedekind,  Captain 
John  Gutberlet,  1st  Lieutenant 
Frederick  Earth,  2d  Lieutenant 
John  Calomus,  1st  Sergeant 
Daniel  Eilers,  Sergeant 
Herman  Woerheide,  Sergeant 


Caspar  Rolf,  Sergeant 
Joseph  Bucher,  Corporal 
Louis  Gumner,  Corporal 
Henry  Stohlberg,  Corporal 
August    Dodt,    Corporal 
Ernst  Lueker,  Musician 


Gustave  Wedekind,  Musician 


Abelmann,  Henry 
Ahlert,  Herman 
Ahrens,  Andreas 
Asteroth,  Herman 
Bakerfen,  Hy. 
Barthelheimer,  Aug. 
Behmer,  Christian 
Behmer,  Henry 
Beinker,  Wm. 
Bieber,  Henry 
Blase,  Frederick 
Bode,  Henry 
Brommelsick,  Fred 
Buchka,  John 
Budde,  Fred 
Conrad,  Xavier 
Dettmar,  Adolph 
Diehle,  Charles 
Eggert;  Frank 
Elgelkerk,  Christian 
Ellerbrock,  William 
Engel,  Martin 
Fischer,  Louis 
Fishback,  Fred 
Frank,  Conrad 
Fredecker,  Hy. 
Gartner,  Gottfried 
Gartner,  Herman 
Gent,  Christian 
Goerlick,  Alfred 
Goldstein,  Henry 
Gormann,  Frederick 
Hagemeyer,  Hy. 
Hagemeyer,  Wm. 


Privates. 

Hagenach,  Claus  R. 
Hansche,  Ernst 
Hassmann,  Ernst 
Heinzemann,   Sebastian 
Hesse,  Zacharias 
Hilge,  William 
Hoppe,  Hy. 
Horsthalte,  Hermann 
Horstmann,  Hy. 
Hubersmann,    Benedict 
Karsten,  Ernst 
Klein,  Frederick 
Kochbeck,   Christopher 
Kochler,  John 
Koehler,  John 
Kohring,  Charles 
Kohring,  John 
Kollensletter,    Theodor 
Kopp,  Adolph 
Krammer,  Wm. 
Krickeberg,  George 
Kropp,   Conrad 
Loss,  Adam  F. 
Lucke,    Henry 
Lunte,    William 
Maneke,  Henry 
Meyer,  Florenz  W. 
Meyer,  Henry 
Millfiel,  Wm. 
Muenkemann,  Wm. 
Mueller,    Henry 
Naw,  Frederick 
Oeters,  Francis 
Ostgen,  Frederick 


Paust,  Caspar 
Paust,  Henry 
Peters,   Gustavus 
Peters,  Rudolph 
Prussner,   Frederick  I. 
Prussner,  Frederick  II. 
Pulaw,  George 
Pulaw,  Henry 
Reh,  John 
Rief,  John 
Rolf,  Frederick 
Rolf,  Wiliam 
Ross,  John 

Sachleben,  Gerhard  F. 
Saegers,  Henry 
Schneider,  Henry 
Schulenberg,  Hermann 
Schuster,  Bernard 
Sparwasser,  Wm. 
Spoeneman,  William 
Steffen,  Christian 
Steinmann,  Henry 
Strunk,  Henry 
Stuhrmann,  Henry 
Stuhrmann,  Rudolph 
Stutle,  Christian 
Uhm,  Peter 
Uthmann,  Wm. 
Verforth,  Lambert 
Wassermann,  Charles 
Wehmeyer,  August 
Wittier,  Gottlieb 
Wurst,  Peter 


470 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  F. 


John  N.  Herder,  Captain 
Frederick  Kreuter,   1st  Lieutenant 
Frederick  Lubering,  2d  Lieutenant 
Michael  Meyer,  Sergeant 
Anton  Fahrenholz,  Sergeant 
William  Korlan,  Sergeant 


William  Ellersick,  Sergeant 
Charles  Lauber,  Corporal 
Crist  Suckle,  Corporal 
Phillip  Johler,  Corporal 
Edward  Bitterburg,  Corporal 
Hy.  Marske,  Musician 


Arnold    Clemens,    Musician 


Allers,  Anton 
Althoff,  John 
Bachman,    Jacob 
Baitscher,  Wm. 
Barkei,  Henry 
Barlword,   Herman 
Becker,  Theobald 
Beinert,  Frederich 
Bensick,   Frederich 
Bock,  William 
Bockstiegel,  Wm. 
Brehm,  John 
Brinkmeyer,  Hy. 
Brunning,  Christ. 
Busack,  Henry 
Dethoff,  John 
Diddrich,  Adolph 
Drewes,  Henry 
Ebbmeier,  Herman 
Edler,  Anton 
Edler,  John 
Ekerman,  John 
Ellenbrock,  Louis 
Fahrenkoph,  Val. 
Fisher,    Frederick 
Fricke,  Henry 
Gauder,  Frederick 
Giesse,  Franz 
Giesselman,  Herman 
Grieve,  John 
Grundel,  Franz 
Hacke,   Herman 


Privates. 

Hackel,  Charles 
Hagensicker,  Fred 
Hagensicker,   Hy. 
Hahn,  Henry 
Hahn,  Jacob 
Heim,  George 
Heimbrockel,  John 
Hellering,  Hy. 
Hellman,  John 
Herkenhoff,  Wm. 
Hillerich,  Adam 
Hoeppener,  Henry 
Holyhauer,  Phil. 
Homemeier,  Henry 
Hullinghorst,  Henry 
Hullinghorst,  Wm. 
Jansen,  John 
Jasper,  Franz 
Kellerman,  Wm. 
Kerles,  William 
Kleinman,  Herman 
Kneler,  August 
Koppelman,  Henry 
Kork,  Henry 
Kracht,  Emll 
Krallman,  Hy. 
Krallman,  John 
Kramme,  Frederick 
Krassing,  Henry 
Krassing,  John 
Kufner,  John 
Kunner,  Dietrich 


Lambrecht,   Frederick 
Lammers,  Henry 
Levin,  Frederick 
Lieberum,  Henry 
Lieberum,  Wm. 
Lithegen,  Franz 
Lohoefener,  Herman 
Luking,  Henry 
McCormick,  Owen 
Maier,  Herman 
Marske,  Edward 
Maura,   Phillip 
Mentz,  William 
Meyer,  Charles 
Montag,  Jacob 
Morr,  Joseph 
Neupert,  George 
Nieberg,  Henry 
Nieflnd,  Peter 
Niehaus,  Charles 
Niekamp,  William 
Niemeier,  Henry 
Ott,  Frederick 
Paust,  Frederick 
Paust,  Herman 
Pogenmueller,  Chas. 
Reuttinger,  Felix 
Richter,  Henry 
Rohlfing,  John 
Schreiner,  Herman 
Spilker,  Valentine 
Welsh,  Frederick 


Fifth  Regiment,  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Mo.  Vol. 


COMPANY  G. 


Win.  Lor  be,  Captain 
Henry  Bohle,  1st  Lieutenant 
Henry  Mester,  1st  Lieutenant 
Frederich  Pollman,  2d  Lieutenant 
Frank  Knoll,  Sergeant 
William  Bachmer,  Sergeant, 
Frank  Langenberg,  Sergeant 


Frederick  Stiffer,  Sergeant 
Frederick  Kuffendick,  Corporal 
Herman  Sahrhage,  Corporal 
Conrad  Weckeiser,  Corporal 
Hy.  Schollmeyer,  Corporal 
Hy.   Hoyer,   Musician 
Pete   Koch,   Musician 


Althoff,  Wm. 
Assenbrink,  Wm. 
Bergsicker,   Fred 
Berrissheim,  Leopold 
Berthold,  Aug. 
Bier,  Adolph 
Biermann,  Wm. 
Boessling,  Charles 
Bohle,  Henry 
Borgmeyer,  Frederick 
Bosse,  Charles 
Burke,  Henry 
Dietz,  Gottlieb 
Ellerbeck,  August 
Erdterugger,  Henry 
Paste,  William 
Freese,  Henry 
Genge,  Henry 
Gerdelman,  Fred 
Giesecke,  Hy. 
Giesecke,  Louis 
Groebe,  Henry 
Guttering,  Joseph 
Halig,  Henry 
Haning,  August 
Haupt,  Peter 
Heckerman,  Fred 
Heeman,  Albert 
Heintzman,    Christoph 
Herdeur,  John 
Herman,  Frank 
Hoekel,  Frederick 


Privates. 

Hoener,  Frank 
Hoyer,  William 
Johantosettle,  Henry 
Kamp,  Henry 
Kappelman,  Wm. 
Keimann,  Henry 
KJasterhoff,  Wm. 
Kleemeier,  Henry 
Kleemeier,  Wm. 
Koehe,  Frederick 
Koester,  Herman 
Kropp,  Charles 
Kufner,  John   Thomas 
Lanstrath,  Hy. 
Leeker,  Henry 
Lepping,  Ferdinand 
Loescheer,  Adolph 
Maas,  Frederick 
Maser,  Henry 
Meiberth,  Frederick 
Moeller,  Charles 
Moeller,  Wm. 
Niedringhaus,  Christian 
Priesmeier,  Gottlieb 
Puhse,   Christian 
Reber,  Charles 
Redecker,  Frederick 
Reder,  George 
Rellmann,  Henry 
Rieckmann,    Christian 
Riemann,  Frederick 
Schapperkoetter,   Fred 


Schapperkoetter,   Wm. 
Schlingman,  Wm. 
Schluter,  Henry 
Schmidt,  Henry 
Schrader,  Wm. 
Schroeder,   Frederick 
Schultz,  Louis 
Schultz,  Wm. 
Schurman,  Fred 
Schurman,  Henry 
Schurmeier,  Fred 
Schweppe,  Caspar 
Stein,  John 
Steinberg,   John 
Steirman,  John 
Stockmeier,  Wm. 
Stoner,  Frank 
Strube,  Henry 
Strube,  John 
Sturman,  Frederick 
Temme,  Ernst 
Temme,  William 
Tramps,  Charles 
Tubesing,  John 
Vass,  Frank 
Walkenford,  Jacob 
Weber,  Joseph 
Wenle,  William 
Werthman,  Anton 
Wilker,  John 
Witte,  Henry 


472 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  H. 


Charles  F.  Koch,  Captain 
Gustavus  Knoch,  1st  Lieutenant 
John  B.  Strauch,  2d  Lieutenant 
John  B.  Mears,  2d  Lieutenant 
Wm.  Grassmuck,  1st  Sergeant 
Burghard  Krug,  Sergeant 
Wolfgang  Mirr,  Sergeant 
Nicolas  Liernson,  Sergeant 


Bernhard  Kramer,  Sergeant 
Anton  Joachim,  Sergeant 
Louis  Will,  Corporal 
Rudolph  Schoenle,  Corporal 
Hermann  Eiks,  Corporal 
August  Joch,  Corporal 
Andreas  Wachter,  Musician 
Fred  Linsell,  Musician 


Privates. 


Aetchoff,  Henry 
Beckman,  Henry 
Beinker,  L.  John 
Beinker,  H.  W. 
Bobell,  August 
Borghoff,  Edward 
Broeckler,  Bernhard 
Bude,  Henry 
Caspohl,  Fred 
Demper,  Fred 
Dreeman,  Ire  H. 
Ebler,  George 
Evans,  John  P. 
Fink,  Jos.  Anton 
Fischer,  Fred 
Fredeking,  Wm. 
Gauding,  Henry 
Gaussman,  Bernard 
Gloor,  Henry 
Hafer,  William 
Hagelweide,  Chas. 
Hannaman,  Fred 
Hoch,  Henry 
Hoerman,  David 
Holthes,  Fred 
Holste,  Herman 
Hucker,  Ernst 
Hucker,  Henry 
Jache,  John 
Joachim,  Anton 
Keil,  Adam 
Knoke,  Fred 
Knoll,  Conrad 


Koenemann,   Fred 
Koether,    Herman 
Kopetz,  Adam 
Kroener,  Fred 
Kuhs,  Louis 
Lamperseck,   Chas. 
Leabel,  George 
Lohede,  Henry 
Luedeman,  Ferdinand 
Mahr,  John 
Mayer,  Mathias  F. 
Maysack,  Martin 
Menzeroeff,  Fred 
Meyer,   Ferdinand 
Meyer,  Fred  W. 
Meyer,  George 
Meyer,  John  C. 
Mueller,  John 
Mysing,  Fred 
Obermeyer,  Wm. 
Oseak,  Fred 
Otto,  Fred 
Platz,  John 
Plenge,  Dietrich 
Prasse,  John  H. 
Pueskon,  Anton 
Quernheim,  Hy.  Wm. 
Ras,  John 
Richman,  Fred 
Richter,  August 
Schaale,  John  H. 
Schafering,  H.  W. 
Schaper,   Henry 


Schelp,  Fred  Wm. 
Scherman,  August 
Schilling,   Ernst 
Schlef,  Henry 
Schlink,  Henry 
Schutte,  Hy.  W. 
Schwaneker,  August 
Schwartz,  Peter 
Sickman,  Wm. 
Smith,  William 
Soeltau,  Fred 
Stadick,  Henry 
Staudner,  Caspar 
Steinkamp,  WTm. 
Steitz,  Phillip 
Stieneman,  Gerhard 
Stoppelman,  Henry 
Stratman,  Fred 
Stuedlo,  Thomas 
Tellenhorst,    Christian 
Tellenhorst,  John 
Tiemoro,    Herman 
Tirre,  Fred  W. 
Toelke,  Peter 
Tubbesing,   Herman 
Twellman,  John  H. 
Uchman,  Chas. 
Waldecker,  Christ 
Wamekeer,  Clemens 
Winkleman,   Gottlieb 
Winkler,  Hy.  William 
Winkler,  Herman 


Fifth  Regiment,  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps,  Mo.  Vol.  473 


COMPANY  I. 


Charles  Schoenbeck,  Captain 
Charles  Beck,  1st  Lieutenant 
Conrad  Miller,  2d  Lieutenant 
Herman  Strausmeyer,  1st  Sergeant 
John  Heideman,  Sergeant 
Adolph  Wilke,   Sergeant 


John  Kramer,  Sergeant 
J.  H.  Heidman,  Corporal 
Henry  Mohrman,  Corporal 
Peter  Hermminghaus,  Corporal 
Herman  Heideman,  Corporal 
August  Bieland,   Musician 


Herman  Dreiling,  Musician 


Abers,  Jorgh 
Allerdissen,    Gottlieb 
Alsmeyer,  Ferdinand 
Bekes,   Francis 
Bekes,  Philip 
Benedict,  Henry 
Berdenkalter,  Louis 
Bergsicker,  Henry 
Bierman,  Gotlieb 
Brand,  Fred 
Brintits,   Henry 
Damman,  William 
Derling,  William 
Ditmeyer,  Lawrence 
Docktor,  Ernst 
Elgeser,   Edward 
Ernst,  William 
Etzel,  Charles 
Fefferley,  Stephen 
Fischback,  Christ 
Fisher,  Jobst 
Forfel,  William 
Freker,  William 
Gertner,  Henry 
Glitt,  William 
Harnischmacher,   Fred. 
Heideman,  Ferd. 
Heideman,  Wm. 
Heitbreder,  John 
Helmer,  Charles 
Hetlager,  Herman 
Hohnstretter,  Francis 


Privates. 

Hostman,  August 
Hullinghaus,  Henry 
Joesding,  Henry 
Joesger,  Allen 
Kamp,  Reinhard 
Kampherner,  John 
Kinderman,  Charles 
Kinderman,  Wm. 
Kleine,  Fred. 
Kottlander,   Fred 
Kronsbein,  Herman 
Krude,  Fred 
Kruger,  Gottlieb 
Krukberg,  Charles 
Kullerville,  Fred 
Lange,  Herman 
Ludinghaus,  Henry 
Luke,  Henry  F. 
Mauman,  John 
Meinholt,  Henry 
Miller,  Louis 
Misberling,  Chas. 
Portner,  Henry 
Prangs,   Francis 
Regeley,  Wendely 
Keller,  Henry 
Richter,  Henry 
Richter,  Julius 
Rieke,    Wm. 
Rippe,  Charles 
Roemer,  Julius 
Rohn,  Christopher 


Roeppelsey,  Joseph 
Schaeper,  Wm. 
Schaub,  Henry 
Schlef,.Fred. 
Schlef,  Herman 
Schreiber,  Wm. 
Schrepel,  Fred. 
Schroeder,  Henry 
Schulte,  Wm. 
Schultz,  Herman 
Seiber,  August 
Sprick,  Conrad 
Stalle,  Fred.  Johan 
Starch,  Jorgh 
Strattelgahan,  Herman 
Surver,  August 
Telles,  Henry 
Tugal,  Herman 
Ullein,   Lorenz 
Ulrich,  Clemens 
Ulrich,  Henry 
Vogel,  Joseph 
Vohlen,  Fred.  J. 
Vohner,  Henry 
Wehmeyer,  Wm. 
Weisheir,  Jobst 
Werley,  John 
Winter,  Wm. 
Woeler,  Wm. 
Woerman,  Herman 
Wollbring,  Henry 


474 


The  Union  Cause  in  St.  Louis  in  1861. 


COMPANY  K. 


James  B.  Tannehill,  Captain 
Nic.  F.  Wolf,  1st  Lieutenant 
Phillip  H.  Reeger,  2d  Lieutenant 
August  Hiambyky,  1st  Sergeant 
Edward  F.  Wolff,   Sergeant 
Robert  Herman,  Sergeant 


Ernst  Grasshoff,  Sergeant 
Isaac  Russig,  Corporal 
Edward  Curt,  Corporal 
Gustav  Mollenschlader,  Corporal 
William  Neuman,  Corporal 
Wm.  Koenig,  Musician 


Henry  Messegrades,  Musician 


Ackerman,  Geo. 
Ahrens,  Henry  E. 
Aller,  Christian 
Althoff,  William 
Bacherer,  Adam 
Backer,   John 
Barth,  John  F. 
Becker,  Frank 
Bergman,  Herman 
Birkenkamp,   Henry 
Bleich,  John 
Bodefeld,  Frank 
Bodenstedt,   Fred. 
Bonnett,  John 
Bottiger,  Charles 
Brosamle,  John 
Bruer,  John 
Dahlof,  Samuel 
Deitz,  Jacob 
Delkskamp,  Fred. 
Delley,  Christian 
Detring,  Dietrich 
Deuback,  Henry 
Dustman,  Peter 
Ellerbeck,  Fred 
Fehr,  Henry 
Feick,  Henry 
Ficken,  John 
Funke,  Stephen 
Gang,  Sylvester 
Geisicke,  Christian 
Gerike,  Henry 
Goris,  Nic. 
Grote,  Charles 
Grumme,  Wm. 
Hasper,  Charles  L. 


Privates. 

Heidechrist,  Ernst 
Heidenrick,  John 
Henig,  Adam 
Henig,   John 
Hemmeling,  Fred 
Herman,  John 
Hilker,  August 
Hoffman,  George 
Huffet,  Louis 
Hugelheim,  Henry 
Jauch,  Andrew 
Just,  Andrew 
Kaseberg,  John 
Keller,  Jacob 
Kline,  Christian 
Kobush,  Hy.  J. 
Koch,  Ferdinand 
Koenig,    Louis    F. 
Krickmeyer,  Henry 
Kruse,  Conrad 
Kuhn,  Louis 
Kurchhoff,  Herman 
Kusten,  Henry 
Lammermeier,  Herm. 
Lappe,  Conrad 
Lunt,  Frank 
Maas,  Phillip 
Maas,  Wm. 
Maasman,  Fred. 
Neiderhoff,  G. 
Neistrath,  Henry 
Neuman,  Aug. 
Ponte,  Isadore 
Reider,  John 
Rautenstrauch,  Hy. 
Rund,  Michael 


Ryan,  Michael 
Sandhaus,  Charles 
Schmidt,  Charles 
Schmidt,  Fridolin 
Schmoenkamp,  Wm. 
Schneider,  Frank 
Schorr,  John 
Schuller,  George 
Seller,  Otto 
Selb,  Theodore 
Sievers,  Henry 
Smidt,  Frank 
Sommers,  Andrew 
Soreng,  Herman 
Spiring,  John 
Steinman,  Ernst 
Stemler,  Christ 
Stiniger,  Wm.  A. 
Stobbelworth,  Wm. 
Stort,   William 
Stradtman,    Wm. 
Strieker,  Aug. 
Sunber,  Wm. 
Turin,  Louis  A. 
Vogler,  George 
Vogler,  John 
Vogt,  Fritz 
Walter,  Frank 
Werneke,  Henry 
Will,  Christopher 
Withaupt,  Frank  L. 
Wolff,  John 
Zumsteg,  Jacob 
Zumsteg,  John 
Zumsteg,  Leonard 


COMPANY   B,   PACIFIC   BATTALION,   UNITED  STATES 
RESERVE  CORPS. 

Among  the  patriotic  organizations  of  St.  Louis  County,  during  the 
Three-Months'  Union  Service  of  1861,  was 

COMPANY  B,  PACIFIC  BATTALION,  UNITED  STATES 
RESERVE  CORPS, 

formed  at  Allenton,  being  part  of  the  Command  of  Major  Wm.  C. 
Inks  of  Franklin  County.  The  chief  service  of  the  Company  was  to 
guard  the  railroad  bridges  from  June  8th  to  28th  at  Fox  Creek,  and 
after  that  date  at  Glencoe.  The  Company  made  two  larger  scouts  into 
Jefferson  County,  infested  at  the  time  by  the  notorious  bushwhacker 
Sam  Hilderbrandt.  The  first  of  these  scouts,  under  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Holmes,  the  second,  under  Captain  Robert  C.  Allen,  were 
undertaken  to  secure  safety  to  Union  people,  arrest  marauding  bands 
and  seize  contraband  of  war.  The  organization  was  mustered  out  of 
service  by  Colonel  Chester  Harding,  on  September  18th,  1861,  re- 
ceiving a  nominal  pay  of  $10,  not  having  been  regularly  mustered 
into  the  United  States  Service.  Officers  of  the  Company  were : 

Robert  C.  Allen,  Captain  C.  L.  Brown,  Sergeant 

D.  M.  Keler,  1st  Lieutenant  Thomas   Thomas,   Sergeant 

F.   Wengler,   2d   Lieutenant  Theo.  Logger,  Corporal 

J.  T.  Ferguson,  1st  Sergeant  Numon  Wood,  Corporal 

Hiram  Wood,  Sergeant  J.  C.  Cloak,  Corporal 

P.  Murphy,  Sergeant  Wm.  C.  Wengler,  Corporal 

Privates. 

Brown,  Benjamin  Dickets,  John  Sickman,  Rasper 

Brown,  John  Fraze,  Emanuel  Wasson,  John 

Butterbread,  John  Fleming,  John  Wasson,  Robert 

Cloak,  Wm.  K.  Hensley,  Joshua  Wasson,  Thompson 

Clifton,  Thomas  Hepp,  George  Westmann,  Michael 

Cochran,  John  Hinze,  Herman  Will,  David 

Cochran,  Nat.  Hoffman,  John  Williams,  Ben 

DeMire,  John  Lintz,  Arntz  Williams,  John 

Dickens,  Geo.  Mifler,  Augustus  Willis,  Fred 

Dickens,  James  Schoemate,  Wm.  Younger,  John 
Dickens,  Wood 


NOTE. — The  lists  of  the  Artillery  Battalion  and  the  Pioneer  Company  of  the 
Three  Months'  Service  could  not  be  secured  with  the  available  facilities  and 
without  indefinite  delay. 

475 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 

Los  Angeles 
This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  below. 


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